[1] An important and far-reaching change in the political and ethnic constitution of the Iberian peninsula took place in the eighth century of the Christian era. Contemporaries of this change, and most historians writing before the last decade, described it as the conquest of the Christian population of Spain by the forces of Islam. This description is no longer considered entirely accurate; it is now apparent that what seemed to the Christian populations of the North of Spain as a "conquest" may actually have been no more than a shifting of alliances among a population of highly disparate religious and ethnic constituents, and that even the purely Christian elements of this society quite likely collaborated with as much as they resisted the populations who crossed into Spain from North Africa, perhaps more as settlers than conquerors.

Two aspects of the previous understanding of this period remain intact, however: there is no doubt that most of the Iberian peninsula underwent an erratic but increasing process of Islamization from the eighth century through the eleventh, nor that the Christian populations of the North saw this as a usurpation of their rights to the peninsula, and were traumatized by it. It would, however, be inaccurate to imagine a Christian North holding at bay the Muslim hordes of the South. Huge Christian populations remained in the South throughout the period of Muslim rule, and in many so-called Muslim areas the only real sign of non-Christian dominance was the transfer of tax payments from Christian to Muslim lords. Intermarriage among all the elements of the population -- Berber, native Iberian, Hispano-Roman, [2] Visigothic, Arab -- was common, and four centuries after the establishment of Muslim dominion a Muslim writer observed that among the Islamic⁽¹⁾ population of Huesca there was not a single man who could prove purely Arab descent.⁽²⁾

The fact that most southern populations were not wholly -- perhaps not even primarily -- Muslim did not, however, deter the northern kingdoms from nursing rancor and bitterness toward the infidel "invaders." Through the eleventh century, this rancor expressed itself largely in raids, and the boundaries between the Christian and Muslim-ruled areas of Spain fluctuated relatively little: a line drawn from the Catalan coast between Barcelona and Tarragona and running northwest between Pamplona and Tudela, then southwest between Segovia and Toledo, and finally due west to Coimbra on the Atlantic, would delineate the approximate boundaries between the two factions in 1060.

Owing largely to population pressure from the North and the general disintegration of Muslim unity in the South, however, rapid progress was made by Christians in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Two hundred years later, the line described above would be drawn just above Granada, across the very bottom of the Iberian peninsula, [3] and the Christians under the Crown of Aragon had only Castile to their south. The Muslim threat had been removed.

The Muslims themselves, however, had mostly not been removed, and this study is an effort to discover what in fact happened to them. Unlike the shadowy circumstances leading to Muslim hegemony over most of Spain prior to the thirteenth century, the Christian recovery of the Southeast of the peninsula was clearly a military conquest, and the Muslim armies opposing the Christian forces either were vanquished or surrendered. Much of the Muslim population was thus abandoned to the invading Christians, and although some may have fled, the majority, long used to shifts of power and rule, stayed on and bore the dominion of new rulers.

Surprisingly little is known of these people. Contemporaries called them "moros" in Castilian and Aragonese, "sarrahins" in Catalan, "sarraceni" in Chancery Latin.⁽³⁾ Modern historians have tended to call them "Mudéjares," from an Arabic word for "allowed to remain."⁽⁴⁾

In northern areas like Aragon and Catalonia, where the countryside [4] was quickly overrun by the overflow populations of the crowded Christian lands beneath the Pyrenees, they tended almost inevitably to be congregated into "aljamas," or communities, in cities or villages. In the South they also formed municipal entities, but the majority probably continued to reside in the countryside throughout the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries.

This book represents an effort to provide a detailed study of the nature and situation of the Muslims living under Christian rule at some distance from the reconquest, when they had been as thoroughly absorbed into the Christian culture as they were ever to be, and when relations between them and the Christian society which ruled them were as "normal" as human relations ever are. The Crown of Aragon was chosen to delineate the area of study, since it ruled the largest proportion of Iberian Muslims, and left the richest deposits of documentation. The fourteenth century was adopted as the temporal focus of the book both because no previous study had undertaken to examine Mudéjares during this century, and because it fell almost exactly in the middle of the period between the last major conquests of Muslim-held lands (other than Granada) and the first official expulsions of Muslims from the Iberian mainland. Considerations of scholarship narrowed the period further: the untapped archival resources of the Crown of Aragon are staggering. Even limiting the study to the middle reign of the century (Peter the Ceremonious, 1336-l387) [5] would have required a close scrutiny of about 2,000 registers, each comprising hundreds of folio pages. To maintain the broad geographical basis of the study, essential because no modern investigation had compared data for the three kingdoms under the Crown, it was therefore necessary either to sacrifice completeness or to limit the time parameters further.

The period from 1355 to 1366 seemed ultimately to constitute a particularly suitable unit of time. During these eleven years the population of Aragon-Catalonia-Valencia as a whole was under tremendous stress owing to a costly and extremely destructive war with Castile, which affected all levels of society. These years thus afford a unique opportunity to study the role of Mudéjares during a period of enormous social tension unrelated to their peculiar status. In many ways the immediately preceding crisis -- the plague of 1348-9 -- affected Muslims peculiarly, since they were accused along with the Jews of somehow being behind it, and had to be specially protected by the monarchies of Spain.⁽⁵⁾ Later in the century much social stress was directly related to the Muslims themselves, and led to attacks on morerías, pogroms, and much later, expulsion. But in the very middle of the fourteenth, during a war with Castile which could not be blamed on the Muslims, and with which they were involved just as much as the Christian population, the Mudéjares were as much a part of [6] Aragonese society as they would ever be. The disruptions of ordinary life occasioned by the war afford unusually detailed accounts in royal registers of efforts to restore conditions to normal, and thus provide a rare glimpse into every aspect of mid-fourteenth-century Spanish life; at the same time, the oppression, exploitation, beneficence, favoritism, and indulgence visited upon the Muslims during this period can be studied and analyzed with great precision, allowing the historian to probe deeply the extent to which the Mudéjares were, in fact, a part of the society and its stress.

The "Crown of Aragon" in the fourteenth century was actually the union in one person of dominion over numerous political entities. The County of Barcelona and the kingdom of Aragon had been united through marriage in 1137, and remained so thereafter. This resulted in a rather anomalous numbering system for the kings of Aragon-Catalonia, so that Peter the Ceremonious, for example, was Pedro IV of Aragon and Pere III of Catalonia. The kingdom of Valencia was annexed from the Muslims by military conquest, as were the "marquessates" of Tortosa and Lérida. Each kingdom or county had its own law and Corts, or parliament. Each had its own civil service, courts, and clergy. In most of Aragon Aragonese was spoken; in Catalonia and Valencia the Christians spoke Catalan. The languages used by the Muslims are discussed below, in Chapter VIII.

Most of Aragon-Catalonia had been reconquered from the Muslims in the twelfth century (Zaragoza in 1148, Tortosa and Lérida in 11148, Teruel in 1170, etc.), while Valencia and its environs did not fall [7] until well into the thirteenth. This made a pronounced difference in the extent of acculturation of the Muslim inhabitants of the several lands, as well as in the attitude toward them of the Crown and ruling classes. Population differences also had an effect. Catalonia was by far the most populous region, with a 1365 population of about 470,000.⁽⁶⁾ Aragon's population was probably about half this, and Valencia's about half that of Aragon. The Muslim populations of the kingdoms were -- significantly -- reversed. Valencia had by far the largest proportion of Muslims, and Christians were actually in the minority; in Aragon Mudéjares were in the minority, though how small a minority is practically impossible to guess. The author would estimate their proportion of the total population at about thirty percent. In Catalonia the Muslim population was very heavy around and south of the Ebro, but there were few if any Mudéjares north of Tarragona.

Specific population figures for Aragonese Mudéjares are wanting for the kingdoms as a whole, but for some aljamas there are data. The relatively small aljamas of Alborga and Gata had forty and sixty taxable persons respectively, if the king's informants can be believed.⁽⁷⁾[8] Teruel had ninety-two taxable males.⁽⁸⁾ Ariza normally had a population of some 200 Muslim households.⁽⁹⁾ Before the depopulations of the war with Castile, the aljama of Huesca comprised 540 persons, but in 1363 it had been reduced to 410.⁽¹⁰⁾ Tax records from the aljama of Zaragoza indicate a population of about 500 persons, including women and children.⁽¹¹⁾

It is difficult to extrapolate from these figures to other areas, or even to include women and children where only taxable [9] males are listed (as in Teruel): in Elda in 1366 there were, for instance, only 92 men, but a total of 451 persons, which would imply a ratio of about five to one;⁽¹²⁾ in Aspe, on the other hand, here were 225 males, 238 "households," and 624 persons -- a ratio of about three to one.⁽¹³⁾

These figures undoubtedly represent the Muslim population at a rather low ebb. The plague had. reduced the population of the kingdoms as a whole only a decade before, and the terrible effects of a war with Castile (beginning in 1355) lowered the Muslim population even further. Ariza was reduced from 200 families to ten by l362;⁽¹⁴⁾ the entire Muslim population of Orihuela was gone in 1366, as was that of Alicante;⁽¹⁵⁾ and the king considered Aspe at 624 persons to be "ad depopulationem maximam deductus propter occasionem guerre Castille."⁽¹⁶⁾

The war with Castile was, in fact, a special hardship on the Muslim population of Aragon. This will be discussed in greater detail below. The precise causes of the war are not easy to fix. Peter the [10] Ceremonious considered that it began in 1356 as the result of a naval contretemps between Catalan and Castilian ships, aggravated by a letter of direct challenge from Peter the Cruel of Castile.⁽¹⁷⁾ Perhaps it was this simple in the minds of the combatants; in retrospect it is easy to see that both Aragon and Castile chafed at the arbitrary boundaries drawn between them and were anxious to alter them, and that the instability of both royal houses -- the Castilian due to dynastic uncertainties, the Aragonese due to the weakening effects of its long struggle with the Union and exhausting foreign involvements -- invited external interference.

The exact progress of the war is difficult to trace, especially in the absence of any thorough study. Peter of Aragon considered the war over in 1361, after a peace treaty was signed in May of that year ("la pau de Deça," May 18, 1361), but hostilities erupted again before the summer was out, and by September Calatayud had fallen to Castile. Peace was signed again in 1363, after Peter the Cruel had taken Valencia and very nearly reached Tortosa, but this proved. to be [11] an even shorter truce than before. In the sense of cessation of hostilities, the war ended in 1366. Neither party can be said to have won -- Peter the Cruel was eventually deposed by the ally of Peter of Aragon, Henry of Trastámara, but the latter then declined to honor almost all of the terms of their alliance. Certainly the lands of the Crown of Aragon suffered more.

Many scholars believe that the reign of Peter the Ceremonious marked the beginning of the decline of Catalonia, which had long been the most prosperous and influential section of the Iberian peninsula.⁽¹⁸⁾ This argument has recently encountered persuasive opponents, but no controversy attaches to the idea that the first part of the reign of Peter constituted a watershed in Aragonese history. During this period the authority of the Crown was challenged and upheld in the revolt of the Union, permanent and disastrous changes in demography and economy were effected by the plagues of 1348 and thereafter, the royal house of Castile was replaced with Aragonese collusion, Majorca and the Balearics were returned to the direct control of the kings of Aragon, and even Athens came briefly under the rule of the Aragonese [12] monarchy.

The early reign of Peter IV, in fact, witnessed the ostensible ascendance of royal power in nearly all areas of Aragonese life: if the period marked. the beginnings of Catalan commercial and political decline, and saw the foundations laid for the ultimate submission of Aragon-Catalonia to León-Castile, it also witnessed. the triumph of the Aragonese Crown over some of the forces which had opposed it within its own realms.

This was particularly true in the case of the Mudéjares.

    ...from the time of Peter the Fourth.. .the monarch recovers in fact those attributes which until then he had. possessed. in name only; he demands fairness in the treatment of the Moors; he reprehends and threatens nobles who abuse their rights; he collects taxes, such as the cena and. the morabetí, even in [the nobles'] aljamas; he reserves to himself supreme authority in criminal cases, and becomes the protector of each and every one of the Muslims.⁽¹⁹⁾

For the present study, well over a thousand royal letters were extracted from the registers covering the years in question. No indices [13] exist for these registers, and this had to be accomplished by tedious process of simply reading through all of the royal registers for the eleven years. A table of the types of registers involved is presented, and many of the documents are published -- all for the first time -- in the Appendix.⁽²⁰⁾ The study is, thus, almost exclusively a documentary one. Secondary material has been used sparingly and only shed further light on unpublished materials. Bibliographical information is provided as a help to the reader, but references to or comparisons with previous studies of Mudéjares have been kept minimal, both to avoid blurring the documentary focus of the essay, and because it impossible, in the present state of research on the subject, to account for many of the disparities between such studies.

For the most part, previous efforts to study the Mudéjares and communities have not been extremely fruitful. A series of general studies of the question in the latter half of the nineteenth century sketched some broad outlines of the picture, and put into print the major known treaties of capitulation and their terms, but tended to be polemical and unscholarly.⁽²¹⁾ In the first half of this [14] century, even fewer books appeared on the subject, and they were far from adequate. Perhaps the most ambitious was that of Cagigas, in the series on Minorías étnico-religiosas de la Edad Media española, which was scholarly and largely dispassionate, but attempted to deal with the issue on such an enormous scale that it, too, managed only to suggest the bare outlines of the situation of the Mudájares.⁽²²⁾

On the other hand, a number of highly informative articles have appeared during the twentieth century. Because conditions for the Muslims as well as others varied from one Iberian kingdom to another, these monographs have generally tended to concentrate on a particular time period within one kingdom.

Francisco Macho y Ortega was the first Spaniard to attempt to provide a really detailed analysis of Mudéjar life in Aragonese cities, and. his two major studies, published. in 1922 and 1923, remain as crucial today as when they were first published.⁽²³⁾ By combing the notarial archives of Zaragoza, Macho y Ortega was able to glean an immense wealth of information about many aspects of fifteenth-century Muslim life in Aragon at its most basic level. Certain reservations, however, [15] must be expressed in regard to his results. Althoug he avoided the pitfall of polemicism into which many fell both before and after him, managed to escape the temptation to treat treaties of capitulation as constituting real guarantees of what their texts stipuated, Macho y Ortega did display a certain naïveté about royal edicts. He assumed, for instance, that royal decrees enjoining nobles or others to respect the rights of Mudéjares achieved their end, and cited them as of the extent to which Mudájares were well-treated by Crown and society, when in fact the constant repetition of these edicts makes quite clear that they almost invariably failed of effect, and the issuance of them in the first place really proved nothing other than the Crown's intention to placate the Muslims at the moment. Moreover, many of Macho y Ortega's assessments and descriptions of aspects of the organization and internal structure of the aljama were inferences from a single document; corroborating evidence from other kingdoms, or even other cities in Aragon, is wholly wanting.

An extremely important study of Valencian Mudéjares during the first century after the conquest of Valencia (1238-1338) was published in 1952 by Francisco Roca Traver.⁽²⁴⁾ Though relatively short, this work was effected with enormous erudition, and quickly became the standard reference for discussions of Mudájares and their communities. Unfortunately, this study, too, suffered from notable defects. Unlike that of Macho y Ortega, it did not rely heavily on local or detailed [16] material, but attempted to give a rather broader picture. While it did draw some interesting parallels between Muslims in the North and South, it was limited basically to the Valencian Muslims, whose condition could scarcely reflect that of Mudéjares generally, since they were the most recently conquered, existed in the largest numbers, and were the closest to lands still controlled by Muslims. Moreover, Roca Traver's otherwise laudable work was severely marred by his strident efforts to demonstrate the extreme tolerance of the ruling Christian classes in regards to the Muslims and their religion.

Other notable regional monographs on Mudéjares are those of Cabezudo Astraín for Aragon, Grau Monserrat and Gual Camarena for Valancia and Torres Fontes for Murcia.⁽²⁵⁾ Winfried Küchler published. in 1968 the [17] first modern and scholarly attempt to analyze the tax liabilities and duties of Aragonese Muslims.⁽²⁶⁾ This work has received less attention than it deserves: although it deals with the fifteenth century, it is indispensable for any understanding of royal tax policy in regard to Jews or Muslims.

The first major work on the subject in English is the second volume of a projected series by Robert I. Burns, S.J., called Islam under the Crusaders.⁽²⁷⁾ This scholarly and erudite work deals with many of the subtler issues involved in the Iberian symbiosis, and is remarkably free of the bias which has so unfortunately infected. earlier studies. Moreover, the completed series of Burns' work promises to be the most comprehensive treatment of Mudéjares anywhere, with minute analysis of every aspect of their existence and social structure. Because of this, a comment on the present study in relation to the work of Burns seems desirable.

[18]The area -- both temporal and geographical -- of Burns' published works is clearly delineated: he deals only with the kingdom of Valencia, and only with the thirteenth century. His study is, therefore, one of a society just beginning to establish its internal organization; indeed, what primarily interests Fr. Burns is the and dynamics of the establishment of Christian hegemony over Muslim population. The following study, on the other hand, is an effort to examine the position of Muslims once this hegemony was securely in place, i.e., what life was like for an established dissident minority. This thesis is more narrowly defined in temporal scope than Burns' works (or any previous study) -- being limited in large measure to eleven years of documentation -- but broader than his (or other modern studies) in geographical comprehension, since it deals with Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia.

In many areas Burns' findings and those presented subsequently are in accord; in others they differ. It is not yet clear, due to the spotty and limited nature of studies published to date, and the consequent dearth of comparable data, whether such divergences as occur represent the effects of temporal factors, geographical variables, variant interpretation of unevenly biased documents, or [19] simply differences of opinion. In Burns' discussion of "the Law and its Interpreters," for example, he describes a system of justice far more organized and stable than that which this writer infers to have existed in the fourteenth century, with officials such as zabaxorta,who do not occur in fourteenth-century documents, and with more specific roles for officials such as the çalmedina, who do. The passage of a hundred years would account for many of these differences, and the fact that Fr. Burns has limited himself to Valencia whereas the present findings were derived from three kingdoms, would account for many more. Methodological variations play a part as well: Islam relies heavily on pre-reconquest Muslim archetypes (especially as described by Tyan), which were undoubtedly more important in the years immediately following the reconquest, and in the lands where Muslim rule was longest and strongest, than in areas of greater acculturation and considerable distance in time and place Muslim rule. Islam under the Crusaders is less concerned with possible divergences between royal proclamations and actual practice, again quite likely the result of chronological considerations: such edicts were more apt to be live issues within a relatively short time of their promulgation than a century or two later. Moreover, the issues in the two works are largely different, despite the similarity of subject matter. Where Burns, for instance, addresses himself to the development of Mudéjar juridical practice from previously purely Muslim forms, the study at hand analyzes the gradual erosion of Mudéjar judicial independence under the steady encroachments of Christian [20] authority, custom, and influence.

The point here is certainly not to throw stones at other many of whose works far exceed the present offering; rather, it is clarify the issue of what, precisely, is being treated, whether well or ill. The most excellent studies to date, such as those of Lourie on the Balearics and Burns' Islam under the Crusaders, have been addressed to the position of the Muslim minority in recently conquered societies, where their position was in its formative years and all aspects of convivencia were in flux. The few studies available for later periods are severely limited in scope, and, unfortunately, rather biased.

It is unlikely that there was ever any conflict between the Muslims and Christians themselves as pitched as the scholarly debate has raged over the issue of Iberian tolerance of Semitic religious practices. While nothing could be less fruitful than to stoke the tired flames of this ancient conflagration, it is simply impossible to ignore the patent bias of Roca Traver, Macho y Ortega, and others who -- for understandable reasons -- have struggled mightily to counteract the equally biased picture painted by earlier Hispanophobic historians such as Circourt. Indeed, without a scrap of evidence to the contrary such a statement as Roca Traver's "The Mudéjares were never for a moment the objects of intolerance or lack of understanding; very much to the contrary, they were given every opportunity to fulfill the rites and. precepts of their own religion"⁽²⁸⁾ would strike any student of [21] history, or of human nature, as incredible. It is simply inconceivable that after centuries of bloody fighting over the lands on which lived -- fighting which, albeit not altogether motivated by religious fervor, was nonetheless organized largely along religious lines -- the peoples who had so long been exhorted to take part in these "holy causes" should have instantly come to a complete understanding of erstwhile enemies, and that those very differences of "rite and religion" which were the driving force of slaughter and carnage from the steppes of Asia to the moors of England should have been ignored after the thirteenth century in a land where the battle for orthodoxy was fought more consistently and virulently than anywhere else in the Middle Ages.

To begin to cope with such paradoxes, a great many distinctions must be made: between the attitudes of the ruling class of Aragon-Catalonia-Valencia, concerned with establishing and maintaining a peaceful and productive population base, and a lower class struggling to support itself on a war-torn and oft-endangered land, comforting itself with ethnic pride and religious fanaticism; between a professional military element dependent on and committed to the destruction of the "other side"--whatever it happened to be -- and an agricultural element interested mainly in enough social stability and organization to allow for the planting, harvesting and marketing of its crops; between a natural tendency of the human mind to fear what is different and strange, and an equally natural desire to live at peace with one's [22] neighbors.

One way of approaching these issues would be to apply to the medieval Spanish situation the findings of modern disciplines in regard to systems and structures of ethnic pluralities_. Certainly no one any longer doubts that inter-group relations in such societies do not occur randomly: they develop according to patterns which have analogues, if not exact parallels, in other ethnically plural societies, and the study of such patterns will no doubt clarify the structures within an individual society as well as the relations between several different ones.⁽²⁹⁾

[23] Since, however, not even the bare facts of Mudéjar existence are as yet well documented or understood, the rigorous application of such conceptualizations to the following study might obscure many nuances are better left to the analytical preferences of individual readers.⁽³⁰⁾ The aim of the work is not to present a case for any particular system of analysis of Iberian ethnic stratification, but simply to give a clearer understanding of the historical reality of Mudéjar life in fourteenth-century Spain.

[24] An appreciation of the relation of Muslim-Christian interaction medieval Spain to the broader fabric of Spanish history in particular and to human relations in general, is badly needed, but it must reserved for another time and place, when the Muslims' own story more fully understood. The present volume is intended to pave way for such an enterprise by filling in some of the last missing pieces of the puzzle of the Mudéjares themselves.

[25] The basic unit of currency in Aragon was the sueldo of Jaca. During the period of this study seven of these made up one morabetín (or maravedí).⁽³¹⁾ The Aragonese florin circulated in all three kingdoms at about eleven sueldos, though it was occasionally worth up to l2 sueldos and two diners (hereafter written l2s 2d).⁽³²⁾ The diner (or dener) was apparently worth about one-tenth of a sueldo the mid-fourteenth century, at least in Valencia.⁽³³⁾ Twenty sueldos made up an Aragonese pound (herein designated £).⁽³⁴⁾

In Catalonia the official unit was the sueldo real of Barcelona, but sueldos of Jaca and reals of Barcelona are used interchangeably most documentation. Piles Ros estimated the difference between at less than one sueldo in the fifteenth century, evaluating a florin as eleven sueldos reales and ten sueldos jaccenses.⁽³⁵⁾

[26] Valencian currency was based on the sueldo real of Valencia. Efforts to determine the relationship between the Aragonese and Valencian sueldos have so far been inconclusive; they are used interchangeably in some documents and carefully distinguished in others. My own opinion is that the Valencian sueldo real was closesly allied to the real of Barcelona in value, but there is insufficient evidence to establish this certainly.

The economic value of these units is more difficult to express. A fine horse was worth about 700s in the mid-fourteenth century; a Muslim slave brought about 650s on the open market; post-plague legislation set salaries for skilled craftsmen at a maximum of 70s per annum, for infantrymen at 30s,⁽³⁶⁾ but actual salaries exceeded these figures considerably. The most powerful civil servants under the Crown, the general bailiffs of each kingdom, received annual salaries of 2,000s. In 1357 six pounds of crude silk sold for 24s 6d.⁽³⁷⁾

The cafiç (or cahiz) was the basic dry metrical unit. Estimates of its modern equivalent range from 179.52 liters to well over 660 liters.⁽³⁸⁾ A barchilla or barcella was approximately 16.75 liters; [27] a fanegaabout 33.5 liters; an almud about 4 liters; a robo was one-forth the current value of the cafiç.⁽³⁹⁾

1. Although I am conscious of a distinction between "Islamic" and "Muslim," I have chosen not to employ it consistently in the text of this work. A great many institutions and aspects of Mudéjar life were not, in fact, Islamic, in the sense of arising from the law or religion of Muhammad; they would have been unrecognizable to Muslims in Damascus, and were in some cases specifically repudiated by other parts of the Islamic world, yet they were nonetheless the institutions of a group of Muslims. Distinctions between the two words are thus of minimal value in discussing Mudéjares, and have been largely ignored.

2. José María Lacarra y de Miguel, Aragón en el pasado, in Aragón (Zaragoza, 1960), I, p.131.

3. The word morisco, generally used to describe Spanish Muslims at a later date, was used in the fourteenth century to describe objects, but not persons: see in the Chancery registers of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Register 683, folio 26 (such registers and folios hereinafter cited as C 683:26, etc.), dated November 10, 1355: "... una nau enombrada Santa Maria, cargada de cueros de Sevilia i de moriscos i de otros mercaderies...." Cf. C 1075:66 (Jan.19, 1363), C 1571:187 (Dec.10, 1363), and from the Real Patrimonio of the same archive, Register 1708, folio 19 (such documents hereinafter cited as RP 1708:19, etc.). Moro is derived from the Latin maurus, generally assumed to have been inspired by the Mauretanian provenance of some Spanish Muslims. The word maurus is rarely encountered. in fourteenth-century documents, but see C 898:222, in the Appendix. Agarenus also occurs: see C 1570:36 (Sept.23, 1360).

4. Robert Ignatius Burns, in his Islam under the Crusaders (Princeton, 1974), touches on the origin of Mudéjar on p.64, n.l. For a more detailed and cautious analysis, see Isidro de las Cagigas, Los Mudéjares (Madrid, 1948-99), I, pp.58-64.

5. See Amada López de Meneses, "Una consecuencia de la peste negra en Cataluña: el Pogrom de 1348," Sefarad, XIX (1959), 92-131, 321-364, and her Documentos acerca de la peste negra en los dominios de la Corona de Aragón (Zaragoza, 1956).

6. Ramón d'Abadal i de Vinyals, Pere el Cerimoniós i els inicis de la_decadéncia política de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1972), p.16. (For the numbering of kings, see above.) This indispensable work was originally published in Castilian, which may be more accessible to many readers than the later, annotated Catalan translation noted above. The original is in Volume XIV of the Historia de España (Madrid, 1966), under the title Pedro el Ceremonioso y los comienzos de la decadencia política de Cataluña. For other population figures see J.C. Russell, "The Medieval Monedatge of Aragon and Valencia," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, CVI (1962), 483-504.

7. The king accused the local Muslim leaders in these two towns of "conspiring to defraud the Crown," by lying about their population figures. They claimed there were only twelve taxable persons in Alborga in 1356, when the morabetí was being collected, and only twenty-five in la Gata, whereas the king asserted that there were certainly 140 and 60, respectively: C 1068:111 (May 4, 1356). The aljamas incurred a fine of 4,000s for this "fraud."

8. This was disputed: the aljama claimed to have forty-two taxable persons, and at first the king believed them (C 701:140 [September 21, 1360], and C 701:141 [September 20, 1360]), but he later accused them of lying, and finally assessed them for ninety-two taxable persons: C 1383:239 (Jan.2, 1361). Such population disputes between the Crown and local government were legion after the plague and during the war: cf. note 7, above, and. C 1383:233 (Nov.22, 1360), where the king disputes with Borja over the matter.

9. C 702:91 (Jan.18, 1361).

10. C 13814:140 (Jan.3, 1362).

11. From C 711:131 (1363) it is clear that the annual peyta in Zaragoza during this time was 6 sueldos per person, including women and children. C 1205:68 (1365) indicates an annual total peyta of the aljama at 3,000 sueldos, which implies a total population of about 500 persons. This would seem to be about the right figure in any event. Other indirect evidence of population exists for a few aljamas: the Valencian aljama of Játiva was the largest, though precisely how large is not clear. The aljama of Espada could send 300 men to help the king in the war effort as late as 1365 (C 1204:55-6); the Muslims of Calatayud provided one-third of the infantry and matériel for the war in 1360 (C 700:144), which would imply that this was their proportion to the general population of the city, since the king was scrupulous about such things (see, for example, C 910:118 [1366]); on the other hand, there were more Jews in Borja than Muslims, and the Muslims were still required to pay a greater share in the war levies: "...vos tamen ut fertur non attento quod numerus domicelliorum dictorum judeorum excedit numerum incolatorum sarracenorum predictorum, compellitis et compellere sarracenos ipsos nitimini ad contribuendum et solvendum in dicto solido quantitatem maiorem illa qua ex eadem causa per judeos solvitur antedictos..." C 1384:22 (May 30, 1361). For a few population indications for the fifteenth century, see Francisco Macho y Ortega, "Condición social de los mudéjares aragoneses (siglo xv)," Memorias de la Facultad de filosofía y letras (Universidad de Zaragoza), I (1923), pp.161, 259, and idem, "Documentos relativos a la condición social y jurídica de los mudéjares aragoneses," Revista de ciencias jurídicas y sociales, V (1922), p.157.

12. RP 1711:3.

13. RP 1711:l2ss.

14. See C 702:91, in Appendix.

15. RP 1711:3, 7.

16. C 913:91 (Nov.25, 1366).

17. The only modern biography of Peter the Ceremonious is that of Rafael Tasis, Pere el Cerimoniós i els seus fills (Barcelona, 1962), which can best be described as useful. For the importance of Peter's reign and the political events which took place during it, on the other hand, there is the superb essay by Ramón d'Abadal i de Vinyals, Pere el Cerimoniós i els inicis de la decadéncia política de Catalunya (see note 6, above). We are particularly fortunate to have Peter's own account of his reign in the Crònica de Pere el Cerimoniós, most recently edited by the eminent Ferran Soldevila in Les Quatre Grans Cròniques (Barcelona, 1971), 1003-1225. The notes and indices alone make this the most desirable edition. Chapter six deals almost exclusively with the war with Castile, but unfortunately from a very personal standpoint. The chronicle is -- alas! -- not useful for examining Peter's attitude toward. the Mudéjares, whom he mentions rarely and. in tones of absolute indifference. There is also a collection of Peter's correspondence published by Ramón Gubern, Epistolari de Pere III (Barcelona, 1955), in the series Els Nostres Clàssics. Only volume I has appeared to date.

18. Most notably, Ramon d'Abadal i de Vinyals, in Pere el Ceremoniós; Pierre Vilar, "Le déclin catalan du Bas Moyen-Age. Hypothéses sur sa chronologie," Estudios de historia moderna, VI (1956-9), 3-68; and Carmen Batlle Gallart, La Crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo xv (Barcelona, 1973). Opposing and more modern views are those of M. Del Treppo, I Mercanti catalani e l'espansione della Corona Aragonese nel secolo xv (Naples, 1968), and Claude Carrére, Barcelone, centre économique á l'époque des difficultés, 1380-1462 (Paris,1967).

19. ". . . desde Pedro IV. . . el monarca recobra de hecho los atributos que hasta entonces sólo nominalmente poseía; exige blandura en el trato a los moros; reprende y amenaza a los nobles que abusan de su derecho; cobra en las aljamas de éstos algunos impuestos, como la cena y el maravedí; se reserva la apelación suprema en las causas criminales, y se convierte en protector de todos y cada uno de los sarracenos" Macho y Ortega, "Condición," p192.

20. Excluding individual citations in secondary works, the only efforts to publish materials from the Aragonese Chancery have been those of Próspero de Bofarull y Mascaró, Colección de documentos inéditos de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona, 1847-1910), 41. volumes, and Eduardo González Hurtebise, Libros de tesorería de la Casa Real de Aragón (Barcelona, 1911). Specialized collections, of course, have published documents relating to specific subjects, such as the Corts, the plague, commerce, etc.

21. In order of publication: Albert de Circourt, Histoire des Mores mudejares et des morisques, ou des arabes d'Espagne sous la domination des Chrétiens (Paris, 1846); Florencio Janer, Condición social de los moriscos de España (Madrid, 1857); A.  Delgado Hernández, Memoria sobre el estado moral y político de los mudéjares de Castilla (Madrid, 1864); Francisco Fernández y González, Estado social y político de los mudéjares de Castilla (Madrid, 1866); J. Pedregal y Fantini, Estado social y cultural de los mozárabes y mudéjares españoles (Seville, 1898).

22. See note 4, above, for Cagigas. Some other twentieth-century works, in order of publication, are: Pascual Boronat y Barrachina, Los moriscos españoles y su expulsión (Valencia, 1901); Pedro Longas, Vida religiosa de los Moriscos (Madrid, 1915); Julio Caro Baroja, Los moriscos del reino de Granada; ensayo de historia social (Madrid, 1957). For a more complete listing of modern works, cf. Burns, Islam, p.xviii, n.7.

23. See note 11, above.

24. Fráncisco A. Roca Traver, "Un siglo de vida mudéjar en la Valencia medieval (1238-1338)," Estudios de edad media de la Corona de Aragón V (1952), 115-208.

25. José Cabezudo Astraín, "Noticias y documentos sobre moriscos", Miscelánea de estudios árabes y hebraicos, V (1956), 105-117 (for Aragon see also Jean-Guy Liauzu, "La condition des musulmans dans l'Aragon chrétien aux xi^e et xii^e siècles," Hespéris-Tamuda, IX [1968], 185-200, and the article by Ma.L. Ledesma Rubió, in the Miscelánea José Ma. Lacarra, Estudios de historia medieval [Zaragoza, 1968], 63-79); Manuel Grau Monserrat, "Mudéjares castellonenses," Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona (hereafter BRABL), XXIX (1961-62), 251-73 (for Castellón, see also Arcadio García Sanz, "Mudéjares y moriscos en Castellón," Boletín de la Sociedad Castellonense de Cultura, XXVIII [1952], 94-114); Miguel Gual Camarena, "Mudéjares valencianos, aportaciones para su estudio," Saitabi, VII (1949), 165-199, and idem, "Los mudéjares valencianos en la época del Magnánimo," IV Congreso de la historia de la Corona de Aragón, I, 467-494; Torres Fontes, "Los mudéjares murcianos en el siglo xiii," Murgetana, XVII (1961), 57-90. For the Balearics, see Elena Lourie, 'Free Moslems in the Balearics under Christian Rule in the Thirteenth Century," Speculum, XLV (1970), 624-649. Ms. Lourie's dissertation, Christian Attitudes towards the Mudéjares in the Reign of Alfonso III of Aragon (1285-91), D.Phil. thesis, Oxford, 1967, has unfortunately not yet been published. Many other articles could be cited, but this literature is exhaustively covered by Burns in his Islam, and the list does not demand reiteration here. Of special interest, however, are two articles with a slightly different approach and unusual excellence. These are Thomas F. Glick and. Oriol Pi Sunyer, "Acculturation as an Explanatory Concept in Spanish History," Comparative Studies in Society and History, XI (1969), 136-154; and Pierre Guichard, "Le peuplement de la région de Valence aux deux premiers siècles de la domination musulmane," Mélanges de la casa de Velázquez, V (1969), 103-158. The latter article is especially useful as a background. to Mudéjar studies in Valencia; the former as an approach to the problem of convivencia in general.

26. Winfried Küchler, "Besteuerung der Juden und Mauren in den Ländern der Krone Aragons während des 15 Jahrhunderts," Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, 24 (1968), 227-256.

27. See note 4, above. Other works by Father Burns include "Christian-Islamic Confrontation in the West: The Thirteenth-Century Dream Conversion," American Historical Review, LXXVI (1971), 1386-1434; Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction on a Thirteenth-Century Frontier (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 2 vols; "How to End a Crusade: Techniques for Making Peace in the Thirteenth-Century Kingdom of Valencia," Military Affairs, XXXV (1971), 142-148; "Irrigation Taxes in Early Mudéjar Valencia: the Problem of the Alfarda," Speculum, XLIV (1969), 560-567; "Journey from Islam: Incipient Cultural Transition the Conquered Kingdom of Valencia," Speculum, XXXV (1960), 337-356; "Le royaume chrétien de Valence et ses vassaux musulmans (l240-1280)," Annales, économies, sociétés,civilisations, XXVIII (1973), 199-225; "Social Riots on the Christian-Moslem Frontier: Thirteenth-Century Valencia," American Historical Review, LXVI (1969), 378-400; "Immigrants from Islam: the Crusaders' Use of Muslims as Settlers in Thirteenth-Century Spain," American Historical Review, LXXX (1975), 21-42; Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade Exploitation of Islamic Valencia (Princeton, 1975).

28. "Los mudéjares en ningún momento fueron objecto de incomprensión o intolerancia; muy al contrario, se les dieron toda clase de facilidades para que pudieran cumplir los ritos y preceptos de su propia religión" ("Un Siglo," pp. 25-6).

29. Thomas Glick ("The Ethnic Systems of Prernodern Spain," Comparative Studies in Sociology, I [1977], in press) has suggested that a particularly valuable model for such analysis of Spain is provided by Pierre van den Berghe's conceptual dichotomy between paternalistic and competitive systems of ethnic stratification. Paternalistic systems are characterized by a horizontal division of vertical stratification, with very little mobility: i.e., the society is organized from the bottom of the lower ethnic group to the top of the higher one in vertical succession and the line dividing the two groups clearly defines the relationship of those in one group to those in the other, largely precluding mobility across the line. Such a system, while obviously "oppressive" from an egalitarian point of view, tends, in societies where it has been observed to minimize violence, since expectations match realities, and since there is virtually no competition between the ethnic groups for the same positions or status. In a competitive system the ethnic dividing line may be conceived of as bifurcating the class system vertically, with members of either group theoretically occupying the same positions on either side of the line. In reality, among those competitive systems studied, one group almost invariably occupies the upper strata to a greater extent, and this gives rise to discontent among the other groups, for whom expectations of equal status are unfulfilled. The Muslim system of protected minorities (dhimmis) would, in Glick's view, be an example of a paternalistic system: no matter how high a dhimmi might climb within his own community, he could not officially aspire to compete in the upper levels the larger society, open only to Muslims. The situation prevailing the forced conversion of the Jews in Spain would represent a competitive system: though still ethnically distinct, the conversos were officially entitled to enter any levels of the Christian society they might wish The possibilities for hostility and violence arising from competition for status in the latter system are obvious; the likelihood of violence in the former system would seem to depend largely on the size and status of the protected minority, socio-economic conditions, and extent to which their exclusion from the larger society constituted an economical or practical hardship.

In terms of these dichotomies, the relations between Christians and Mudéjares in fourteenth-century Aragon would seem to be primarily categorizable as paternalistic. The systems are not, however, mutually exclusive: historical realities are always more complex than conceptualizations of them. In most areas of their lives the Mudéjares had "separate but equal" institutions -- a characteristic of paternalistic ethnic systems -- but in some, such as law, there seems to have been such overlap Muslim and Christian access and jurisdiction that one might view the system as either competitive or midway between paternalistic and competitive. Similarly, relations between Mudéjares and Christians seem for the most part to have been peaceful and friendly -- as one would in a paternalistic society with a relatively well-treated subject minority. But in particular areas and times, violence, hostility, and bitterness are visible among both Christians and Muslims: whether this was due to aspects of the Aragonese situation which more approximate a competitive model than a paternalistic one, or to variations in basically paternalistic relations which caused discontent among some members of the society, is not determinable until the mechanisms for such structuring and stratification have been more thoroughly studied in historical contexts.

30. It will, nonetheless, be obvious that a basically paternalistic system of ethnic stratification is being described in this study, and a number of parallels with other paternalistic social organizations will be drawn in passing.

31. The Usatges of Barcelona describe the morabetín as being worth four and one-half mancus (about 225s) at the time of their drafting. In the late thirteenth century it may have been equal to as much as 10s 6d in some areas: see Códigos de las Costumbres escritas de Tortosa, ed. Ramón Foguet and Josa Foguet Marsal (Tortosa, 1912), p.12,note 3. For fourteenth-century values, which were fairly consistently around 7s, see RP 2412:23, but cf. RP 992:39. For the fifteenth century, see E.J. Hamilton, Money, Prices and Wages in Valencia, Aragon, and Navarra (1351-1500) (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), p.84.

32. Hamilton, Money, p.15; cf. C 1570:122 (Aug.12, 1361), C 1076:112 (April 5, 1365). In the last-mentioned document the king consciously sets the value. See also RP 1710:21.

33. C 1569:29 (Nov.10, 1359).

34. RP 993:45, C 1188:107 (July 26, 1363).

35. Leopoldo Piles Ros, "Situación económica de las aljamas aragonesas a comienzos del siglo xv," Sefarad, X (1950), p.83.

36. Gunnar Tilander, "Fueros aragoneses desconocidos promulgados a consecuencia de la gran peste de 1348," Revista de filología XXIII (1935), p 24.

37. C 693:46 (October 23, 1357). Three sueldos would still buy a pair of hens in the fifteenth century: Macho y Ortega, "Condición," p 243.

38. See note by Ferrán Soldevila in Les Quatre Grans Cròniques, p.198, number 6. Cf. Hamilton, Money, pp.48, 99.

39. Hamilton, Money, p.48. The accuracy of weights was guaranteed by the Crown through the official known as the almotacén (Leopoldo Piles Ros, Estudio documental sobre el Bayle General de Valencia [Valencia, 1970] p.86); this may have applied to measures of volume as well, but I have seen no direct evidence of this.