CCLXXXVIII.

When they were before me I said that as to what they had asked I granted it willingly, and was content; those they had named should undertake the division; they gave me great thanks and kissed my hand. Thereupon I waited fifteen days for their division, but they made no division at all. Then Don Assalit de Gudar and Don Exemen Perez de Tarazona came again to me and said: "Now we know what you said to us to be true; men of thin wits do not know how to go about in matters of this sort, or what course to take." I told them that next day I would send for the bishops and would hear if they were making divisions of the land, or what they were about. They came and said: "Know surely that we find great difficulty in this [402] business, and we really believe that we shall have to resign our office into your hands." I said: "How resign? Since you have taken charge, by all means make an end of it;" and they went away. On the third day from that they came back, for people were crying out, and saying that those partitioners were in a bad way; they were not dividing the lands at all, but making them spend their money in vain; they themselves said that they would give it up, for they did not believe that they could bring it to an end. I then said: Since you wish to give up your charge, I will send for the barons, for the knights, and for the men of the cities, before all of whom you will deliver up your charge to me." I then held a great council in the palace of King Lope,⁽¹⁾ and before that council they formally resigned.

CCLXXXIX.

When I had received their resignation I sent for Don Exemen Perez de Tarazona, and Don Assalit de Gudar, and said to them: "The shame to you comes to nothing, for the bishops cannot make a division of the lands; it would have been otherwise if it had been made in despite of them, and [403] they had interfered with you." They said they gave me great thanks, and that I had taken the better way. I said: "Now I will show you how to make division of the lands; you must do it as it was done in Mallorca; in no other wise can it be done. You shall reduce the 'jouvada' to six cafiçades; it will still be called a 'jouvada,' and yet will not be one.⁽²⁾ Let those to whom I gave too much have their land remeasured by this scale." They said I spoke well; there was no other way, and so would they do. I told them also to ask for the charters of the grants, and that when I had seen them I would give to the owners in proportion to the amount of land. They did so, and thus was the final division of the land made. And that men may know when Valencia was taken, it was taken on Michaelmas Eve, in the year mccxxxix. [1239].⁽³⁾ [404]

CCXV.

Here begins the Conquest of Murcia, achieved and made by the glorious King En Jacme.

After Valencia was taken came En Ramon Folch de Cardona, with his relatives and followers - full fifty knights; and they said to me that since they had not been at the siege they prayed that it might please me that they should make a raid into the land of Murcia. And it pleased me that they should do so; and they took with them Artal de Alagon, son of Don Blasco, who knew the country well, for he had been there before. The first place they attacked was Villena. When they got near that town they caparisoned their horses, put on such armour as they had there, and spurred on against the Saracens of Villena, at once taking from them full two parts of the town. But after that they could not endure to stay, for the Saracens who were there defended themselves well, and my people had to leave the town, although they brought away much stuff and plunder they found in the houses.

CCXCI.

Thence they went to Saix, and made such a charge that they took possession of the greater part of the town. But the Saracens threw from the roof of a house a great stone, and hit Don [405] Artal on his iron cap, so that it threw him from his horse, and of that stroke he had to die. When they saw Don Artal was dead, they carried him out, and they had to withdraw thence for the hurt they had received, and instead of advancing they resolved, since Don Artal de Alagon was dead, to return home. And in eight days they all got back, and the raid did no good, save that they got many heads of cattle for the army to eat, and En Ramon Folch came back having accomplished that.

CCXCII.

And I took account of the barons who had been with me at the siege of Valencia, and of the knights to whom I had given "hereditaments," and I found that besides the barons and bishops there were fully three hundred and eighty knights to whom I had given "hereditaments." I called them before me, and made them my speech in this wise. Our Lord had done me such favour, that though there had been other kings as good and even better than me, yet it had not been His will to give those before me that favour and that victory which I had gained. I and they owed thanks to Our Lord, since through Him we had witnessed the taking of Valencia. And that in taking Valencia I had also conquered the rest of the kingdom. Wherefore it was necessary, since God had done so [406] great good and honour to me and to them, and since the whole land was conquered, that I should keep it; for which purpose I had endowed with "hereditaments" three hundred and eighty knights in the kingdom, besides the barons and bishops, on condition, however, that those whom I had so endowed should stay a year with me; after that year they might return home, and do what they pleased, and sell what they had had as their share of the spoil, of which I would take charge while they were away until a proper time.⁽⁴⁾ Don Fernando said for himself and for all the rest that they would meet and consult thereupon, and would answer in such wise that I should be content with them. They went out to deliberate, and the answer was not long delayed.

CCXCIII.

Having told Don Fernando to speak for all the others, he stood up and said, that they thanked God greatly, he and the rest of the barons and knights, for the favour I had done them; they well knew how I had endowed them, and how they ought to serve and aid me; but they begged [407] of me that I would graciously listen to their prayer. And this was what Don Fernando and they prayed: that while I asked the three hundred and eighty knights to stay there, at Valencia, in my service - which was a just and proper demand on my part, and such as they could not deny in return for the "hereditaments" they had received in gift - that I should grant them, as a great favour, that only one hundred knights should serve me at a time during four months, so that the three hundred should take their turn in rotation. And that I should be content with thus much from them; if I should do them that favour, they would take it as if I had given them "hereditaments," and as if I had done them the greatest boon a lord could do his vassals.

CCXCIV.

When Don Fernando had done speaking, I answered him thus: "Don Fernando, will you and the barons and knights be content with me, if I grant you what you ask of me?" And they all said, "Yes, content"; and that they would deem it a great boon and a great grace. I said: "Then take it for good and granted; in whichever way you have set it forth I grant it you, that you may know what a lord you have in me." They all rose, approached me, and kissed my hand for the grace I had done them. [408]

CCXCV.

I then fitted out a galley in which to go to Montpellier, to ask them to give me aid towards the outlay I had made in conquering Valencia. I went there, and left in the country, to govern in my absence, En Astruch de Bellmunt, who was Master of the Temple, En Hugh de Fullalquier, Master of the Hospital, Don Berenguer de Entença, En Guillem d'Alagó, and Don Exemen Perez de Tarazona. About this time En Guillem de Alagó rose, with some knights, footmen, and "almugavars," and harried the Saracens, as well those who were already our subjects as those who were not. Rebollet, too, was besieged and taken by him. Whilst these things were I had gone to Montpellier. When I got to Lates⁽⁵⁾ the consuls and chief men of Montpellier came out to meet me, full a hundred on horseback, and En Pere Bonifaci with them; he was at that time the most powerful man of the whole town. Don Pero Fernandes de Azagra and Don Assalit de Gudar kept close to me. En Pere Bonifaci said: "Leave the King to us, for it is long since we saw him, and we ought to go next to his person." Don Assalit then said to him, that they (he and Fernandes) were better entitled to [409] that place than either Don Pere Bonifaci or the others. En Pere Bonifaci replied that in my land they ought no doubt to go next to my person, but that since I had got to Montpellier they ought not to go beside me. I made sign to Don Assalit not to oppose Bonifaci, and Don Assalit saw very well that I bade him be silent. I seemed to take no heed of what was said, but I thought at the time that En Pere Bonifaci's pride was very great.

CCXCVI.

At that time this En Pere Bonifaci had the greatest power in the Consulate, together with En Grau⁽⁶⁾ de la Barca, and En Berenguer de Reguardana,⁽⁷⁾ who was a good clerk in Laws, and En Ramon Beseda.⁽⁸⁾ I alighted at the house of En Atbran,⁽⁹⁾ who was my bailli in the town: they bore him great enmity, and had planned in the Consulate that if I did not arrive immediately they would pull down his house. They had accordingly prepared a great hook on a pole,⁽¹⁰⁾ and at the end of it a [410] beam armed with iron, and with rings on each side, to receive ropes, with which to pull down En Atbran's house, and those of any citizens who might stand by him. When I had taken up my quarters in En Atbran's house, about twenty citizens of Montpellier said they wished to speak privately with me. I went up on a terrace of En Atbran's house, which was open to the sky. En Pere Bonifaci stood up and said to me: "My lord, the Consuls and part of the Council of Montpellier have come here, and rejoice greatly at your coming; now we wish to say thus much to you, and I say it for them and for myself, that we intend to honour you and keep you in our hearts, as we should do to Our Lord. Now we know that En Atbran makes you believe that he can give you Montpellier; know that is not true, for he has no power to do either wrong or right in this town more than any other man living, for in you alone lies the power and the possession, and but for us they would drive him out, and those who would defend him, even from the vilest sewer in the town. And what time we have endured him we have done so for your sake, for we have force of men and of arms and of money; his power would be nothing to us. And in that we pray you to believe us." After that En Grau (Guerau) de la Barca stood up, and spoke in the same way. [411]

CCXCVII.

When they had spoken I answered them thus: "Barons and good men: the words you have just spoken are words you should not have said to me, for I do believe that you have my service at heart. En Atbran has served me and serves me as well as he can; he is your townsman and one of honourable descent. If you desire to act right, this is the way that you and he and they who can, should take. Do you guard my rights and my lordships, for that you are dearly bound to me by the great native ties I have to you and you to me, as well as by my lordships, and because the town has increased since it was Our Lord's will that it should come into my power; and there should be no contest among you, save as to who should serve me best. And I should hold and esteem you as one should hold his men and his countrymen." And thereupon they went away from me.

CCXCVIII.

I then sent for En Atbran and told him what had been said, so that he might not be moved or enraged. He thanked me much, and prized little their talk and their threats. He said that I should see the service he would do me thencefoward in [412] Montpellier. He spoke thus: "I will make the scales⁽¹¹⁾ of Montpellier, the greater part, come to you." I asked, "How is that?" He said, "I have spoken to the Diggers, to the Tanners, and to them of the Orgeria,⁽¹²⁾ that they come with torches to do you honour, and we will draw them to our side little by little. When they keep your gates, nothing will be in the hands of the others, but I will act, and will put all into your hands, and you can do as a king and as a lord, and revenge yourself on them you wish revenge on, and who want to take this town from you." I told him that he spoke right well, but that he should work gently and softly till I saw that the power was with me altogether.

CCXCIX.

In the evening, when I had supped and it was night, full five hundred of the diggers (fossors), of [413] the greatest and best among them, came with torches and candles, and said to me: "My lord, we have come before you, and bid you welcome a hundred thousand times. We have come to do and to say as you command." On that En Atbran spoke, and said: "My lord, you have here a part of the diggers, who represent all the rest of them; were they all here there would be six or seven thousand of them. Thus they speak, and I speak it for them, for they have told me to say so. They are all prepared to act for you as for their born lord, in everything and for everything;⁽¹³⁾ wherefore I have come to tell it to you, that you may better believe it." I answered him, that I thanked them greatly for their coming and for the good countenance they showed me, and that what they said I believed; that I had at heart to love them and do them good, and that for all time to come they would be of more esteem with me, for the good will they had towards me. Thereupon they departed very joyfully. [414]

CCC.

When they departed there came the tanners.⁽¹⁴⁾ There were two hundred of them, with torches and with candles, and they told me that I was welcome to them a hundred thousand times, welcome as is the glorious Easter Day; and that they had come before me to do and to say what I wished, for their guild had never yet deserted the lord of Montpellier, and as now it was in more honour than ever it had been, good reason was it that they should serve me. Thereon En Atbran said: "My lord, I hold your Grace's place in the town, inside and outside, when you are not here; and I ask your favour for the tanners, from whom in aid and in council I always have what I ask for. Know that they are yours, to do and to take your commands, and they come here to offer it, that you may the better believe them." I answered, that I gave them great thanks, and that I knew well the good will they showed me, and that as they had much at heart to serve me, so had I at heart to do them much good. And further, I thanked them for having helped so, and wishing me well in my concerns, for when they helped En Atbran they helped me.⁽¹⁵⁾ So they and En Atbran went away. He [415] sent word to others, who wished to come, that it was late, and that they should come next day to me; on which they stayed their coming.

CCCI.

At vespers, next day, came the orgers (potters),⁽¹⁶⁾ with torches and candles; there were full two hundred of them, who came, like the others, to offer their service, and to say they were ready and prepared to do what I commanded, as good vassals should do to their lord. And thereon En Atbran said: "My lord, well can you see the great joy the town of Montpellier has over you, and especially those who love you. You can tell and order me what you desire should be done, and they are ready to fulfil your commandments. They do not want so many lords, they have enough with you alone; and they mean to show you that they mean to increase and advance your lordships." I told them that I thanked them much for what En Atbran had said on their behalf, and that I always hoped this from them, that no one could do me hurt with their will in Montpellier. And since that was their will, with the power I had there I could do whatever I pleased and was of right, for I should do nothing but according to right; and I gave them great thanks for the good will they showed me. [416]

CCCII.

When the "orgers" had gone they of the Alsunnaria (Saunerie)⁽¹⁷⁾ came, and proffered me their hearts and their estates, and all they had in this world, and bade me welcome, and said that now could I put Montpellier right, if any one in it had done me wrong. When that speech was ended, En Atbran said: "My lord, now can you avenge yourself if any one has done you wrong in Montpellier, or done anything against you." I answered: "En Atbran, you speak well and gently; but this is at our heart, and it is our will, that since you have such good desire to preserve my rights, and it would grieve you if any one did me wrong, so will I have at heart to do according to right and reason and with council of yourselves." So they departed, and I remained very glad and content with what I had seen and heard, and if I had not good prospect of keeping my lordship in Montpellier, it was not En Atbran's fault if I had not secured it.

CCCIII.

In the morning I went to the house of the Friars Preachers (Dominicans). When I came out from mass, I met five thousand men from the guilds [417] above named and from others, and all with one voice cried out that whoever was in the wrong towards me in Montpellier, should now rue for it, and that I ought to set right what was wrong; that I should examine who in truth had done me wrong, and could now take amends of whoever had done it. I made them all be silent, and said that it was always my thought that they loved me greatly, but that now I wholly believed it, for I well knew the good will they bore me, and that for what I saw in them I should always be bound to love them, keep and defend them in all they possessed or might acquire; that they might depart, and from that time protect my rights and their own in Montpellier.

CCCIV.

Thereon I sent word to En Pere Bonifaci, En Guerau de la Barca, En Berenguer de Riguardana (Regordana), En Ramon Beseda (Bessède), and others of their party, to come to me next morning; but they, knowing the great movement among the people, and that they had come at night to me, took their goods out of their houses, put them into convents⁽¹⁸⁾ and other places in the town, and never came to me. And on the morning of the third day from my entry into Montpellier, when they [418] should have come to me according to summons, and my porters had gone to their houses again to summon them, word came that they had gone. I made a proclamation that within a month they should all return to answer to me. In that month they did not return. I then seized all that I could find of their goods and "hereditaments," and with that very engine⁽¹⁹⁾ they had made I pulled down the houses of those who had taken flight; that is, three or four of the houses of those who had made themselves most conspicuous as chiefs, for the others I left standing not to disfigure the town. Thus did I punish those who deserved it; and En Atbran and his supporters, as well as the consuls, councillors, and the bailli (governor), since I put them in office, or those whom they appointed, have maintained themselves there up to this time.

CCCV.

During my stay at Montpellier there came to me the Count of Toulouse and the Count of Provence;⁽²⁰⁾ and I had besides a great court of men of importance of those countries who came to see me. It was a year after the taking of [419] Valencia that I went to Montpellier. One Friday, between midday and nones, there was the greatest eclipse seen in the memory of men now living, for the moon covered the whole of the sun, and one could see seven stars in the sky. When I had ordered my affairs in Montpellier well, and to my advantage and honour, I fitted out the ship called Montpellier, which carried eighty oars, and went in her to Collioure, and thence by land to Valencia.

CCCVI.

When I was at Valencia I had great complaints from the Saracens, who had surrendered to me, saying that En Guillem d'Aguiló and the company of "almugavars" and footmen I left there had done them hurt and robbery. I sent for them; they would not come to me, but took flight, and went, some to the King of Castile, some to Aragon, and here and there. I sent for En Guillem d'Aguiló, and he said he would come if I gave him a safe conduct. I gave him one, that I might hear why he and the others had done that mischief. He came before me, and I asked him why he had done that mischief? and said to him that he had not served me well according to the benefits I had conferred on him. He owned that he had done hurt to the Saracens, but did not consider by so doing that he had done me disservice. I [420] said: "Yes, you have done me disservice; for one thing, in that you have done hurt to the Saracens; for another, in that you have broken my commandments; for the Saracens are living under my faith, and you have broken my promise to them." En Guillem went away, and I wished to seize what I had given him in Valencia, that is, Alguerres and Rascanga; but I found that he had pledged them to another person before he committed that misdeed; wherefore I could not seize them. He then sent me word to say that he would return to me as much as he could return. In this manner I recovered a few Saracen captives and part of the property and goods. I then spoke to the Saracens, and told them that I was sorry for the hurt done them; and I put back each into his farm; and they felt safe as long as I was in the country.

CCCVII.

When that was done, I went into the valley of Bayren, and parleyed with the Alcaid, who held the castle of Bayren, and with those of Villalon, Barre, Vilella, and Palma, all of which were castles on rocks, large and strong. I was told that as soon as the Alcaid of Bayren had treated with me, they in the valley would surrender. Zaen was still in Denia; I sent for him, and he said he would come. I sent him word to [421] to the Rapita of Bayren; he came in an armed galley, and I set up two tents there. He landed, and saw me in my tent. He told me that if I would give him Minorca to hold of me, he would surrender the castle of Alicante, which was then in his power, and could not be taken. I was to give him besides five thousand besants. I told him I would give him an answer when I had considered the matter. When it was vespers, this was the answer I made to him: That I thanked him greatly for the love and affection he professed to me, which well showed itself in the offer he had just made me, for certainly the castle of Alicante was of more value to me than to any other man. But he should not take it ill of me that I could not accept the bargain, for I had made agreements with the King of Castile, and we had divided the country to be conquered; that was done in the times of my father and of the grandfather of the King of Castile; and that castle was in his division;⁽²¹⁾ wherefore I would not break the existing treaties. And Zaen then said that I ought at least to acknowledge that he himself was no hindrance to the project; he was not to blame if the offer was not accepted, and so he parted and went away. [422]

CCCVIII.

Next day I parleyed with the Alcaid of Bayren, and told him that he might well know it was Our Lord's will that I should have the land. And since He willed it, he should not attempt to bring harm on me, nor on himself; cutting down the wheat and the trees was not a good thing, for the Moors after all would become my subjects, and I had at heart to do them good; they would remain for ever with me and my successors: that he could not hinder. As to him and his kindred, I would do so much for them that they could be for ever in honour and riches. The Alcaid said he gave me thanks; but that he held so good a castle that I knew very well that he would do a base thing if he surrendered it at once. I said to him: "Since you will not surrender the castle at once, I ask you to give me sureties that you will not fail to the agreement on the day on which I shall fix with you." He asked what surety I required. I told him: "I want your eldest son." And as I had learnt the names of two nephews of his, I told him: "You will put them with your son, and that without delay." He said he would consider, and would answer the next day early, and I agreed to that. [423]

CCCIX.

Next morning early he came to me, and made this answer. I was not (he said) to take it ill if he did not like to give his son or his nephews; but he would make oath, together with twenty of the best sheikhs of the Saracens within that castle, that he would keep his agreement. And I told him that I would at once consider his proposal. Then I said that I accepted the oath of twenty of the best men in the castle on condition of his at once putting me in possession of the Albarrana tower,⁽²²⁾ in pledge that he would surrender the castle to me, and should besides make his Saracens construct a "barbacana" round the tower. He begged that I would let him go away and consider that.

CCCX..

At vespers the Alcaid came again to me, and said that he agreed to the terms; he would give [424] me the Albarrana (tower) as security, and he would order the "barbacana" to be constructed. I drew up a treaty, and it was appointed that within seven months from that date the Alcaid should surrender, the castle. I was to give him three horses and enough fine woollen red cloth to dress fifty men, besides one dress for himself of scarlet cloth, and green ones for his nephews;⁽²³⁾ also that I should give to him and his nephews twenty "jovadas" of land, besides what they already possessed, making up to them what was wanting. So it was agreed, and he surrendered the tower, and I gave it in charge to Don Pelegrin de Trocillo,⁽²⁴⁾ till God should give me the castle. I promised him that he should hold the castle for me when I had got it from the Alcaid of Bayren, which was acceptable to him. Don Pelegrin willingly accepted, and saw that the barbacan was made as the Alcaid had promised to do.

CCCXI.

At the end of the seven months, Don Fernando, with those of Calatrava, Don Pedro Cornell, Don Artal de Alagó, and Don Rodrigo Liçana, went to besiege Villena, taking with them an "almajanech." [425] They went thither by their own council; they had resolved on it when they themselves told me of it. I told them to go, and good luck be with them, and take the place if they could. They went there and besieged it, setting up a "fonevol" against the town. Don Pelegrin de Trocillo then came to me and said that in eight days would come that on which the Alcaid of Bayren was to surrender the castle; if I myself went to Cullera he would make the Alcaid come to me, if he could; and when he was with me, he trusted in God that the castle would surrender. When Don Pelegrin had said that, he went away directly, and I myself went to Cullera. I could not take many horses with me, for they were all gone to Villena, and I could only get together about thirty knights. When I was at Cullera, Don Pelegrin de Trocillo sent to say he had asked the Alcaid to come to me, and that he had agreed to do so. Don Pelegrin then went down from the tower, and the Alcaid from the castle; there went with Don Pelegrin about thirty men of my own train.⁽²⁵⁾

CCCXII.

When they came to a fountain under the castle rock, the Alcaid asked Don Pelegrin to wait a little for him, as he would presently come down. [426] While Don Pelegrin waited he saw the Alcaid taking off his "almexia,"⁽²⁶⁾ and sitting in the fountain, and bathing and throwing the water over him. When he had bathed he sent word by a Saracen, who knew Latin, that fever had suddenly seized him, and that he could not go. When Don Pelegrin saw that, he took it for a bad sign, and he sent me a letter by a messenger, a porter or usher, of his, informing me of what the Alcaid had done. Don Pelegrin himself dared not to come to me, but he was getting in order. If the enemy were about to attack him, he would make two signal fires, by which I might know that the Moors showed fight; should they not show fight he would make only one fire. That was the day on which he had promised to surrender the castle. When I had done supper, I went up on the terrace of the castle of Cullera. At sunset (it was in August), one signal fire was made from the tower, and immediately after it another.⁽²⁷⁾ I then knew from the letter sent me that the Moors would fight; directly I gave barley to the horses, and after midnight began with my suite to cross in the boat I had sent for. Then I again saw signals made from another boat at the mouth of the Stany de [427] la Marjal, which boat had come from Corvera, that there had been great rains, in consequence of which much water was coming down.⁽²⁸⁾ I saw plainly that I could not, on account of the rains, cross the great pool without wetting the saddles of the horses, which would have to swim; so I had the saddles stored in the boat; I and my suite went into it, and we crossed the water in turns, and held our horses by the reins, swimming them across, three or four at a time. So was that water crossed, but in doing so we had to delay at that place time enough to march half a league. I there left the boat and the rest of the company, told them to part and to come after me.

CCCXIII.

When I got farther I came to the Grau (strand), which comes from the valley of Alfandech.⁽²⁹⁾ I then bade one of my esquires to go in on horseback and try with his lance whether there was a ford;⁽³⁰⁾ [428] he found no ford; whoever had to cross would have to swim the length of a knight's spear; and besides that, there was no boat to be had. I said, "Let us cross, and good luck be with us, for the thing has to be done anyhow." We got over that water as well as we could, as we had got over the other. We arrived in front of the castle of la Rapita, about nones; we had bread and wine and salt meat by sea, for fresh meat could not then be had. While we were there, Don Pelegrin came to me with one esquire only. I asked him what was the matter? and why had he made those signals? He said that they in the castle had sounded their trumpet⁽³¹⁾ and made smoke signals to them in the villages to come in. "And I (said Don Pelegrin), seeing them come in, made the two signal fires which you have seen, meaning that the Moors of Xativa intended to fight. I thought that when the Moors saw those signals they would change their minds and abstain from fighting." I said to Don Pelegrin: "Go to the castle and tell the Alcaid⁽³²⁾ that I am here with my banner; he is to come down, and I will parley with him." Thereupon Don [ 429] Pelegrin⁽³³⁾ went to the castle, and told the Alcaid what I had said. The Alcaid answered that it was evening, and therefore begged me to allow him time till morning, when he would come to me. And I, seeing that it could not be otherwise, agreed to that.

CCCXIV.

When it was morning the Alcaid came to me, and I said to him, "Anencedrell,⁽³⁴⁾ you well know the agreement you made with me, and the stipulation by letters between you and me, and how I accepted you for my vassal; wherefore I pray and command you, in virtue of that agreement, that you surrender to me the castle of Bayren; I will perform that which I promised to you and to your relations." He said: "I will send for the sheikhs of the town and of the villages in the neighbourhood, and I will appear before you; do you prepare for me the charter deeds I asked you for, and I will sign them; that being done I will [430] surrender the castle, and after that you will have the whole of the valley, for no castle will dare resist, or rise against you." When it was vespers the Alcaid came out with full twenty Saracens, the most honourable of those in the castle and in the valley; they drew out their conditions according as had been stipulated, and I granted them what was reasonable, and something more, that I might enter into so good a place as the castle of Bayren. When the charters had been drawn out, I delivered them in due form, and it was settled with them that next morning they should surrender the castle. I rose early, heard mass, and stationed myself near the town and castle. The Alcaid then came before me; he, his son, and his relations, and I set my banner with armed men in the castle, which was surrendered well and peaceably. When I had furnished it with arms and provisions, I gave it in charge to Don Pelegrin de Trocillo to hold it for me as agreed, and I returned to Cullera.

CCCXV.

At Cullera I heard news of Don Fernando and of the knights of Calatrava with him; they had raised the siege of Villena, for those of that place had made a sortie against the "fonevol," in guard of which Don Pedro Cornell was, and had killed two of his knights, the siege having been raised in [431] consequence. Then they all came back to me, and returned to Aragon. After this the Commander of Alcanys,⁽³⁵⁾ with the knights brethren (frares) of his Order, and the almugavars, made a "bastida" at Villena; and they remained there before it. The people of Villena then came to me, and said that if I desired them, they would surrender Villena to the Commander; I desired them to do so, and they immediately surrendered it to the knights brethren of his Order.

CCCXVI.

Presently I had to leave the kingdom of Valencia and go to Catalonia, and afterwards to Aragon, leaving in the conquered country Pedro Liçana as governor-in-chief. When in Aragon I heard that in one of the raids which a cousin of his named Pedro de Alcalá had made against Xativa, the Moors had lain in ambush for him on the side from the coast, and defeated him, taking Don Pedro de Alcalá and five more knights prisoners. After that En Berenguer de Entença left Xativa to make a raid on the Cabanes de Teruel; he passed between Ribarroja and Manizes, and Don Rodrigo Liçana, the Master of the Hospital, and those of Valencia, dared not go against him. En Berenguer [432] accomplished his raid, as the others dared not attack him, not venturing to cross the dry bed of a river that passes by Torrente and Catarroja.⁽³⁶⁾

CCCXVII.

This news I heard in Aragon and knew that it was going ill with the Moors of the kingdom of Valencia, for they dared not go out of that city for fear of the raids that my people were making, and that there was great evil in all that. I went thither myself, and housed in Altura, which they had surrendered to me. The Archbishop of Tarragona, Mestre Pedro de Albalat, then came to me, and with him Don Rodrigo Liçana; they gave me good welcome, saying there was great need of my presence, and that I had come at [433] the right time. I told them: "I am very glad that it is so." There were with me at the time only twenty-five knights. When I reached Murviedro, Don Rodrigo spoke with me, and said before the Archbishop, that his cousin and his company had gone in a foray towards Xativa and that he and five other knights had been taken prisoners; he prayed me to rescue them, since I could do it. I asked, how? and he said, "If you only go out of Valencia and lead your army against Xativa, and make a semblance of ravaging their lands, the Moors will at once give up my cousin and the knights." I told him that I would willingly do it; I had come for that very purpose, and that what good I could do him, I would.

CCCXVIII.

I called together my army, and went to the ford of Barraga, and there waited a day for the army to join. The Kaid⁽³⁷⁾ of Xativa knowing that I was coming against him, sent to me Ibn Ferri, who had been at Liria, and was then with him.⁽³⁸⁾ He said he wondered that I should act thus, as it was his desire and will to do all he could for me in reason; but that my men had broken the truce that I had made with him. If he had done wrong to me [434] and mine it was for that reason, and in his own defence. My answer was: "If any wrong has been done to you it shall be made good; but I desire you at once to surrender to me Don Pedro Alcalá with the other knights, for certainly I will not suffer that; unless my request is immediately complied with I will do you damage, and ravage your territory." Upon which Ibn Ferri went away. At vespers of the same day, I said to Don Rodrigo Liçana: "Don Rodrigo, let me have some thirty knights who have not yet seen Xativa, and wish to see it, and let us go to that peaked hill near the castle." When we arrived at the top of it, we had the finest prospect that could be imagined; we saw the most beautiful garden (horta) round the town and castle; there were more than too hundred flat-roofed cottages in it, the finest that man could devise, and several pretty villages (alqueries) besides, thickly set all round. I saw too the noble castle surrounded by most beautiful gardens. Great was my joy at such glorious sight; I thought that not for Pedro Alcalá alone would I come against Xativa with my host, but to gain that castle for Christendom, and that God should be served thereby. But this I would not say to Don Rodrigo. [435]

CCCXIX.

Next day Ibn Ferri came to me and said: "My lord, the Kaid would give you the prisoners willingly, but he cannot, for the Moor who has bought them keeps them by him and asks for such a price that the Kaid has no money withal to ransom them." This answer of Ibn Ferri pleased me much, but I made no immediate reply, for in reality I thought more of getting Xativa than of the knights who were prisoners there, and I sent the Moor away. I then told Don Rodrigo Liçana: "The Kaid has sent me word, that he cannot surrender Don Pedro Alcalá and the others because he has not withal to redeem them." All the time, as I said before, I thought more of getting the castle than the knights themselves.

CCCXX.

Meantime I went to lay siege to the castle in the plain. When that was done, Don Rodrigo Liçana, with two knights, went with me, and we examined the Puig (hill) to see if it was a good place to set our camp in. We found a small spring in it, and Don Rodrigo said that that was but little water for the host. I told him, "You are right." I then sent word to En Beltran de Hones [436] to go up to the Puig Scardeyno⁽³⁹⁾ with three knights and nine esquires; he went up, and said that we could nowise pitch tents there, as nothing but goats could dwell in the spot. I then went up another hill, and none of the three would satisfy me. I saw a hill besides that was a very steep one; I sought for one lower, and nearer to the water; but none of those hills would suit me. I ate, and returned to the camp.

CCCXXI.

When I had eaten my dinner, I again sent for Don Rodrigo Liçana, and said to him: "Don Rodrigo, let us hear mass early to-morrow; I have seen in the distance a hill that I think will be good for our purpose; we can construct a 'bastida' (intrenchment) upon it." Next morning after mass we saddled; while saddling and getting under arms, Aben Ferri came again, and said, before my interpreter only,⁽⁴⁰⁾ that if I promised not to ravage the country they would give up the prisoners. I told him to go his ways; he had delayed so long that now I would no longer agree to that. I, however, told Don Rodrigo Liçana that the Alcaid of Xativa would not surrender the prisoners, and so concealed the truth from him. I thought that it [437] was better for me that the knights should remain in prison, and that in that way I should get Xativa, since God had given me power of taking it. Thereon I went to the hill, but found that I was deceived by appearances, for, although it was steep on the side from which I had seen it, on the opposite side it was perfectly flat, and could easily be ascended. God, however, showed me a small village at the foot of the hill, a strong position, with the water of a river at the foot of it, such as was needed. Here were our intrenchments made, from which we ravaged their lands and destroyed their dams and their mills. These once broken, the Moors did not repair them. The farm (alquería) was called Salient; it was near a river that passes by Ana, and is further increased by the water that comes from the spring of Ana. I afterwards learned from prisoners we made, that great harm had been done by cutting the water courses (cequies), and destroying the mills. I, who knew what a great evil it was for the town, so populated as Xativa was, to take away their water, tried to cut off the streams and "cequies" (water-courses) wherewith they watered their lands and worked the mills ; but I could not entirely succeed, for I had few men with me; the place was confined, and a good number of workmen was needed for the task. [438]

CCCXXII.

The Kaid then sent to us a Moor named Sexi, a very powerful man in the town, and one of the Kaid's own council. He sent him to ask why I did him such harm, since he was ready to give me Don Pedro de Alcalá and the other knights. I made him the same answer I had made to Aben Ferri, namely: That since at the beginning when I asked for them he did not give his prisoners up, now I would rather take Xativa itself than the knights. When the messenger heard that said, he went back in great fear: and they of the host went on making raids against the castles about Xativa.

CCCXXIII.

One morning, as I was going down to my quarters, which were at the foot of the hill near the village, I saw, among others, a tent that had come from over the sea.⁽⁴¹⁾ I had lent it to Don Garcia Romeu, who was then with me with a hundred knights, for which service I paid him in honour-lands and money. This Garcia was a son of Don Guillem Romeu, who was a good man in my father's time. While I was going down, Berto Squierdo, an "adalil," having had words with [439] man, struck him with a knife in my very presence, and went hurriedly into the tent I had given to Don Garcia Romeu. I sprang after him, as he was going into the tent, seized him by the hair, and dragged him out. Don Garcia was not in the tent at the time, nor was there any one inside. I gave him over to the porters to keep him; if the other man should die, he was to be punished for it ; if he did not die, they were to release him.

CCCXXIV.

Thereupon came to me two knights of Don Garcia Romeu, one named Guillem de Vera, and another; they said they were sent on behalf of En Garcia, who wondered greatly at me, who instead of showing him honour for having come to do me service had done him harm; he did not look to receive such great shame for the service he did me. I asked them what shame it was I had done to Don Garcia, that he should send a message couched in such strong words? They said: "My lord, we will tell you. You know well that if ever a man, after committing a crime, gets into the house of a knight, he is to be secure, especially in the house of Don Garcia Romeu, who is one of your barons (rich-homens) and a very honourable one." I said: "Has Don Garcia any [440] other complaint against me, except this?" They said: "No; but he holds that to be a very great one, and so do we." I then said: "God be praised that he has no other complaint against me but that! In the present instance he is quite wrong; for certainly the houses of my barons are not churches, out of which those who wound or kill men cannot be taken. Moreover, it was not En Garcia Romeu's house, but a tent I had lent him. I did not do him such an unseemly thing that he should take ill of me ; I saw a man strike another with a knife in my very presence, I seized him, and caused justice to be done to him and to those who are here with me. Farther, in taking the man out of my own tent, I did not deem I did any wrong. And tell him (Don Garcia Romeu) from me, that as I have treated him well, and have called him with distinction to my service, I beg him not to seek pretexts against me, especially at this time, when I am engaged in so fair and honourable an enterprise as the siege of Xativa. In this affair I beg him to do what it is his duty to do, otherwise he will err very grievously against me and against himself; for no man should seek pretexts against his lord or friend for quarrelling with him, above all, if he is not in the right. If Don Garcia will not assent to this, tell him from me that I will speak with him face to face." Upon which they [441] departed ; but neither for messengers I sent to Don Garcia, nor for what I myself did tell him afterwards, would he abandon his displeasure against me.

CCCXXV.

Now, one good morning, Sexi and Aben Ferri said privately to the Alfaqui, whose name was Don Bahiel Rey,⁽⁴²⁾ "Why is the King so bent on this, of taking Xativa from the Kaid? We could have on our side the best part of the King's retainers if we chose." The Alfaqui said: "On my faith, you should say who they are." "By our law," said they, "we could, if we chose, have Don Garcia Romeu and his train, who would make the balance turn against the King." The Alfaqui then inquired: "Could you prove that, that it is so?" They said: "Yes, we could prove it; and we will tell you how. Let the King give us a man in disguise, and when he (Don Garcia) shall come to speak with the Kaid, or with us, as to deserting the King's banner, the man can see and hear him; no man would come on such business against his [442] lord's wish, unless he intended treason.⁽⁴³⁾ If you wish, we will put the man behind a curtain, or in a hiding-place, and he will hear what passes between Don Garcia and us; then the King will know that we speak the truth." The Alfaqui, however, brought Sexi and Aben Ferri before me, and said: "Repeat what you said, on the faith you owe to God and to us; let them say to you (the king) what they said to me." I asked them what it was, and they repeated what they had said to the Alfaqui. By that I learned the great treachery Don Garcia intended to do me. I said that I cared little about it; it was indifferent to me whether he was with me or with the people of Xativa. And I left them to suppose I was little concerned about it.⁽⁴⁴⁾

CCCXXVI.

I however told the Alfaqui in private, and without the others hearing me: "These Moors ought to say what the Kaid wants; if his terms are such that I can accept of them, let me hear of them; if they are not, tell them that I do not intend to depart hence till he gives me one of the two castles [443] which he holds, either that of Xativa or that of Castellon." They said they would go to the Kaid, and urge on him to make a treaty with me; and so they departed.

CCCXXVII.

Next day, Sexi and Aben Ferri came back, and told me that the Alcaid was ready to surrender Castellon, and at once acknowledge me as its lord; and that if he had to give up Xativa also, he would certainly surrender it to no one but to me. So I made treaty with him, and on the third day he gave up Castellon, and I got back Don Pedro Alcaid and the four knights who had been taken prisoners with him in Don Rodrigo Liçana's unfortunate raid. I told them that the Kaid should come out to me with the hundred chief men of the town, and accept me for lord; moreover that he should never surrender the place to any one, in case he gave it up, except to myself. All were present at that ceremony; seats for which had been got ready in the tent I gave to the Bishop of Valencia, En Andreu, who was a Dominican friar, and afterwards Bishop; and that was the beginning of the compact between me and the people of Xativa. [444]

CCCXXVIII.

That done, I went to Aragon, and stayed there and in Catalonia full a year and more.⁽⁴⁵⁾ Exemen Peris of Tarazona, remained [governor] in Valencia for me. When I had been a year or more in Aragon and Catalonia, I returned to Valencia, because I wished to finish what I had begun there, and have the whole of the kingdom, as I afterwards had it up to the Xucar.

CCCXXIX.

On my return, the Rais⁽⁴⁶⁾ of Algezira (Alcira) suddenly left the town for fear of me; he left with thirty knights and went to Murcia, so that the power and dominion of the town remained with the Saracens.⁽⁴⁷⁾ Thereupon a message came from the inhabitants to say that Algezira was a good town and honourable, one among the best in the kingdom of Valencia, and that if I wished they would come to an agreement with me, provided I would leave [445] them in the town. This proposal pleased me greatly. My answer was that I would willingly receive them into my grace, and leave them in the town, on condition, however, of their delivering up the towers of the gate looking towards Valencia. They said they would consider it and give a reply. I asked when the reply would be, and they said on the third day, at which I was much pleased.

CCCXXX.

On the third day there came to me at Valencia some of the leading sheikhs of the town, four of them, on behalf of all the others. They told me they were willing to surrender the great tower, near the bridge of the "calzada" (highway), which was the tower of the gate I had asked for. I told them that it pleased me to see that they too accommodated themselves to my requirements, and that I would thereby love them and treat them well. They made treaty with me that they should remain in Algezira with the same customs as in the time of the Almohades; that they could have service in the mosques as they were wont, and that every captive (Moor) who might escape to Algezira should be free, and that I could not take him, nor any one for me. And they appointed the fifth day from that for me to take possession of the town. I told them that I would be there on that day, and that [446] they should have all the sheikhs and the other people outside the place, to swear fealty to me, and promise to be loyal to me and to mine.

CCCXXXI.

I came accordingly on that day; all the sheikhs of Algezira came out and swore on their Koran that they would be good and true to guard me, life and limb, as well as the men whom I should leave to garrison the place on my behalf. And when I had possession of that tower I asked them to give me as far as the third tower, and that I would build up a wall to divide the Christians and the Saracens, so that the people of each nationality and creed could live separate by themselves. I would have a postern made leading to the "calzada" (highway) as a way into the town, that they might not say that the Christians did them harm. They said they could not give me an answer without consulting the other Moors, and that within five days they would give an answer. I begged some of the chief Saracens to consult about it. They replied that they would act in a wise that I should be content.

CCCXXXII.

When the day came they answered that they agreed, and that they granted me to put up a wall between me and them. So was the castle enclosed [447] and fortified. In this manner did I get possession of Algezira (Alcira), and from that day received the same revenues which the Rais, who was the lord of it, used to receive.

CCCXXXIII.

After a year and four months, the Moors whom the Kaid of Xativa had in his lordship, and those of Tous, Terrabona, and Carcel, fell on a cavalcade⁽⁴⁸⁾ of certain almogavars, returning from a raid under Don Rodrigo Liçana. The raid had not been against the Moors under the Kaid of Xativa, but against other Moors who warred in his lordship; but his men and the horse of Xativa coming suddenly upon it took away their mules and five or six baggage horses, and killed besides two warhorses. Thereon Don Rodrigo Liçana sent me word of the mishap that had befallen him through the Kaid of Xativa and his power. When I learned that, it pleased me for this reason: the Kaid had broken the agreement he had with me, and so I had cause to go against him at Xativa. On hearing of it I went from Aragon, where I then was, to Valencia, and from Valencia to Algezira (Alcira).⁽⁴⁹⁾

1. A former king of Valencia, named (Arabic letters in book), Lobb, called Aben Lope by the Spaniards.

2. The "jouvada" was really of twelve "cafiçades"; so that the king gave only one-half of what had been promised under that denomination. Beuter, Cron. II. c. 41.

3. According to all accounts Valencia surrendered to King James on the eve of St. Michael, which corresponds exactly with the date given in the draft of the capitulation at Rusafa, but then the year was 1238 instead of 1239, as the Chronicle says, which error is easily explained by the fact that the king counted no doubt from the Incarnation, which, logically speaking, preceded the Nativity by nine months, instead of following it three months after. The writer of the Chronicle, whoever he was, must have thought that the month of September of the year 1238, or else the Nativity coincided with that of September 1239, of the Incarnation. This is one of the arguments produced by Villaroya, Cartas, &c, against the authorship of King James. See Introduction.

4. Obscure. "E que se aturassen un any ab nos aquells qui haviem heretats, e de un any a enant que porien tornar a lur terra, e fer lurs feynes, e vendre ço que havien lla per venir açi: e que nos la tendriem mentre ells serien lla tro a un termin couvinent."

5. Lattes, a small village seven kilometers from Montpellier. Its port, long since sanded, communicated then with the sea by means of a channel.

6. En Guerau, which I believe to be the same name as Gerard.

7. Regordana, or Berenguer de Reguardan.

8. Bessède.

9. Thus in the text of 1557; the Spanish translators have Narbran; his real name was Atbrand V. Germain. - Hist. de la Commune de Montpellier, tom. i. p. 377.

10. "E havien feyt un buyco, e una perxa que havien ferrada al cap primer, e anelles que havia de ça e della hon se tinguessen les cordes ab que derrocassen les cases de Natbran."

11. Scales were the seven quarters, or wards, into which Montpellier was then divided, the inhabitants of each having a certain corporate existence. The lord, at this time King James, appointed the chief judge or magistrate, the batle (bailli); he, his assessors, the under-bailli, the veguer, or judge of first instance, the notary. The town elected twelve consuls, who managed its regulation or police, and who were the council of the governor, who seems to have been an officer reigning but not governing; it is not clear what he could do without their concurrence. No tax could be raised but by consent of the town. See Hist. du Languedoc, lib. 20, c. 83.

12. "Fossors, blanquers e aquells de la Orgeria." The Spanish translators render this last by alfareros - potters. What fossors, diggers or excavators, were it is not clear to me. Great work on the fortifications was at this time on hand, and the French writers call them "serrassiers." As to Orgeria, from Orge, in Span. cebada, in Cat. and Val. ordi, that is, barley, it might mean the corporation or guild of the "dealers in barley"; but I prefer "the potters," or "alfareros," as in the Spanish version, though I must confess that I do not understand how orger and orgeria could be made to signify that; perhaps orger, or orllers, for otllers (los olleros), is the right reading after all.

13. "E quant se guarden aquests vostres fauces;" very obscure, probably corrupt. The Spanish translators make it mean, "Cuando ellos lo adviertan no estarán ya las hoces en sus manos." I do not see how; but I am not sure that my version is right. The meaning of the whole passage is evidently that he, Atbran, would steal a march on his enemies.

14. Blanchers, or "courroyers," as they are called in French.

15. "Que quant a vos aguden a nos aguden" are words addressed to En Atbran; but mistakes of this sort are frequent in the text.

16. See above, p. 412, note.

17. The Saunarie was the quarter of the city where the salt granaries were kept.

18. "En ordens."

19. "Aquell buço que elles avien feyt."

20. The Count of Toulouse at this time was Raymond VII.; as to him of Provence his name was Remon, or Raymond, Berenguer, James's cousin, whose daughter Margaret was married to St. Louis on the 27th of May, 1234.

21. "Car nos hauiem conuinences ab lo Rey de Castella, e hauiem partides les terres, ja en temps de nostre pare, et de son aui, e aquell castell era en la sua partida, porque la conuinença que nos li hauiem feyte no la voliem trencar."

22. An Albarrana appears to have been an outwork detached from, and in advance of, the outer line of walls. Barbacana in Spain means a second outermost and lower wall; this the king wished to be added to the Albarrana, that he might isolate this last and defend the castle. In England, the word "barbican" had a different meaning. Albarrana, which I take to be from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), barrana, with the article "al-barrana," means a tower detached from the outer wall, literally, one that looks towards, or stands against the country, for barro is "earth" and " land." A fine corn district in Extremadura is called to this day "Tierra de Barros," and in Old Castile is another that bears the name of "Tierra de Campos."

23. "E vestir a l. homens de drap vermeyll destam fort, e ell quel vestissem de preset vermell, e sos nebots de vert." Estam fort (estambre ?); preset is a finer kind of cloth.

24. Also called Datrosillo, or Palegrí de Trosillo.

25. Servents.

26. Almexia, from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), or (Arabic letters in book), means tegumentum capitis, seu corporis, shirt. The Alcaid, therefore, was making his ablutions.

27. "Faerem una alimara (almenara ?) e sempre de mantinent faeren ne altra."

28. "E pus que vim los signals quens feu una barca a la gola del stany de la marjal, que venia de Corbera, que hauia feytes grans pluies, e per les grans pluies que hauia feytes exia gran layque." Lo stany de la marjal, the pool formed by the marshy ground in the neighbourhood of Cullera.

29. "Quant fom aenant trobam aquell Grau que ix de la vall de Alfandech." Literally, that strand or shore which stretches out of the valley, &c. Al-fandech is from the Arabic, (Arabic letters in book), handech (hollow, ditch, valley).

30. "E dixem a un scuder que passas a cauall en una llança si hi hauia guau;" literally, "And we said to an esquire to pass [the water] on a spear [to see] whether there was a ford," yet, to translate the passage as I have done, ab ought to be substituted for en.

31. "Los del castell faeren tocar lo anafil e faeren fums als de les alqueries." Anfil, from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), is a trumpet.

32. Caid, Cait, Alcaid, or Alcait, are all different forms of the Arabic word (Arabic letters in book), which means a chief, a captain, and also the warder of a castle.

33. The name of this knight, En Pelegrf de Atrocillo, or Datrosillo, is frequently spelt Palegrin, and Pellegrin, p. 424, note.

34. "E dixem li: 'Anencedrell, ben sabets vos,' " &c. Anencedrell does not seem to me to be an Arabic name, and yet the two copies of this Chronicle preserved in Barcelona are said to afford the same reading. Ibn, or Ebn, which in that language means son, is generally turned by the Spaniards and Portuguese into Aben; b is often changed into u or v (indeed, the pronunciation of those letters has always been the same), and therefore the right name of the governor of Xativa might be Auen Cedrell.

35. Alcañiz in Aragon is a commandery of the Order of Calatrava.

36. "Son cosí de Don Rodrigo Liçana, per nom Pere Dalcalá, qui dona salt als Moros de Xativa per un descenden de la costa los Moros donaren li salt als pujent (?) de la costa, e venceren los Moros," &c. The whole of this passage and what follows is exceedingly obscure. "E puix anassen en Barenguer Dentença de Xativa á correr a les Cabanes de Terol e passa entre Ribarroja e Manizes," &c. If Xativa had not yet surrendered, how could En Berenguer leave it to make a raid? It is only by supposing, as Zurita does, that Don Berenguer was at this time serving under the Moorish governor of Xativa that the words of the Chronicler can be explained. Indeed that historian (Anales de Aragon, lib. iii. c. 37) says:

"At this time Don Berenguer de Entença had left the king's service, and taken refuge in Xativa; thence he made a raid on Cabanas de Teruel; he passed between Ribarroja and Manizes without Don Rodrigo de Liçana, the Master of the Hospital, and those of Valencia daring to attack him, as they disliked to cross the dry river that passes by Torrente and Catarroja in order to get at him."

37. "E envians a Ben Ferrí qui era stat de Lyria, e era ab ell."

38. "E anassen a Beni Ferri" (?).

39. Puig Stardeyno?

40. Torchmany (in Spanish "truchiman") means "interpreter" It comes from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), turdjiman, which has the same meaning.

41. Said by the Spanish translators to be a present from the Sultan (Soldan) of Egypt, who, fearing lest Don Jayme should join in the crusade against him, wished to propitiate him.

42. Elsewhere, "Bafiel, the brother of Salamó" (another Jew at the court of James). As to the title of Alfaqui, here given to Bafiel, I very much doubt of its being properly applied, inasmuch as (Arabic letters in book), in Arabic, means a clerk well versed in the fikh or Juris ac rerum Mohammedicarum scientia, which appellation cannot be adequately given to a Jewish doctor or "rabbi." As to Sexí, I believe it to be a patronymic from Saix, a town in the kingdom of Murcia.

43. "Don nos lo Ray un horn encubert, e quant ell venra parlar ab Lalcayt, e ab nos al exir poral hom veer, que nul hom no hi vendria menys de volentat de lur senyor."

44. "E dixem los queu preauem ben poch, que aytant preauem que si fos dins com de fora. E partim nos dells en semblança queu preauem poch."

45. Zurita, the historian (Anales, iii. c. 41, 42), gives no account whatever of the many quarrels of James with his family and with his nobles that filled up this year both in Aragon and in Catalonia.

46. It has already been said that rais, rays (in Spanish arraez), are from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), meaning a "chief." As to Algezira, (Arabic letters in book), it simply means "the island," and such is the modern Alcira, situated between two arms of the Xucar.

47. This would imply that the rais or governor of Alcira was an African, perhaps an Almohade, whose dynasty ruled at Valencia till the conquest.

48. Cavalgada, which is evidently derived from "caballus, cavallo, cavalgar," &c., cannot be here translated by "cavalcade" but by foray, the "almogavars" being soldiers on foot.

49. See Zurita, Anales, iii. c. 42, 43, for what was done in this year and a half.