IX.

En Simon de Montfort was at Murel with from eight hundred to a thousand horsemen and my father came on him there. And there were with him from Aragon Don Miguel de Luzia and Don Blascho de Alagon, Don Roderich Liçana, Don Ladron and Don Gomes de Luna, Don Miquel de Rada, Don Guillen de Puyo, Don Açnar Pardo, and others of his household, besides several more whose names I cannot remember, though I recollect very well hearing some of them say that, with the exception of Don Gomes, Don Miquel de Rada, Don Açnar Pardo, and some of my father's household who were killed in the battle, all the rest abandoned him and fled. There were from Catalonia, En Dalmau de Crexel, e Nuch (En Huch) de Mataplana, En Guillen Dorta (de Horta), and En Berenguer de Castel Bisbal, who also fled with the others. I also recollect hearing, and indeed know well, for certain, that Don Nuno Sanxes and En Guillen de Montcada, the son of En Guillem Ramon de Montcada and of Na⁽¹⁾ Guillema [17] de Castelvi, were not in the battle ; they sent a message to the King that he should wait for them ; but the King would not wait, and fought the battle with those few who were with him. The night of the day that the battle was fought the King had passed in debauchery, so that as I afterwards heard his own seneschal, called Gill (who became afterwards Knight Hospitaler), and many other eyewitnesses say, the King was so exhausted by the preceding debauch, that he could not stand up [at mass], when it came to the Gospel, but kept his seat all the while it was read.⁽²⁾ And before the battle, En Simon de Montfort wished to put himself in his power, and do his will. He wanted to come to terms with him, but my father would not accept of them. And when Count Simon and those within (Murel) saw that, they confessed and received the body of Jesus Christ, and said, "We will rather die in the field than here, shut up in this town." And thereon they came out to fight in a body. On my1 father's side the men did not know how to range for the battle, nor how to move together; every baron fought by himself and against the order of war (natura darmes). Thus, [18] through bad order, through our sins, and through the Murelians fighting desperately since they found no mercy⁽³⁾ at my father's hands, the battle was lost. There died my father, for such has ever been the fate of my race, to conquer or die in battle. During this time I was at Carcassona, in the Count's power, for he was, as I said, bringing me up, and had possession of that place.

X.

And thereupon my born subjects [of Aragon] demanded me, and made war on the French, and on the lands they occupied: that is, Don Nuno Sanxes and En Guillen de Cardona, father of En Ramon Folch [de Cardona]. Besides carrying on war from Narbonne and other places, a mission was sent to Pope Innocent III., begging he should take council and put pressure on En Simon de Montfort by interdict or otherwise, that he might give me up, since I was their liege lord, and there was no other son of my father born in lawful marriage but me. That apostolic Pope Innocent was the best of Popes. For a hundred years before the time that I am writing this book, there had not been so good a Pope in all the Church of Rome, for he was [19] good clerk in that sound learning that a Pope should have; he had a good natural sense, and great knowledge of the things of this world. He sent such strong letters, and such sturdy envoys to Count Simon, that this latter had to consent to restore me to my subjects. The French brought me as far as Narbonne, whither many of the noblemen and citizens of Catalonia went, and received me. I might then be six years and four months old. When they got to Catalonia, a consultation was held as to who should bring me up. All agreed that the Master of the Temple should bring me up at Monzon. The name of that Master was En Guillen de Montredon ; he was a native of Osona,⁽⁴⁾ and Master of the Temple in Aragon and Catalonia.

XI

An order was then issued in Council, in my name and under a new seal made expressly for me, convoking Cortes at Lerida, for the Catalans and Aragonese; at which the Archbishop [of Tarragona], the bishops, the abbots, the noblemen of each kingdom, and ten men from each city, were to be present, furnished with powers from the rest to approve that which might be done by all. All [20] came on the day fixed for the Cortes, save Don Fernando and Count Don Sancho, each of whom hoped to be King.⁽⁵⁾ All swore to protect my body and my limbs, and my lands, and to keep and defend me in everything, and against every one. The place where the Cortes were held was the Archbishop En Asparech's palace ; he, who was of the house of Barca, and our relative ; he held me in his arms. The palace, which is now vaulted over, was then built of wood, the ceremony of the oath taking place under the window where the kitchen now is for those who eat in the palace.⁽⁶⁾

The oath being taken, the Cortes separated. The Master of the Temple then took me to Monzon, and I stayed there two years and a half uninterruptedly. All the revenues my father had in Aragon and Catalonia were pledged to the Jews [21] and Saracens, as also all the fiefs (honors) which rented at that time seven hundred "cauallerias" or knights' fees.⁽⁷⁾ My father, King Don Pedro, had given away or sold them all except one hundred and thirty of them, and when I entered Monzon I had no food for one day, the land being so wasted and mortgaged.

XII.

And while I was in Monzon, there were bands and feuds among the noblemen of Aragon : Don P. Ahones⁽⁸⁾ and Don Atorela Palasin, Don Exemen Dorrea and Don Arnau Palasin, Don Berenguer de Benavent and Don Blasco Maça, and others, whose names I do not remember now. Some noblemen and knights made band and party with the Count of Roussillon Don Sancho, their chief, and followed his leading, whilst Don Pedro Fernandez de [22] Albarracin, and Don Rodrigo Liçana, and Don Blasco Dalagó held with Don Fernando, and made him their chief. Don Pedro Cornel, and Don Valles⁽⁹⁾ Dantilló had no land or honor yet, because they were too young ; they sometimes sided with one party, at other times with the other. And Don Exemen Corneyl was already an old man; he grieved for the evils that he saw so great in Aragon, for he was the wisest man in all Aragon, and the best adviser. And at times, several of the above-named came to Monzon, and entreated me to go out of the castle with them, that I might go to their side and destroy the other.

XIII.

And when I was nine years old, they could not keep us in Monzon, neither me nor the Count of Provence⁽¹⁰⁾ my cousin, who was also there ; as I, considering it was necessary for the country, wished to go. It was then agreed by the Master and the others that they should let me leave the place. And, accordingly, full seven months before I left Monzon, there came a message to the Count of Provence from the noblemen of his country, that on a certain day they would come with a galley to Salou, and secretly [23] take him out of the castle of Monzon, and that they would go with him to Provence ; and as it was planned by them, so it was done. And when the Count had to leave, he said that he wished to speak to me; and he disclosed his secret, and took leave of me, weeping, as did also those who came for him ; and I wept with him and with them for grief of our parting ; and yet I was very glad that he went away. And next day, at dusk, the Count left the castle with En Pere Auger, who brought him up, and two squires of his, and they passed that night and went through Lerida in disguise, and next night went to Salou, and the Count went on board the galley, and got away to Provence. And that men may know my age and his at this juncture, the Count was then two years and a half older than I was.

XIV.

And when the Templars saw that the Count of Provence had gone away without their knowledge, they perceived that my stay in the place was no longer good for them. On the other hand, when Count Don Sancho heard of the departure of the Count of Provence, it vexed him much ; and when he and those of his party in Aragon knew of it, they wished to take possession of the kingdom. Whereupon I sent a message to Don Pedro [24] Fernandez, and to Don Rodrigo Liçana and their party, and to En G. de Cervera, to come to me at Monzon, as for every reason I wished to leave that town immediately. They assured me that they would help and support me with all their power. And when Count Don Sancho heard this he made a compact with those on his side, and said that he would willingly cover with scarlet silken cloth⁽¹¹⁾ as much ground as I, and those with me, went over in Aragon beyond the Cinca. And I left Monzon at dawn, and when I got to the bridge my company was waiting for me, and they told me that Count Don Sancho was at Selgua with all his forces, and that he would fight me. I was not more than nine years old at the time, and for the battle that was expected a knight (whose name I do not recollect) lent me a light coat of mail or hauberk (gonio), which I put on, and that was the beginning, the first arms that I ever took. And I went that day to Berbegal without meeting with any opposition on the road ; and next day I entered Huesca; thence I went to Zaragoza, this being the first time that I was in Aragon.⁽¹²⁾ The people were very glad at my coming. [25]

XV.

And when in Zaragoza, Don Pedro Fernandez and those above-named being with me, a message came to say that Don Rodrigo Liçana had taken prisoner Don Lope de Alvaro,⁽¹³⁾ a relative of Don Rodrigo Liçana, and that Don Pelegrin de Trosillo⁽¹⁴⁾ had taken the daughter of Don Lope de Alvaro to wife. And Pelegrin and his brother, Don Gil, asked and besought me for love and mercy's sake that I should give counsel and aid as to the imprisonment of Don Lope de Alvaro, inasmuch as Don Rodrigo Liçana had taken him when he was not on his guard against him, and without having first defied him, and had taken from him the castle and town of Alvaro and fully ten thousand "cafizes "⁽¹⁵⁾ of grain, besides doing him other harm, as well to the Christian as to the Saracen inhabitants of Alvaro. And all those who were with us at the time thought the thing ill done, and also all the Aragonese who knew of it. And it was resolved by my Council, for I had not yet judgment enough to advise myself and others, that I [26] should march against Don Rodrigo, assist Don Lope de Alvaro, release him from prison, and repair all the damage done to him. And so I did, for I marched against Alvaro with a "fonevol"⁽¹⁶⁾ that I had caused to be made at Huesca. And when the "fonevol" had battered the castle for two consecutive days, those whom Don Rodrigo had put in for garrison surrendered. I then departed thence, and went to Liçana, where Don Rodrigo held Don Lope de Alvaro prisoner, and the castle was also besieged. And inside were Don Pedro Gomez and another knight, whose name I forget, and several esquires and other company; Don Pedro Gomez was chief of all of them, and governor of the castle, and the greatest and best man of them all. And I set up the "fonevol," and that was in May; and when it was ready it threw no less than five hundred stones in one night, and one thousand more in one day. And about the time of vespers the stones had broken down so much of the wall that a great breach had been made. And the cry for the assault went through the army. Every one armed himself and the fight commenced ; and those of the army outside fought the enemy with lance and shield, and so did the crossbowmen, who were there, in my camp. The "fonevol " did [27] not cease throwing stones ; it shot in such wise, and the fight was so hard, that many of the squires and others in the place were wounded. When Don Pedro Gomez saw that the castle which he held for his lord was being lost, he himself, clad in armour, his shield on his arm, his iron cap on his head, and his sword in his hand, took his stand on the breach like a man who wished to die rather than live. Meanwhile the "fonevol" was doing great execution,⁽¹⁷⁾ and Don Pedro was up to his knees in the earth and dust which had been raised by the crumbling of the wall. But still the fight was maintained so that no one could mount the breach, though there were men good enough for the task, and who wished to do it. There was among them a squire, whose name I do not remember at the present moment, but believe it to have been Don Pedro Garcés de Alfaro. He had put on a hauberk (gonio) and an iron cap on his head, and taken a sword in his hand. Thus armed he went as far as his feet could carry him, and began to mount the breach, so that Don Pedro Gomez could not prevent his mounting, for he could not help himself, so buried was he in the earth of the ruined wall. In this manner the army mounted the breach, and the castle was taken. And I got possession of Don Pedro de [28] Alvaro, who, as above-stated, was a prisoner inside. After this Don Rodrigo Liçana, who was a friend of Don Pedro Fernandez de Açagra, spoke to Don Pedro Gomez and advised him to depart from the castle, and thus escape the calamities of war, offering, if he did so, to receive him and give him shelter at Santa Maria de Albarracin. And so Don Pedro Fernandez, who was with me at my entry into Aragon, joined Don Rodrigo, and both renounced my allegiance, and did me all the harm they could from that hour ever after. On the other hand Don Pedro Aones⁽¹⁸⁾ and his party joined our side, and were with me at the capture of those two castles (Alvaro and Liçana), and Don Exemen Corneyl,⁽¹⁹⁾ the greatest person in Aragon (except my uncle Ferdinand) was also on my side at that time, because he was wiser than the rest.

XVI.

There was at this time talk of a marriage between the niece of Don Exemen Corneyl, sister of Don Pedro Corneyl, and Don Pedro Aones, who was to take her to wife. And I, therefore, summoned my army in the summer and went against Albarracin. I pitched my tents in front of the Andador [29] tower, on a hill commanding it, and I think I was that siege about two months, a little more or less. And I had there a "mangonel"⁽²⁰⁾ made, which battered the Andador tower, and besides that had the "fonevol" surrounded by palisades for greater protection. And inside the town there were fully a hundred and fifty knights, Castillians, Aragonese and Navarrese, commanded by Don Pedro Fernandez [de Açagra] himself, the lord of the place, and by Don Rodrigo Liçana. I had with me Don Exemen Corneyl, and En Pere Corneyl, and En Guerau de Cervera, and Don Valles [D'Antilló], and Don Pedro Aones and Don Pelegrin, his brother, and Don Guerau de Puyo, father of that G. de Puyo, who is with me at the time that I am writing this present book. And there were there men from Lerida, Zaragoza, Calatayud, Daroca, and Teruel. All the noblemen, who then followed my banners, did not exceed the number of one hundred and fifty knights, for I was still a child, not more than eleven years old at the time. And all that I then did was done by the advice of the noblemen who were with me. For reason was it that, since I knew not how to govern my own land or give advice as was needed, others should advise me. So it was that the relatives and friends of Don Pedro Fernandes, who were then with me, kept sending messages to the besieged, informing them [30] of our plans ; day and night knights and squires went away from our camp in sight of our army entered Albarracin, told the besieged what we were doing, besides carrying crossbows and supplies into the town. And except Don Pedro Aones and his brother Don Pelegrin and Don G. de Puyo, all the rest served me badly and acted so treacherously as they could. In this way those who were with me made known to those, who were in the town, the night that Don Pelegrin would guard the "mangonel." And he and En G. de Puyo were on guard that night. And when midnight came the besieged prepared their torches, and came out to the palisades with all their power of knights and squires, and all the footmen they had in the place. And they brought out burning torches to fire the "fonevol" with. And Don Pelegrin and Don G. de Puyo, who were on guard, went out to attack them ; but those who were with them seeing the great numbers of the enemy coming from the town abandoned them and fled. And Don Pelegrin de Aones⁽²¹⁾ and Don G. de Puyo were slain there, for they had more dread of shame than the rest, and would not run away. The "fonevol'' was burnt, and yet none of the army would give help. And, thereupon, when my Council saw that I was betrayed and ill served by my own subjects, they advised me to raise the siege ; and so it was done, for there were as many knights in the [31] place or more, than I myself had outside. And I could not take council about it, nor had I any one to consult, being only eleven years old at the time.

XVII.

So was the siege of Albarracin raised.⁽²²⁾ One year and a half after this Queen Doña Berengaria, the mother of King Don Ferdinand,⁽²³⁾ proposed to me a marriage with a sister of hers, whose name was Doña Leonor. Both were daughters of King Don Alfonso,⁽²⁴⁾ who had the following sons and daughters, namely: Queen Doña Blanca, who was married to King Louis of France, son of King Philip ; Doña Beranguela (Berengaria), wife to the King of Leon, father of King Don Ferdinand, whose name was Don Alfonso ;⁽²⁵⁾ another was Doña Urraca, who was Queen of Portugal; and another [32] was Doña Leonor, whom I myself afterwards took to wife. Besides these daughters, King Alfonso of Castille had two sons : the Infante Don Fernando and the Infante Don Henrique, who afterwards became king of Castille. The Infante Don Fernando died before his father, King Don Alfonso, whereupon, on the death of Don Alfonso, Don Henrique was made king. And in play with some lads of his age, one of them struck him with a tile on the head, and he died. The thing happened thus : the Infante had divided the lads, some on one side, some on the other. He himself put himself on the side of those who fought on a hillock to represent a castle ; he was struck by a tile on his head, and died of the blow.⁽²⁶⁾ And so the kingdom fell to Doña Berenguela (Berengaria) whose son, Don Ferdinand, became king of Castille.

XVIII.

And thus, by advice of my great vassals, I took to wife the Infanta Doña Leonor, for my father had left no son but me. They advised me to marry while still young, because they said they were in great anxiety for my life, either from maladies or from poison. And likewise because they wished on my account that I should leave an heir, [33] so that the kingdom might not go out of the royal line ; for Count Don Sancho, son of the Count of Barcelona, and Don Fernando, my uncle, son of King Don Alfonso, wished each to be king, and had both tried for it in my childhood whilst I was at Monzon, as before related. And from apprehension of that evil, they advised me to take to wife, as aforesaid, the daughter of King Alfonso of Castille. Such was the advice of En Exemen Corneyl, and of En G. de Cervera, who were then my head councillors, and of En G. de Montcada, who was killed in Mallorca, and of others whose names I do not remember now. And I married her, the Infanta Doña Leonor, at Agreda [in Castille].

XIX.

And then I was made a knight in Saint Mary's of Orta, off Tarazona,⁽²⁷⁾ where having first heard the mass of the Holy Ghost, I girt myself with a sword, which I took from the altar. At that time I had completed my twelfth year, and was entering upon the thirteenth : I was, however, one whole year with my wife before I consummated the marriage, for I was not old enough for that. [34]

XX.

The marriage done, I went into Aragon and Catalonia, and my wife, the Queen, with me, when all the barons⁽²⁸⁾ strove with one another to become my confidents, in order that what I did should be done on their advice. And it came to pass that Don Nuño⁽²⁹⁾ Sanchez, son of Count En Sancho, to whom my father had given Roussillon and Conflant and Cerdagne for life, had once had great friendship with En Guillen de Montcada; but, owing to a quarrel which the said Don Nuño Sanchez picked with En Guillen de Cervello about a falcon, which the latter would not give or sell to the other, both became angry, and spoke ill to each other. Upon which En Guillen de Montcada said to Don Nuño that thenceforth he would not be his friend, and Don Nuño replied that since he (Montcada) did not desire his friendship, so he did not desire his. He told him besides not to trust on him any longer, as he would not thenceforwards be his friend. And thereon En Guillen de Montcada made up friendship and alliance with Don Pedro Fernandes [de Açagra] [35] and with his party, whilst Don Nuno contrived to make and actually made friendship and alliance with Don Fernando and with Don Pedro Ahones⁽³⁰⁾ with their party. And some time after this En G. de Montcada and En Pere Fernandes prepared to come to Monzon for the Cortes, which had been convoked of such prelates and knights as could there be assembled, and there came full three hundred of them ; and they all came to a town belonging to the Temple, which is called Valcarca. And Don Fernando and Don Pedro Ahones got together their retainers and came to Casteyló del Pont de Monzon.⁽³¹⁾ And as I was going from Lerida to the said Cortes at Monzon, Don Nuño met me on the road, and asked me for assistance and advice, telling me that if I refused, he would infallibly meet with great dishonour or death at the hand of his enemy. And upon my asking what dishonour that might be, he said to me : "My lord, there is Don Guillen de Montcada, who is coming here, and Don Pedro Fernandes [de Azagra] with him; and, as you know, I and Don Guillen have fallen out of friendship. They will be to-morrow at Valcarca with full three hundred knights, and they want to pick a quarrel with me, and in some way or other give me the lie, or utter words [36] of dishonour, which I cannot but return. And if I do return them, I apprehend that they will kill me or do me some affront as bad as death."

At that time I was only fourteen years old. I told Don Nuño that his words had grieved me immensely, inasmuch as I considered an affront done to him equal to an affront to my own person, owing to the close relationship there was between him and me. And as to what he had complained of, I answered him that I would take such counsel as to prevent that harm and affront he was afraid of. And that I would do thus : As soon as I had entered Monzon, I would send for the chief men of the town to come to me, and would say to them this much : - "I pray and command you that you guard the town and bar all the gates, and keep porters and armed men at them, so as to hinder any baron or knight from entering it by day or night, without your first letting me know of it. And if they insist upon coming in, let only one knight enter with a couple of mounted retainers at a time, and no more." And so it was. And when Don Nuño heard what I had done for him, both for the sake of his honour and my own, he said that he thanked me as much as he could, and knew well that I loved him, and was confident that I had formed such a resolution as would spare him affront and death. And upon this there came to the gates of [37] Monzon En G. de Montcada and Don Pedro Fernandez with all their power, but neither of them was allowed to enter the town save with two retainers each as had been ordered, whilst Don Fernando and Don Pedro Ahones entered with as many more. And when En G. de Montcada and Pedro Fernandez saw that they could not carry out their plan, they had to desist and go away. Many injurious and threatening words did Montcada and Fernandez utter on this occasion, but I forbade it, and told them that if they said anything injurious to Don Nuño they would pay for it; and so Don Nuño went away in honour, and they, having failed in their attempt, also departed.

XXI.

After that I went into Aragon. And soon after En Guillen de Montcada began to assemble his men in Catalonia, and Don Nuño was informed thereof. I was then at Huesca, and the Queen also ; and Count Don Sancho and Don Nuño came to me, and told me, in the presence of the Queen, that En Guillen de Montcada was about to enter Roussillon at the head of considerable forces, for the purpose of doing harm to the latter, and wasting the land that my father had given to him, and was ultimately to revert to me. And he prayed me, [38] and called on me for love and grace, that I should help him against those, who were trying to bring harm and shame on him, as he and his father (he said) had no relations and friends in Aragon and Catalonia but me. He was quite ready to do right to any man who had complaint to make of him, but he entreated me to help and protect him, so great was the faith and hope he had in me ; for, while En Guillen de Montcada had plenty of relatives and friends to do his bidding, he himself had no friends to defend him but me. And Don Nuño besides, then and there pledged his most solemn word and that of Don Ato de Foces and Don Blasco Maça, and his own holdings in Roussillon, as well as theirs, which my father in his time had given him, that he would do full right to En Guillen de Montcada or any other man who should bring complaint against him. And upon this I sent my letters to En Guillen de Montcada, commanding him not to do Don Nuño any harm, since he had put security in my hands that he would do right to whomsoever asked him for it. But Montcada cared little for all this, and did not desist from his undertaking ; on the contrary, he entered Roussillon with his followers, and took with shield and lance a castle called Avalri, which belonged to one En Ramon de Castell Rosello, and thence went to Perpignan, wherein was one En Jaçpert de Barberá", who had thrown himself into it to do service to Don [39] Nuño; but Muntcada so harassed the people inside that they made a sally and were defeated, and in that raid En Jaçpert de Barberá⁽³²⁾ was taken prisoner. Seeing that my letters to En Guillen de Montcada were of no use at all, that he would not obey my orders, but went on doing hurt to Don Nuño, and had entered Roussillon against him, I summoned my forces in Aragon, and went against him, and took one hundred and thirty fortresses, castles, and towers from him and his supporters. I also took Cervellon,⁽³³⁾ the siege of which lasted thirteen days. And thereupon I went to besiege the castle of Montcada, and En Guillen threw himself hastily into it, and Don Pedro Cornel, and Don Rodrigo Liçana, and Don Vallés Dantilló, and En Bernat de Sancta Eugenia, brother of En Ponç G. de Torreela,⁽³⁴⁾ were with him ; and I was then not more than fourteen years old. And there were with me Count Don Sancho, and Don Nuño, and Don Fernando, and Don Pedro Ahones, and Don Ato de Foces, and Don Artal de Luna, and some of my own great vassals of Aragon ; and there might be in all four hundred knights, whilst those inside the castle might be about one hundred and thirty [40] knights. And I summoned En Guillen de Montcada to surrender his castle; and he answered that he would willingly have given it to me had I asked for it in another way ; but whereas I had done him great wrong by coming down with such a strong force against him, he thought that it was dishonourable for him to surrender his castle, and would not, as in fact he did not. And I encamped with my force on a hillock against the town, on which the market was held, and remained there three months, a little more or less. And had it not been for the supplies the besieged obtained from our own camp by the connivance of the Aragonese, who were with us (the Catalans from Barcelona also furnishing them with provisions against the money of the Aragonese in our camp service) the besieged would have surrendered, as they had not food for three days. Being yet a child, I really knew not how to obviate this, all those who were with me, excepting only Don Sancho and Don Pedro Ahones, being then much displeased at my trying to do harm to those inside the castle, which is certainly one of the strongest in Spain, and one which, being well garrisoned, could not be taken save by famine, for it has water enough from a spring rising on the side towards the north, and this no man could take from the besieged unless the castle itself was first taken. And so I was obliged to raise the siege and return to Aragon; upon which En Guillen de [41] Montcada sallied out against Terraça, which he took, its garrison taking refuge in the castle; and went thence to Sarboç, which he also took and destroyed ; and came lastly to Piera, which he could not take. And he and Don Fernando and Don Pedro Ahones came to an agreement; and En Guillen de Montcada entered Aragon and came to Tahust,⁽³⁵⁾ which Don Pedro Ahones held of me as an "honour ;" and in that agreement between them were included Zaragoza, Huesca, and Jaca. I was then in Alagon, and on my side were Don Nuño, and Don Pedro Fernandez, and Don Blasco d'Alagó,⁽³⁶⁾ and Don Artal, and Don Rodrigo Liçana; in Alagon itself were only Don Nuño and Don Pedro Fernandez, and Don Ato. And thereon there was negotiated a compact of friendship between Don Fernando and Don Guillen de Montcada and Don Pedro Ahones, that they would stand by Don Nuño and Don Pedro Fernandez against all men; and Don Lop Xemenis de Luziá, vassal of Don Nuño, brother of Ruy Xemenis, negotiated that. And they sent me a message saying that they would willingly come to me, and would do in everything my will, but that they had made agreement by [42] oath and by writing; so Don Nuño and Don Pedro told us on their behalf. And therefore they prayed me to go out and receive Don Fernando, who was my uncle, and En Guillen de Montcada, who was an honourable man, and Don Pedro Ahones. I accordingly went out, and told them that it was winter and late in the day, and that they should come in with only four or five knights, and leave their companies in the villages outside. And thereupon it was settled that I myself should go home to my own house, and so I did, whilst they remained, as agreed, at the gates of the town, which I had ordered to be closed behind me. But Don Nuño and Don Pedro, to whom I had given charge of the gates, let in as many as wished to come in, without my knowledge ; and in this manner there entered fully two hundred of the knights, who had come with them into Alagon. And I was then a boy, not more than fifteen years old ; and I said to the Queen Doña Leonor, "Know ye that all the knights who came with Don Fernando and with En Guillen de Montcada and with Don Pedro Ahones, are already inside the town ? "⁽³⁷⁾ Great indeed was my astonishment thereat. I asked those who guarded the gates why had they allowed them to enter the city, and who had let them in. And they told me that [43] Don Nuño and Don Pedro Fernandez had let them enter. I then said to myself, "By St. Mary! great treason is this ; that those in whom I trusted should thus betray me, bringing my enemies inside the town! "

XXII.

And when morning came, I went to hear mass in the great church of Alagon ; and above, in the choir, where the priests chaunted, were Don Fernando, and Don Guillen de Montcada, and Don Pedro Ahones and Don Pedro Fernandez de Azagra and Don Nuño, who was supposed to be of my side ; but they all seemed then to be of one mind. And Don Fernando stood up and said : "Sir, you know well how near of kin I am to you, and that I am a brother of your father. I will not do any thing to displease you, and therefore am I come here with Don Guillen de Montcada and Don Pedro Ahones, to obey your commands as our Lord ; as to war with you we will have none. And, thereupon, En Guillen de Montcada⁽³⁸⁾ stood up and said : Sir, what men say that you wish us ill, is great evil to us; and pray bethink you come to Zaragoza and enter into our city and our homes ; there you can better say and act as you please; we are all prepared to do your bidding." And Don Pedro [44] Ahones said : "Enter Zaragoza; we are ready to do towards you as towards our Lord." And thereupon they cajoled me so with fair tales and words, that I entered the city next day. And when I was inside and in my own palace, called La Suda,⁽³⁹⁾ at the Toledo⁽⁴⁰⁾ gate, they came and told us after sunset that there were fully one hundred armed men between the aforesaid gate and a postern there was close by, through which one got to the city wall. Soon after Guillen Boy and Pere Sanz de Martel came, sent by the people of Zaragoza, and entered my house; they had their beds made, and laid down where the women usually lay. Meanwhile, the Queen, hearing the noise of the armed men who remained outside, and of those who had entered the house to lie down before us, took to weeping very bitterly. I comforted her as well as I could. And there came in before me the said Guillen Boy and Pere Sanz de Martel; and Guillen Boy said to the Queen, "Lady," said he, "do not weep ; for soon you will be comforted; tears destroy reason; and all those tears of yours will turn to joy, and your anger will pass away." This state of things lasted fully three weeks; the guard, and they (Boy and Sanz) lying down before us. Then came Don Ato de Foces, who had lately got into Zaragoza ; at first they would [45] not let him come in to me to advise, nor have private communication with me, little or much. At last he came and told me that since his stay at Zaragoza with dishonour he was there, and he was not called into Council, perhaps it should not grieve me if he retired and went home. I replied, "Go, for it is not to our honour nor to yours, that you are here." He therefore departed and went to the country of Huesca. And thereupon I took Don Pedro Ahones apart, and said to him : "Don Pedro Ahones, much have I loved you, and caused you to be honoured by Don Artal d'Alagó ; and yet you now take part in this great dishonour that I am now suffering. I therefore, from this moment, cast myself loose from your love, and while I live will love you not." And he said, "For what cause ?" "Because," said I to him, "you behold my dishonour and my hurt; if it were not for you, this dishonour and hurt could not have befallen me ; and because you could remedy it, and did not." Don Pedro argued with me about that, and said that in what he and the others were doing there was no dishonour nor hurt; and that he cared little for my words.

XXIII.

And after that talk I went to the Queen, and said to her. "Well do I know and see the hurt and dishonour that you and I are suffering; and though [46] I am still a child, I intend having my revenge, and you will also, if you will only follow my advice." Then I said to her: "In this house there is a trap door leading to a subterraneous passage; I will get two ropes ; I will seat you on a board, and lower you down ; then I will send for En Artal (d'Alagó),⁽⁴¹⁾ that he may come here with his men the very night that we are to do this ; and when we know that he has arrived, you will go out [of the house] by the door below, and Don Artal will go away with you, and I will remain here at Zaragoza. I dare not attempt anything for fear of their hurting you; but as soon as you have gone away, I will address Don Fernando, or Don Guillen de Montcada, or Don Pedro Ahones, and will tell them that they all did treason in what they did against me. I will then mount a horse, which I will have in readiness, and this they cannot prevent, because if any of them attempt to stop me, I will kill him. I do not believe that they can overtake me; I will have such a swift horse that I have no fear of their coming far after me." And she replied: "Know ye that for nothing in the world will I be lowered down from this on a board with ropes." And I begged and [47] entreated her much, but she would not do it. I, therefore, let the thing rest, and did nothing on account of her fears.

XXIV.

And then came En Guillen de Montcada and made Don Fernando beg of me that for the harm that I had done him (Montcada) in Catalonia, I would make amends to him. I replied that what I had done, I had done rightfully, and that I would make him no amends. And they both said that indeed I should ; that the amend would be much to him and little to me ; that I should give him twenty thousand morabatins;⁽⁴²⁾ and I persisted that I would not. At last, in the expectation that the aforesaid knights would leave the traitorous ways that they were in, I yielded and promised them the twenty thousand morabatins.1 And when I had stayed at Zaragoza for a while, I went to Tortosa, and the Queen went to Burbaguena. And Don Fernando and Don Guillen de Montcada and Don Nuño began to distribute the fiefs and " honors " of Aragon among [48] their friends, pretending that they were bestowing them with my sanction ; but the truth is that they divided them as they liked best.

XXV.

After that I left Tortosa without their knowing of it, and came to Orta, which belongs to the order of the Temple ; whereupon I summoned the barons and knights holding land in fief from the crown to come to me at Teruel, for that I intended to enter the kingdom of Valencia and make war on the Moors, and that they should do service for the land they held of me, and accordingly named a day for their being there. And, thereon, I made contract for supplies with Don Pasqual Monyos, who had been a great favourite of my father, and one of the best townsmen in the whole country in those days. Monyos told me that he would supply very willingly, and for nothing, as much as he could of his own and of his friends' wealth ; and so he supplied for three weeks all that was wanted. And when the day arrived that they, that is, the barons of Aragon, were to come to me, there came only Don Blasco d'Alagó, and Don Artal de Luna, and Don Ato de Foces ; and I saw plainly that the rest would not come on the day fixed for the meeting. And in consequence of this their [49] absence, I had to consume the supplies that had been stored up to invade the country of the Moors. And, therefore, I resolved to make a truce with Seit Abuzeit,⁽⁴³⁾ who was then King of Valencia, the truce to last three weeks, after which he should give me the fifth of all his revenue from Valencia and Murcia, excepting the "zeka."⁽⁴⁴⁾ And Seit bound himself to that in writings, and by deeds and agreements which he signed ; and so the truce was made with him. And when the three weeks aforesaid were passed, I, who had by that time consumed the supplies that should have been employed in the raid, left Teruel, and entered Aragon. And when I got to the second village below Calamocha, I there met Don Pedro Ahones who was coming with fifty or sixty knights, and I asked him whence he came, and where he was going. And he told me that he was going to enter the country of the Moors, he and his brother the Bishop of Saragossa.⁽⁴⁵⁾ And I said to him, "Turn back with me, for I wish to speak with you about that." And he begged me not to delay him on his journey, as he wished to go on. And I said to him, "Don Pedro Ahones, I will not [50] delay you much if I ask you to ride one short league with me, for I wish some of the Aragonese barons to be present when I come to speak my mind to you." And he said that he was content; and so I went to Burbaguena, to a house belonging to the order of the Temple, which is on the Daroca and Teruel road, at the entrance of the village as one comes from Daroca ; and there were with him Don Blasco de Alagon, Don Artal de Alagon, Don Ato de Foces, Don Ladron, Don Assalit de Gudar, Don Pelegrin de Bolas, and himself, with his purpoint⁽⁴⁶⁾ on, and his sword girded, and a hood of mail on his head. And I was then entering upon my seventeenth year. And I said to him, " Don Pedro Ahones, I waited for you at Teruel fully three weeks from the day I had appointed for you and the others to come, intending, as I published in my ban, to make a good raid against the Moors with you and with the barons of Aragon ; and when I say a good raid I mean this, that I have [51] not yet seen Moors in war, and it would have pleased me much to see them in their own country and fight with them; but for want of you especially, and because I was told at the time that with so few knights as I had at Teruel, I should not enter the country of the Moors (for if God did not help me I might there meet with disgrace or death), I desisted from the undertaking, and thereon Seit Abuzeit sent word to me that he would willingly give me the fifths⁽⁴⁷⁾ of Valencia and Murcia if I made a truce with him, and I accepted ; wherefore I pray you, Don Pedro Ahones, and command you, that you keep that truce, and do not break through it." And he said to me, that the preparations that he had made for the undertaking had cost much money both to himself and to his brother, the bishop; and that I could not really wish for him and his brother to lose their cost, and be thereby impoverished. And I replied: " Don Pedro Ahones, very wrongfully speak you to me ; the truce I speak of was entirely made through your default, and through your not coming to me on the appointed day. Now you tell me that you [52] will not give up this expedition as I command you. See what you are doing; you go against my sovereignty, and I certainly did not expect that of you. I therefore wish to know if you will give up your purpose for our prayers and commands." And Don Pedro replied that he would do everything for my prayers and commands; but this thing he could not do, for it cost him so much money that he could not give it up ; and that he entreated me to let him enter into the Moors' country, he and his brother, the bishop, and that he would do me good service therein. And I said : " Rather bad service would that be, if you broke the truce that I have granted. I wish therefore to know if you will obey my orders or not." And he said to me that he could do nothing else. And therefore I said to him : " Then since you wish to break what is so dear to me as my word and promise of this truce, know ye that I resolve to take you prisoner."

XXVI.

Thereupon no more words were said. Don Pedro stood up ; and those who were about me, that is, the above-named knights, left the room, and all went to the top of the house, and took their swords in hand, rolling their cloaks about their [53] with their quilted coats on, and left me alone with Don Pedro. And Don Pedro was a good knight and very good at arms, and he put his hand his sword, but I held the sword and the hand, that he could not draw it. And Don Pedro's retainers were still outside of the house, and had not dismounted from their horses; and when they heard the noise that was made inside the house, fully thirty or forty of them at once dismounted. Don Pedro, in the meanwhile, hearing his people come up stairs, tried to get his sword out of the scabbard, but I hindered him, and he could not draw it. His men, however, came into the room, and as my own were in their quarters at the time, and could not help me, they had it all their own way; they released Don Pedro, and took him away from me by force, for I had secured him, and he could not help themself.⁽⁴⁸⁾ On this occasion those of my men who were with me in the house did not help me in the least, but looked on at my struggle with Don Pedro. And after that Don Pedro's men mounted him on his horse, and sent him away ; and they themselves, with his armour,⁽⁴⁹⁾ went after him. I then told a knight of Alagon, named Miquel Dagues,⁽⁵⁰⁾ who happened to have his horse at the door of the [54] house, to let me have it; he did, and I mounted it. I had then a quilted coat on, and they brought me my arms, and forthwith I went in pursuit of him. But before all these preparations could be made, Don Ato⁽⁵¹⁾ rode off, followed by four esquires of his on horseback; and shortly after Don Ato, Don Blasco and Don Artal also rode off with their respective followers, all of them in pursuit. Don Ato was the first to overtake Don Pedro at the end of some walls inclosing the vineyards of Burbaguena. And one of Don Pedro's men said to him, " Here comes Don Ato, who is following you." And Don Pedro Ahones said, " Let us turn, and let not the villain strike us in the back."⁽⁵²⁾ But Don Ato was not a villain, nor basely nurtured, yet those who were with him gave way, and, instead of keeping close to him, made room for Don Pedro's men to attack him; and so they did, for two of them approached Don Ato and wounded him - one struck him below the mouth on the left side, and the other struck him on the shield. Then Don Ato, for fear of another blow that was aimed at him, and lest he should not be able to withstand the full force of it, let himself fall on the right side of his horse, and [55] threw himself on his shield, for fear of being killed. Meanwhile Don Blasco de Alagon and Don Artal Dalagon came up along the road ; and I, passing Don Ato, asked him how he was, and what had happened. And he said, " I am wounded, and behold those who wounded me, where they go." And there were with me at the time only Don Assalit Daguda[r] and Domingo Lopez de Pomar. And I saw Pedro Ahones, with twenty of his mounted followers, pushing up a hill to my left ; he wished, no doubt, to take shelter in a castle of his brother, the bishop, called Cotanda.⁽⁵³⁾ And Don Blasco de Alagon and Don Artal de Alagon went after him, about a cross bow-shot off. And Don Pedro Ahones got to the top of a hill with his men, and halted there ; and Don Exemen Lopez de Rigols dismounted, and told Don Pedro Ahones to mount his horse, as his own was tired, and to think of getting into shelter at once. And while doing that, they threw stones, great and small, at those below, that they might not push up the hill behind them ; and Don Pedro Ahones then changed horses as above said. And when he saw that we were in pursuit, he said to Don Assalit and Don Domingo Lopez de Pomar, " I know of a short cut that will enable us to get to them." " Let us go," said I ; and I myself went considerably in front of the other [56] two, for my horse was faster than theirs. And when I got up the hill, Don Pedro's men began throwing stones at those of Don Artal and Don Blasco's ; and they stopped, and did not push up the hill. But I, followed by some of my own men, pushed on, and arrived at the top, and then cried, "Aragon! Aragon I"⁽⁵⁴⁾ upon which Don Pedro's men began to abandon him, except one, called Martin Peris Desquita,⁽⁵⁵⁾ who came in my suite, following his lord. Meanwhile Sancho Martinez de Luna, elder brother of Martin Lopez, came up, and struck Don Pedro a blow with his spear, and put half a foot of it into his right side, through the opening of the quilted coat just under his arm. And Don Pedro was riding in front of us, no man riding between him and me, so close was I to him. When he felt himself wounded, he stopped, and threw his arms round the neck of his horse ; I was then close to him, and saw him slide from his horse, and fall ; I dismounted, and put my arms over him. And, pitying him, I said, " Ah, Don Pedro Ahones, in evil hour were you born ; why would you not believe the advice I gave you ? " And he answered not, for he could not say a word to me, but he looked me fully in the face.⁽⁵⁶⁾ [57]

XXVII.

And on this Don Blasco came there, and said: "Ah! my lord, leave that lion to us, that we may take revenge for the harm he has done to us." And I said to Don Blasco : " God confound you, that at this time you should say such things! I tell you that if you strike Don Pedro Ahones, you shall have to strike me first. I forbid you to touch him." I then had him mounted on a beast, with an esquire to support his body ; but he died on the road before we got to Burbaguena. I thence went to Daroca;⁽⁵⁷⁾ and I carried thither Don Pedro Ahones' body in a coffin, and had it buried in Saint Mary's of Daroca. And when I left, the people of that town (Daroca) insulted my men, namely those who had remained behind, and were to follow me; and they struck one of my esquires, a relation of Don Pelegrin de Bolas, in the mouth⁽⁵⁸⁾ with a stone, because of his calling them liars.

Don Pedro Ahones, whilst he lived, had held [58] in pledge both Bolea⁽⁵⁹⁾ and Loarre,⁽⁶⁰⁾ which my father had pawned to him for a sum of money; and he had held these pledges so long that he must have thought himself fully paid for his loan. I, therefore, went thither, but found on my arrival [at Bolea] that Don Fernando and Don Pedro Cornell had thrown themselves into it, and that they had with them from seventy to eighty knights. I really thought, when I went thither, that I should find no one inside the town to oppose me, and that the inhabitants would be in my favour as good and loyal subjects ; but I was mistaken ; they had agreed to take the others' side against me, and do me all the harm they could, as if I were not their natural lord. Perceiving, therefore, that the castle was strong, and defended by a numerous garrison of knights and footmen, and that there were provisions inside the town for fully a year,4 I thought it better to move away, and depart therefrom, and so I did.

XXVIII.

And when I had departed thence, the cities of Aragon rose against me, with Don Fernando [59] and with Don Pedro Cornell and the party of Don Pedro Ahones at their head. And thereon I sent for En Guillen de Moncada to come to me and he came with all his power. And the cities of Aragon were all against me, save only Calatayud. I went to Almudevar, and stayed there for three weeks; then I removed to Pertusa, and sent for En Ramon Folch de Cardona, who came to my aid at the end of a month, with good sixty knights - he and his brother En Guillen de Cardona. I then sent to the front, against them of Zaragoza, Don Blasco Dalagó⁽⁶¹⁾ and Don Artal de Luna; and there remained with me only Don Ato and Don Rodrigo Licana and Don Ladró. Meanwhile the Bishop of Zaragoza,⁽⁶²⁾ brother of Don Pedro Ahones, sent his men on a foray; and they came after sunset⁽⁶³⁾ to Alcovera, which they took and sacked completely. This happened during Lent, yet the good bishop gave his men absolution for the evil they had done, and besides gave them licence to eat meat, to whoever would eat it. After this the people of Zaragoza, whilst Don Blasco and Don Artal were in Alagon, went again to Castelar. But the two above-named knights crossed the Ebro, and attacked the Zaragozans [60] on the hills opposite Castellar, when there were fully three hundred of them killed and taken prisoners. And En Ramon Folch came meanwhile to Pertusa; and I was enabled with his assistance to get hold of the provisions which the people of Zaragoza and of Huesca, and the knights who had come in their aid, had bought at Monzon, fully two thousand cafizes⁽⁶⁴⁾ of wheat, Aragonese measure. After that I made a "mangonel," went to Ponsano, ⁽⁶⁵⁾ and took its castle.

XXIX.

And thence I removed my camp to Cellas,⁽⁶⁶⁾ and set up the " mangonel "⁽⁶⁷⁾ against that town, and, on the third day that it had battered the castle, an esquire, who was inside, opened a parley, and asked me to appoint a day at which, if he were not succoured, he should surrender the castle. It was the opinion of En Ramon Folch, and of Don Rodrigo Liçana, and Don Ato, and Don Ladró, and Don Pedro Pomar, that I should give the esquire time, but that it should be short; he asked fifteen days, I gave him eight, and the agreement was made accordingly. Don Ato, [61] moreover, said that he would cross the river, and if he perceived any one coming against us, he would at once come and let me know of it. On the eighth day, accordingly, I returned to Pertusa, and held a council there early in the morning. And I ordered the people of the town, in virtue of the dominion I had over them, that early next day they should go to Cellas with their arms, on pain, for him who should not be there, of losing all he had in that district. And I ordered letters in like style to be written to the inhabitants of the towns of Barbegal and Barbastro, summoning them to be all there with us on that day.

And, surely, when I had had my dinner (it happened to be a fast-day), there came by the road from Huesca Don Pelegrin Datrosil⁽⁶⁸⁾ and Don Gil; they came by themselves, without followers, but armed with lance and shield, trotting, and even galloping as hard as they could. They pointed them out to me, but I could not recognise them at first, till they got to the Pertusa bridge, whereupon I went to the foss⁽⁶⁹⁾ close to St. Mary, and waited for them to hear what their errand was. And they came, and said to me : " God protect you ! Behold, here come Don [62] Fernando and Don Pedro Corneyl,⁽⁷⁰⁾ and they of Zaragoza and of Huesca with them; they come to succour Cellas; we left them near Vilella, and they are coming here as fast as they can." Hearing this, I gave orders to saddle. There were with me at the time only four knights; but I ordered the townsmen [of Pertusa] on pain of treason to come and follow me; similar orders were sent to Barbegal and to Barbastro. I then went to Cellas, and found there En Ramon Folch and En Guillen de Cardona and Don Rodrigo Liçana and my own train, yet in all there were not more than from sixty to seventy knights. I told them to arm and get their horses ready, as Don Fernando was coming, as well as those of Zaragoza and Huesca who followed him ; and all, accordingly, set themselves to arm and prepare their horses. And whilst I was giving the above-said orders, En Pere Pomar, who was an old knight, and one of my own train, addressed me in these words : " My lord, I will give you good advice : here is a hill,⁽⁷¹⁾ very strong, almost impregnable ; take possession of it, and whilst you are there, the towns will hear of it and flock round you." And I replied: " Don [63] Pedro Pomar, I am King of Aragon, and I defend my right; those who come against me are my subjects, and they do wrong in coming to fight against me.; I am in my right, they are wrong, and God will help me. I will not leave the town alive; I will conquer them, and not do as you advise this time." I, therefore, waited for them, and took the Castle of Cellas after all, for they never came to its relief.

XXX.

After this I returned to Pertusa ; and the Archbishop of Tarragona, by name En Esparech,⁽⁷²⁾ and a kinsman of mine, when he saw Aragon in such bad state, and my subjects doing against me what they should not do, came to Pertusa, and begged hard of me, for his and for God's sake, that I would make terms with my subjects, and let him treat between them and me. I consented, and the Archbishop, having my word to that effect, opened parley with them. Yet he could not make any arrangement, for they demanded things against my sovereignty; and consequently the parley was broken off. And when the people saw that Cellas⁽⁷³⁾ had been taken, they [64] of Huesca sent message by Don Martin de Perexolo, who was my merino,⁽⁷⁴⁾ and by other friends I had in that town, that if I went to Huesca, they were sure I might do what I pleased there. And so I went, and I would not on the march thither put any of my knights into armour for fear those of Huesca should take alarm. And before I got there, about twenty of the chief men of the town came out to meet me to Saint Mary de Sales, and I spoke with them, and said that I wondered much at their coming out to meet me, as I never intended doing them harm - on the contrary, nothing but good; and that if my ancestors had done them good, and had loved them, I would certainly love them as much or perhaps more. And when the people of Huesca heard that, they thanked me much for it and bid me welcome into their town, and, moreover, said that they would do for me what faithful vassals should do for their natural lord. And on my making entry into the town, the children and the common people showed great joy at my coming. I entered Huesca at the hour of vespers, and there entered with me Don Rodrigo Liçana and Don Blasco Massa, and my train, Don Assalit and Don Pelegrin de Bolas, and many others. And they did not invite me [to eat], and when I had [65] eaten I began joking, and told them in jest that it was very plain that I might do what I pleased in the town, since they had received me so well.

XXXI.

And when I and all those who usually slept about me had lain down, there came my porter and said that there were full a hundred armed men before the door [of the house]. I said to him : "Go away ! I have just put off my armour, " and you want me to get into it again: those men you speak of are no doubt the watch of the town " He said: " My lord, send one of your own esquires, and I will show him." And I said : " Let me go to sleep ; it can be only as God wills." When morning came, and I rose and had heard mass, I proclaimed a council to be held in the open space⁽⁷⁵⁾ between my house and that of Montaragon.⁽⁷⁶⁾ And I being on horseback, and they all standing before me, I held a great council ; and said to them : " Men, I believe in deed that you know, and ought to know, that I am your lord by birthright, and that of long standing ; that with me there have been no less [66] than fourteen kings in Aragon, and the longer the loyal connection between you and us has been, the closer should it be now, for in proportion as kindred is extended, and connection becomes more intimate, loyalty is strengthened. Hitherto I have done you no harm, nor do I intend it to you, but rather have at heart to love and honour you, and to preserve all the good customs and usages under which you have hitherto lived, and all the privileges granted to you by my ancestors. If any more are required, I will grant you fresh and better ones; but I marvel much at this, that I should have to guard against you, and dare not enter your town, and the others that God has given me, and which I inherited from my father. It grieves me much, indeed, that there should be war between me and you ; and I pray and command you that it be not so, for war is a thing that grieves me most. This you can very well imagine, when you see me thus coming alone among you. I trust in you, and in your love, which I prize above all things, and wish to keep." And with that my speech ended, and they replied and said that they thanked me much for what I had said, and that the Town Council would assemble and deliberate, and would reply to me. They accordingly went to the house of Montaragon to deliberate, but were a long while about it. [67]

XXXII.

And while I was waiting for the result of their deliberations, there came word to the Town Councillors that En Ramon Folch and the companies, who were outside, were surrounding the town on all sides. The councillors were alarmed, and I sent them word : "Have no fear, " and hear what I will say to you when you come." And I sent for those who were assembled in the Town Council ; part of them came, but made no reply to my message. I then said : " Good men,⁽⁷⁷⁾ I marvel much that you take alarm at nothing ; it cannot be that while I am with you any man dare do anything against you; for every penny you lose (what cannot happen) I will willingly forfeit ten to you." And the councillors replied : " You say well; but let the order be given as if it came from you." And I said : " So it shall be; from this moment I, the king, forbid any harm being done to you." And I sent immediately some one to ascertain the cause of the rumour, and found that there was nothing at all; yet with all this the councillors returned no [68] answer to my message, but got up from their seats and went away.

And I went into my house, and there went in with me Don Rodrigo Liçana and Don Blasco Maça and some of my own train, and Don Assalit, and Don Rabaza, my notary; and it was said that the townsmen were actually barring the streets with chains, and closing the gates. I said to Don Rabaza : " Have you any law that is good for me and you at the same time ?" and he replied: " My lord, neither law nor right is here of any avail." And I said to him: " Know ye aught else to advise ? " He said, " No ; but ye may take counsel of these nobles." And I accordingly asked the advice of those present, and they said, "Great treasons are being concocted;" but nothing more would they explain. Thereon I said : " Since no one will give advice, I will explain my own as best I can. Let us send to the shambles (said I to the notary) to buy sheep ; that will make them believe that we are preparing dinner ; meanwhile do you all get to saddle and go with the rest. When that is done, I will send for my horse, my quilted coat (camisole), for my coat of mail, and for my arms; and you be all ready, and wait for me in the square."

And the thing was done as I said; there came En Rodrigo Licana and Don Blasco Maça, and [69] three more, for we were only five in all. I went down to the gate which goes out to the Isola⁽⁷⁸⁾ and the road to Bolea ; but, finding the gate shut, inquired who had shut it. A woman there was, who said the Town Councillors had ordered it to be shut. And I said to an esquire of mine : " Where is the porter?" And he said: "He is usually up there." I sent two of my esquires for him, and they brought him down; and he came, all pale, and I asked him, "Who has the key of this gate?" He said: "The Town Councillors have it." I said to him : " Now give it me instantly, or else I will lay thee dead with a sword-cut on thy head." I made the esquires go up with the porter ; they soon brought down the key, and the porter also a prisoner. I made him open the gate, and waited till all the knights came in. When they all had come, I went outside ; but news came that some esquires of my train and some baggage-mules had been retained inside, upon which I told twenty or thirty men of Huesca, who were with me outside : " You send one man to the town, and see that all my belongings be allowed to quit unmolested." Having said as much, I went down to the Isola, crossed it, and found there En Ramon Folch and En Guillen de Cardona, with all the other knights, and with their [70] train, besides Don Ato, all of whom were lamenting my loss, for they thought that we had all been kept prisoners. Those of Huesca, in the meantime considering me in their power, had sent word to Don Fernando and to those of Zaragoza to come.

XXXIII.

After that I went to Pertusa. And being there, Don Fernando and Don Guillen de Moncada and Don Pedro Corneyl came to Huesca, and they had among themselves some talk of coming to terms with me. They would admit that they had acted wrong, and would send me, as they did, a messenger acknowledging their error. This pleased me and my Council much, and the message was very acceptable to all of us. I then asked the messenger : " What sort of agreement is it that you propose ?" He replied that they would go out to the mountains above Alcalá, and that I and my company might go thither also ; that I should go out with seven of my Council, and that they should come with six or seven of their chief townsmen, and that the rest of the company should be left behind. The messenger said also that they would gladly come to me to Pertusa, only they were afraid that some bad man might pick a quarrel with them; and that they wished to speak with me as vassals [71] ought to speak with their natural lord, and that before they separated from me they would so act that I should be content. And as it was said, it was done. We went out to meet them, with coats of mail on and swords girt. There went with me En Ramon Folch, En Guillen de Cardona, Don Ato de Foces, Don Rodrigo Lizana, Don Ladró, the son of the other Don Ladró (En Pere), a knight of noble and great lineage, Don Assalit de Gudá, and one knight more besides Don Pelegrin de Bolas. On their side there came Don Fernando, my uncle, En Guillen de Moncada, father of Don Gastó, Don Pedro Corneyl, Fernando Perez de Pina, and others of their party, whose names I do not remember. Don Fernando was the first to speak, and began thus: " My lord, we have come here before you; we grieve much for the war that has been between us and you, and we fully intend to put an end to it; we pray you to pardon us, for it is our wish to serve you, I and En Guillen de Moncada, and Don Pedro Corneyl, and as many as belong to our party; for though we have suffered harm by you, we acknowledge having done you harm, for which we are very sorry. Had we to make amends for the harm we have done, we could in nowise make the compensation required, for certainly the harm done has been very great, and no reparation can be made for our faults ; wherefore [72] we implore your forgiveness, and your mercy and humbly beseech you to take good care of us and treat us well ; towards me, in particular you are bound to do so on account of the relationship that I have with you, and towards Don Guillen de Moncada, for no king in the whole of Spain had ever so good a vassal as you have in him, or who can do so good service." And with that he ended. And then spoke Don Guillen de Moncada, and said : " My lord, the obligation in which I stand to your royal person, no one knows it better than you do, for the Counts of Barcelona from whom you descend, gave my ancestors large domains and lands, whereof I, by the grace of God, have more than others of my race, for I possess the domain of Bearne in Gascony, which no other [of my ancestors] had. All that I have, and can have, I will put at your service. God, Who knows all things, knows that what I did was intended for your advantage, and your honour ; but since my doing does not please you, it does not please me either. I am not ashamed to say that I was mistaken, and did wrong to you; be merciful and forgive me and those who were with me in this business, for you may be sure that never more will I war with you, holding it as certain that you will not willingly do wrong to me, nor to my friends, nor to my relations ; and if you should, I am sure, by supplications, and with love, to [73] overcome any bad feeling you may entertain towards me and mine, and to conquer your affection through the good service I intend to render you in future, and which I hope will avail me with you." And so their speech ended. And thereon I told him and them that I would consider the matter, and return an answer. So I left them, and they went away. The barons who were with me said that well and nobly had they (Don Fernando and Don Guillen) spoken, and that they had shown great submission. And upon that I made them come back, and said: " What you have stated with such humility, and with such submission to me, I am content with; I take your good will as amends for the past, and am willing to keep you in my love and grace." And thereupon the knights on each side who were at a distance came on and inspected the settlement and agreement that had been made, at which all were joyful and content. And after that I went to Lérida.

XXXIV.

More than a year and a half after this, being at Lérida, there came the Countess of Urgel, daughter of Count Ermengol,⁽⁷⁹⁾ and of the Countess of Subirats, who had been wife of En Alvar Perez (they were [74] now separated on account of consanguinity to each other, and she had no child by him) ; her name was Na Arambiays.⁽⁸⁰⁾ I received her well, and when she had been two days at Lérida, went to see her. En Guillen de Cervera,⁽⁸¹⁾ Lord of Juneda, was with her as counsel, and certainly she did more through him than through any one else in the world; he advised her in her difficulties, because he had had her mother to wife, and also because he was an old man, and one of the wisest in all Spain; all that the Countess proposed to me, and to others, she did by his (Servera's) advice; and he did in her business, and in everything, whatever she needed done. And she said to En Guillen de Cervera, to propose the business for her. And En Guillen de Cervera said, " Lady, " propose it yourself, for you know how to propose and state your own business better than I." So they made her propose it : and she said to me: " that she had come to ask a favour of me, in as much as she knew, and so people said, that she would find justice and grace in me ; she had come to Lérida because she suffered great wrong; all the land knew that she was the daughter of the Count of Urgel, En Ermengol, and that the county belonged to her rather than to any other, because of her being the Counts [75] daughter, and of there being no son nor daughter but she; and that she called on me for love and grace to do justice to her, since from no man in the world could she get the same, save from me." And En Guillen de Cervera and En Ramon de Peralta took up her case, and promised to help her. En Ramon de Peralta, however, had refused to surrender Montmagastre till the Countess herself came; when she came he gave it up, and likewise the dues the Count had in the place, though he kept four castles for himself. The two [knights] came to me, and Cervera said, " My lord, it is a king's office and duty, that those who cannot have right by any other means should apply to him, and obtain justice at his hands. God has put you in His place to do right; this lady who has come before you is of great lineage by father and mother, as you know. She has been disinherited of her father's estates within your own dominions, and she comes to you for grace, that you cause to be returned to her the property which her father left her ; she is so good in herself, that her virtues alone might prevail with you ; help and assist her, as we beg and entreat you, and as she herself can and will do better than we." After Servera, En Ramon de Peralta said words to the same effect. I said to them : "Your prayers are just; I will consult on the matter, and do what ought ' to be done." I then took council of the bishop [76] whose name was En Bag (Berenguer) Daril,⁽⁸²⁾ En Guillen de Moncada, of En Ramon Folch r En Guillen Ramon, brother of En Ramon de Moncada and father of En Pedro, of Don Assalit of Don Garcia Perez de Meytats,⁽⁸³⁾ and of the principal inhabitants⁽⁸⁴⁾ of the city of Lérida. And they asked me to appoint En Guillen de Çasala to defend the Countess' suit, and so I did, and the Countess granted him for life the dues known as "Caldera de Lérida."⁽⁸⁵⁾ which at that time were not worth more than two hundred sols a year, and have since risen to three thousand.

XXXV.

En Guillen de Çasala having been appointed for the defence, and having pleaded the Countess' case before the above-mentioned bishop and barons, they decided that the Count of Urgel, En Guerau de Cabrera,⁽⁸⁶⁾ should be summoned to appear at Court, [77] and do right to the Countess, and that all the three [customary] summons should be made as was proper. The Count did not come on the first summons that was made. And, therefore, before giving sentence against him or proceeding by form of law, I addressed myself to the Countess and said, " I cannot sentence this case unless the formalities of law are complied with ; you and your advisers must wait." En Guerau was then summoned a second time, and on the day fixed, not before, En Guillen de Cardona,⁽⁸⁷⁾ brother of En Ramon Folch, at that time Master of the Temple, appeared as proxy and representative for En Guerau, and alleged before those sitting in Court, that " En Guerau, Count of Urgel, marvelled much, as did all those who had heard of the summons, that what he (En Guerau) had held for twenty or thirty years without opposition of any sort, the pretended Countess being alive, and yet making no claim on him, should now be put in question and disputed. He was not bound to answer such a preposterous demand, and he begged me desist therefrom ; for the Count, my brother (he said), is not a man upon whom such an unfounded claim, and so discourteous a demand should be made." Then En [78] Guillen Çasala spoke as follows for the Countess : " My lord, En Guerau de Cardona, who certainly is a man of dignity and honour, of illustrious descent and much respected, shows wonder at this our demand ! A much greater wonder it is in my opinion that he should refuse to do right to so good a lady as the Countess is, and that whilst he himself is suing for justice in this your court, he should say that he is not prepared to do it to others. This is enough to prove that he acts and speaks by proxy against all reason ; and God, my lord, put you in His place that to those who have not met with right or justice, you should administer it; and the Countess prays you to give her her right." And then En Guillen de Moncada said, " Have you brought powers from the " Count ?" " No, I have not," answered Cardona. " I came not here to plead, nor for aught else, but to say what was given me in charge, and therefore will now go away." En Ramon de Moncada said, " Wait then till the King has deliberated, and he will reply to what you have said." They accordingly left, and the Council met to deliberate. It was decided that I should tell Cardona, when he should come back into the room : " En Guillen de [79] Cardona, you have brought here no power of attorney from En Guerau; further, you refuse to answer the claim and demand made in form of law; I wish to know whether you will or will not make answer to the demand that En Guillen Çasala makes of you." Cardona answered and said, that he would give no further answer. And I said to him : ' Then I will do my duty; I will summon [the Count] once more, and that will be the third summons, and if he will do right, I will accept it; if not, I will proceed as law requires." Thereon he went away : and the third and last summons was made, after which En Guerau de Cardona came on the day fixed.

XXXVI.

At the time that Guillen de Cardona, in obedience to the summons, appeared again, I was with all my court, and many nobles (ricoshomes), in the house of En Ramon Raboster, and all the Court and the barons heard what was said. En Guillen Sasala⁽⁸⁸⁾ was also there, who rose and said, "My Lord, I pray you and those present to listen to me ; God willed that in this world there should be kings, and He gave them this duty to perform, to do justice to those who needed it, and especially [80] to widows and orphans; and inasmuch as the Countess has no one to resort to but you, she has come to your court for two reasons; one because the claim she makes is in your land; the other because you can give her counsel and advice in the matter, and no one else in the world can. Therefore, the Countess beseeches you for grace, and as a subject would his good lord, that you should compel En Guerau, or En Guillen de Cardona, to answer the demand that has been made, because this is the third summons, and owing to En Guerau's default the proceedings are stayed and nothing is being done. Now this is the last day; wherefore the Countess prays you as her lord, of whom she expects justice, that she may get it from you in this wise; that if En Guillen de Cardona has not come duly prepared to meet the claim, you do at once proceed against En Guerau and his property, so that the Countess may have rightful satisfaction of the claim she makes against him." En Guillen de Cardona then said : " Listen to me, En Guillen [Sasala]. Do you suppose for a moment that through your specious pleading, which you learned at Bologna, the Count will lose his countship ? " And En Guillen Sasala said: " I only ask right for the Countess ; and if our claim be a just one, we have confidence in my lord the king that he will give it us. I will not leave defending my [81] lady's right for you and your threats." And En Guillen de Cervera said: " Have you something more to say." And En Guillen de Cardona took no notice, and said: "My lord, give me a safe conduct, and I will go." " What else do you intend to do?" said I. He replied, "Nothing." And En Guillen de Cervera observed: " I am very much afraid, En Guillen de Cardona, that your intentions are different." And Cardona replied : "We shall see ! it will be as God pleases." And he bade us adieu, and went away.

XXXVII.

And meantime letters were despatched to Tamarit, for the townsmen to be on a certain day with their arms and with supplies for three days at Albelda, as I would certainly be there with my own train: and I said to En Guillen de Moncada, and to En Ramon, and to En Guillen de Cervera, to come to me with all their followers, as I wanted to go against En Guerau. While the letters were on their way, Don Pedro Corneyl came to me, and I, finding that there were already thirteen knights in the camp, went to Albelda. On my arrival there I did not find there those of Tamarit nor the others, but only En Bertran de Calassans and En Ramon de Calassans with sixty or seventy footmen. It vexed me much to find that those of Tamarit were not there; for [82] they of Albelda held the town, and were prepared to defend it with shields and crossbows and other arms. And I said to those who were by me, "So it appears that they hold the town against us ? Do they ? We shall see." I dismounted, left the horses in charge of the esquires, took my arms assailed, fought with them, and took the town. Shortly after some of the Tamarit people made their appearance, and at sunset a capitulation was signed. The people in the castle also sent a messenger to say that if I promised not to hurt them they would give it up, and it should remain in my subjection. And when the morning dawned, they surrendered the castle to me.

XXXVIII.

After this I moved thence, and said to my men: " Let us go to Menargues, for before they know of our coming I will have secured much of their country." Some knights of my train had come to me, so that I had fully thirty knights ; and I went with them to Menargues. I said to those who were with me, "You wait here, whilst I send forward three or four knights." En Rocafort went accordingly on with three other knights, whose names I do not remember at present. The men had all gone up to the castle with their arms and with all the supplies they could get in [83] the town I went to the gate of the castle, and the town and said : " Men, you know well that the Countess is your liege lady, and she does not desire your destruction, nor that you die here, nor lose anything that is yours ; go down to your houses, and I will assure you, in my royal name and in hers, that no harm will be done unto you, but that you will be defended against all men." One of them then said: " My lord, what are we to do with the castle that En Pons de Cabrera [the Count of Urgel] gave us in charge ? " I answered : "You know well that our sovereignty prevails over that of any one else. I will be warrant that you shall not do anything against your duty ; go down in peace, and I take your trust upon myself." "Since the King says it, so will we do," said one of them. Before, however, they opened the gate they again said to me, " And you really say that we may go down, on your word ? " "Yes," said I. And they actually came down with their arms and their goods; and I sent for the knights to come forthwith. When the people saw how few knights I had with me, they were greatly discomforted. Though we had no meat in our camp, I would not take any from them; and sent about twenty horsemen to make a foray in the environs of Balaguer ; they brought us as many as sixteen cows and calves; we bought bread and wine, and thus prepared food for three days.

1. Na is the feminine for En, a prefix then much used in Catalonia, equivalent of Don and Doña in Castillian. See above, p. 8, note 1.

2. "Havia jagut ab una dona, si que nos hoym dir puix a son reboster qui hauia nom Erf, e puix fo frare del Spital, qui auia stat en aquell consell, e de altres que ho verem per sos ulls, que anch al Evangeli no poch star de peus, ans se assecha a son siti mentre quell deyen." The name of Jacme's Stewart (reboster) is said in the Chronicle, c. viii. f. 4, to have been Erf, as in the above text, but he is called elsewhere Gil.

3. "E per la merce que noy trobaren aquels que eren de dins." Refers, no doubt, to the refusal by the King of Montfort's offer to treat. The Spanish version omits this sentence.

4. Vich, in Catalonia, called Ausona during the Roman domination.

5. Zurita, Anales ii. c. 66, explains that "Don Sancho, Count of Roussillon, and the Infante Don Fernando, uncles of the King, went out alienating and stirring up the people of the kingdom, each thinking that the succession belonged to him, notwithstanding it had been declared that the marriage of the Queen Doña Maria had been according to the rules anddirection of the Church." What has been said of the marriage well accounts for attempts to throw doubt on the legitimacy of King James. Fernando, the third son of Alfonso II., and brother of Pedro II., had been brought up as an ecclesiastic, a Cistertian monk and abbot of Montaragon, but had of his profession only the revenues. Pedro II. gave him, in 1204, the countship of Roussillon. Sancho was the King's great uncle, being the third son of his great grandfather, Ramon Berenguer, the Prince of Aragon. - Zurita, Anales ii. c. 25, c. 50, c. 66, c. 76.

6. "Sus el palau de uolta qui ara es, e laores era de fust, a la finestra on ara es la cuyna per on dona horn a menjar a aquels qui mengen en lo palau."

7. "Honors" in the old feudal language of France was often synonymous of fief, and served to designate all manner of land property.
 

In Aragon honors were the towns or estates, the revenues of which were by the King given to the "ricos-hombres" or barons, who in their turn distributed them to caballeros (knights). The revenue was then called "cavalleria ;" it was a true military benefice, and represented what might be called the honorary of a knight. A large portion of the towns and villages of Aragon was thus distributed among the barons, and held "in honour" under certain conditions, either directly from the barons or from the knights themselves. The honors, however, were not hereditary like the "fiefs," properly so called ; at the beginning of each reign the King could re-take them, and make a new distribution. The right, however, was not exercised with great regularity.

8. En Pere Ahones, also written Aones and Aunes.

9. In the Spanish translation Don Volés, which is decidedly a misprint.

10. Ramon Berenguer descended from the Counts of Barcelona, and cousin of James.

11. "Perset vermeill" are the words. Perhaps "preset" is meant for silken cloth manufactured or coming from Persia. Raimond de Miraval, a troubadour of the twelfth century, says : "Mantel non es de pesset ni de saia."

12. Monzon is, however, in Aragon.

13. Lop. Dalveró, or d'Alveró, seems to have been his right name.

14. Elsewhere d'Atrocil and Atrossil. Pelegrin is generally written Palegrí, which is the Catalonian form of that name.

15. Cafiz, in Castillian cahiz, is a seems nominal measure, equivalent to twelve fanegas, or English bushels. Both cafiz and fanega are derived from the Arabic ; the former from (Arabic letters in book) , the latter from (Arabic letters in book), a sack.

16. Fonevol, from the Latin fundibulus or funnibulus, was a sort of war-engine, which threw out very large stones as a funda honda, or sling would do.

17. " El fonevol que feya de grans errades; " so in both the printed editions. I think the meaning must be that given above.

18. See above, Ahones and Aunes.

19. Elsewhere Cornel and Corneil, and Pedro for Pere, according as the author chose the Castillian or Catalonian appellative.

20. The "mangonel," also called Almanjanech, was a kind of "fonevol" or war-engine, as immediately appears.

21. Elsewhere "Ahones."

22. Albaraccin (Albarrací) had been taken from the Moors by the father of Don Pedro Fernandes de Azagra, who acknowledged no sovereign, saying that he was the vassal of Saint Mary, to whom he dedicated the principal church.

23. Ferdinand III., or Saint Ferdinand, of Castille.

24. Alfonso VIII. of Castille. The kings of Leon and those of Castille, before the union of the crowns, were nevertheless numbered as if of the same dynasty. Thus Alfonso VI. was so called because he was the sixth king of that name in Leon, though the first in Castille; and this king Alfonso VIII. was so styled, though he never reigned in Leon, and was only the third of the Alfonsos who reigned in Castille. So there reigned at the same time, in Castille and in Leon respectively, one Alfonso VIII. and another Alfonso IX.

25. Alfonso IX. of Leon.

26. Don Henrique died on the 6th of June, 1217.

27. On the western frontier of Aragon, Agreda, where he married Queen Leonor, is in Castille at a few miles distance.

28. The word rendered here and elsewhere by "barons" is rich homes, in Castillian ricos hombres; rich being taken for "powerful," rather than for "abounding in richesses."

29. Nuño (sic) is the Castillian form of this name. In Catalonia and Valencia it would be written Nunyo, as Munyoz instead of Muñoz, &c.

30. Elsewhere written Aunes, and Aones. See above, pp. 3, 21. Pere Fernandes is for Pedro Fernandez de Azagra.

31. Castejon de S. Juan (?), a short distance to the north of Monzon. Valcarca, or Valltarcha, is a few miles south-east of Monzon.

32. The text, which is rather obscure, has, "E era en Gisbert de Barbará llains que sen era mes per fer seruici a don Nuno: e broca en aquells de la vila, si que exiren de fora, e haguerense a venere aquells de Perpinyá."

33. Cervello according to the Catalonian form. See above, p. 22.

34. En Ponce de Torredel says the Spanish version.

35. Tauste.

36. Alagon, a town of Aragon, in the province of Saragossa, twenty-one miles to the north-west of that capital. Don Blasco d'Alagó, or Dalagó, was at this time the lord of it ; for in Catalonia proper names ending in on lose generally the final n, as Cervelló, Antilló, Rosselló, which in Castillian would be Cervellon, Antillon, &c.

37. "Sapiats que tots los cauallers son entrats qui venien ab don Ferrando e ab en G. de Muncada, e ab Don Pero Ahones. E vels vos aqui en Alago, e marauellam nos molt de aquesta cosa."

38. The name of this nobleman is variously written throughout this Chronicle : Montcada, Muntcada, and Moncada.

39. Sudda (in Castillian azuda) was the name for the Moorish Alcazar or palace at Saragossa. (Arabic letters in book) in Arabic, Porta domus, vestibulum.

40. Thus in the edition of 1557 ; Tudela?

41. "E dixem li be conexem e veem lo dan e la onta que vos y (sic) nos prenem, e jatsia que nos siam infant nos ne vengarem siu voleu vos. E dixem li en esta casa ha una trapa e haurem dos cordes, e seurem vos en una taula, e auallar vos hem de aqui enjus, e enviarem la nuyt que ago deurem fer per don Artal Dalago," &c.

42. The original gold coin of that name, struck by the Sultans of the Almoravide dynasty, in imitation of the Roman Aureus, seems to be meant. It was about the seventh of an ounce, and would be worth now about 11s. This was the "maravedi de oro," or morabetinus aureus. There was another called "maravedi de plata " (argenteus), which by successive expansion of the currency has, like the Portuguese reis, become a coin of nominal value.

43. Abu Zeid. Seid, (Arabic letters in book) was his real name. See Appendix A. at the end of the volume.

44. The words of the original are : " after deducting the zaká, or contribution for the poor." Zaka, in Spanish azaque, is from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book).

45. The Bishop of Saragossa at this time was Sancho de Ahones, from 1216 to 1236.

46. "E ell vestit son perpunt e ' sa spassa cinta, e un bauyt de malles de ferre al cap." Perpunt (pourpoint) was a thick quilted vest to wear under the armour; in old French gambesson, gambison, and gambosson. (See Lacombe, Dictionnaire die vieux Language François, vol i. p. 238.) As to bahuyt, it is explained as follows in the " Tavla de lcs paravles dificils" prefixed to the Chronicle de En Jacme: "armadura de cap feyta de malle, de la qual abaxaua malla fins a la cara e al coll." I doubt, however, from the explanation given if bauyt or bahuyt be the true reading. Why not babuyt (babera) ? At any rate it seems equivalent to the Spanish almofar from the Arabic, (Arabic letters in book) cassis, galea of a peculiar form.

47. "E sobre aço, feu nos parlar Zeytabuzeit quens donaria les quintes de Valencia e de Murcia, e que aguessem treua ab ell." The word quintes, in Spanish quintos, means the fifth part of all the revenue of Valencia and Murcia. Seit Abu Zeit, or Zeytabuzeit, is the name of the king who then ruled over those countries; but it is badly spelt, for (Arabic letters in book) are his title and his kunya (alcuña). His real name was Abde-r-rahman. See above, p. 49 note I, and the Appendix at the end of the volume.

48. "Que el no hauìa poder de sì ques partis de nos."

49. His arms or his armour, for both may be meant: " E sobre aço caualcaren lo en lo cauall seu, e meteren lo dauant ells, e apres avec ses armes anarense ab ell."

50. Also written " Daguas."

51. Ato, sometimes Atho de Foses or Fosses.

52. The Spanish translators have rendered this passage by "Vamos, pues, hácia élï; no sea que se nos escape el villano." The original text has, "E dix don Pere Ahones tornem a ell, e nous pague detras lo vilá, ço que ell no era vilá ne mal ensenyat," which is rather obscure.

53. Now Cutanda, which was then, as it is now, within the see of Saragossa.

54. The original has : " E al venir que nos fern cridam Aragó, "Aragó !"

55. The Chronicle has, Marti Peris de Mesquita.

56. According to Zurita, ii. p. 80, a new confederation, of which Pedro Ahones was the leading spirit, had been formed to control and turn to their own advantage [57] the government of Aragon, and the knowledge of this determined the king's vigorous action on this occasion.

57. E lleuam don Pere Ahones en un taut a Daroca." Taut, in Spanish atahud, comes from (Arabic letters in book), tabút, which means a coffin

58. "Ab una pedra en les barres," literally on the cross-bars of the vizor.

59. "Tenia en penyora Bolea," &c. Penyora, from the Latin pignus, in Spanish "enpeño."

60. Here the Spanish version has : " Tenia don Pedro Ahones empeñados (?) Bolea y Loarre," instead of which the original has Sobrarbe, which is decidedly a mistake, for Sobrarbe is the name of a county, not of a town.

61. "E que hi havien que menjar de ço que trobaren en la vila be per un any."

62. Dalagó (de Alagó), Ladró, and other names ending in ó, are meant for Alagon, Ladron, &c.

63. Don Sancho Ahones from 1216, to 1236.

64. On the meaning of the word called cafiz, see above, p. 25, note 3.

65. Ponzano in the Upper Aragon.

66. Cellas and Las Cellas, now called "Las Ciellas " in the province of Huesca.

67. The Manganellus, a war engine.

68. The original has Atrofil.

69. " Speram los aqui a la sglesia de Sancta Maria en lo fossar." Fossar, in Spanish "osario," is properly speaking a cemetery.

70. Corneyl, Corneil, Cornel. See above, pp. 22, 28, 39, &c.

71. " Puig," pronounced puch, as in Puig Cerdá, Puig d'Ollers, &c., is a hill; in Latin "podius." The word translated by "train " in this and other instances is maynada, Spanish "mesnada," equivalent to, and evidently derived from, the French "mesnade."

72. Esparago, or Sparago de Barca or de la Barca.

73. Las Celles. See above, note, p. 60.

74. Merino, from " Majorinus," the officer now called in Spain alcalde mayor.

75. Corral is, properly speaking, a courtyard, an enclosed piece of ground at the back of a house ; Spanish, "patio" and "corral."

76. The convent of that name, being a league away from Huesca can hardly be meant. Montaragon seems to have been the title of the Town Hall.

77. "E dixim los : Barons marauellam nos molt," &c. The word barons, from the Teutonic bahr, cannot be translated in this instance by barons in English, since they were townsmen or citizens, and did not belong to the nobility of the land.

78. Isuela.

79. Armengol.

80. Aurembiaix. Na is the feminine for En.

81. Sometimes written Servera.

82. Berengar, or Berenguer de Erill. He was bishop of Lérida from the 22nd of December, 1205, to the 7th of October, 1235.

83. Meitats.

84. Prohomens.

85. A tax paid by the dyers of Lérida on each vat or pan they used. Caldera in Spanish means a "caldron." By "derecho de Caldera," or cauldron's dues, a tax is meant which the dyers of Barcelona and other towns of Catalonia used to pay on each vat or copper pan used. It is reported that in 1270 the amount of tax thus collected in the city of Lérida amounted to 15,000 sols.

86. En Guerau, son of Ponce, or Pontio, Viscount of Ager and Cabrera, had already, upon the death of Armengol, Count of Urgel, in 1208, laid claim to his estate, owing to his having leftno male issue. The Count's widow, Doña Elvira, contrived during her life to maintain her right, but at her death, in 1220, or there-abouts, En Guerau invaded the county of Urgel, and took possession of it on the plea that the last count having left no male heirs, the succession belonged to him.

87. Instead of Guillen de Cardona, as printed, the Chronicle reads En Ramon ; but it is evidently a misprint, for everywhere, in the following chapters, the nobleman who appeared at the court of James, as his proxy, is called En Guillen. Flotats and Bofarull, the translators of James' Chronicle, fell into the same mistake. (Page 57.)

88. The name of this lawyer, for such he was, is sometimes written Çasala, at others Sazala, and even Savala.