CCCLXVIII.

When the Saracens in some of the more important towns heard of my determination, they sent me such envoys as they could find, saying that they marvelled greatly at my wishing to drive them from their country; if more revenue was wanted they would willingly give what was reasonable and just. The people of Xativa, in particular, who had made a previous treaty with me, offered to pay yearly a hundred thousand bezants. After holding council on it, I answered the envoys that I well knew that they could, if they chose, increase their payments to me, and that the land would thus produce more than it did before; but that since they had begun a rebellion without any help or assistance from beyond seas, I knew very well that should their power become greater, and the opportunity favour them, they would rise again, since they had had the audacity and the folly of rising single-handed against me. Wherefore that I desired them all to prepare to leave the country immediately, safe and sound, with all their goods and chattels. Thus the messengers, weeping and in great grief, departed from me; but when my orders had to be carried out, the Saracens set themselves against them wherever they could, rising in such towns as could not resist, and attacking castles and villages, with the help of their [485] neighbours, all round. So vigorous, indeed, was their onset in different parts of the kingdom of Valencia, that they actually took ten or twelve castles from us, and a great war arose between Christians and Saracens. Those who could not attack or take a castle wherein to defend themselves, left the country and retired to Montesa, so that full sixty thousand fighting men, without counting the women and children, collected in that town.

CCCLXIX.

Meantime fear seized the Saracens lest I might take from them the goods and chattels they were carrying away, as well as what of their clothing was valuable. They deputed Don Eximen Perez de Arenós to say that they would willingly surrender to me half the goods and half the clothing they were taking away, on condition of my having them escorted out of the kingdom with the other half.⁽¹⁾ I replied that on no account would I do such a thing, for I had promised them security, and now to rob them on the road was what I would not do for anything in the world. I had told them that they would be under my safeguard, and that I would take care of them, provided they gave up their houses, hereditaments, and their native country [486] (natura); since I had pledged my word to them that they should depart safe and sound from the land, I would take no ransom (?) or service money from them.⁽²⁾ I was much grieved for the hurt I was involuntarily doing to them; my heart would not bear to add further to their sorrow, and take from them anything they were carrying off. I had them escorted as far as Villena; the barons and knights who accompanied them assuring me that from the van to the rear the train of Saracens was fully five leagues long, and that certainly at the battle of Ubeda⁽³⁾ not more people were massed together, men, women and children, than on this occasion. Don Frederick,⁽⁴⁾ brother of the King of Castile, was then in Villena, which he was holding for the king [Ferdinand]; he took for each Saracen man and woman who arrived there, a bezant. Thus they paid, as I was told, a hundred thousand bezants, and then went into Murcia; some leaving for Granada, others for the land of the King of Castile, and so on. In this manner did most of the Valencian Saracens depart from the country.

CCCLXX.

Those who remained made Alazarch their captain. One day there came word to me that [487] that Saracen's men were besieging Penacadell, and preparing engines (alzaradas) to batter the walls with, and that besides that very often fighting went on with lance and shield. I was then at Valencia; I sent immediately for the bishops, barons, and knights, who happened to be there, men experienced in war, as well as for the chief men (prohomens) of the city. I told them to get ready to go with me against the enemy, for news had come that Penacadell was being besieged, and I was determined to go there and raise the siege. "If Pena cadell were lost (said I), no one would dare to go to Cossentayna, or Alcoy, or any place in the district of Xixona or Alicante, to the great injury of the Christians on this side of Deslida and Lleo. I hear that the Saracens have defeated a body of three thousand Christians, from the districts of Tortosa, Alcaniz, Castellot, Orta, Villalonga, Alcanada, Vallderoures, and other places which the Moors have evacuated. The Saracens happened to go against them, when no less than one thousand and four hundred of our men were slain in that encounter. Should Alazarch take Penacadell, it will be a great disaster for all the Christians of this kingdom." All the bishops and knights there present approved of my marching to the relief of the besieged. Don Eximen Perez de Arenós alone objected and said: "Saving your honour, I am not of that opinion; the Moors are many, and [488] much emboldened by the victory they have just gained over the Christians, and by the castles they have taken. The part of the country which they hold is mountainous, and such as no heavy armed horses can act in, and where we should not risk sending our king; for should he be unsuccessful, and be obliged to come back without beginning or ending what he desires, there would be no repairing the mischief done. On the contrary, should the king stay in Valencia, if we happen to receive a check, his power will be sufficient to retaliate, and repair our losses." All present agreed that Don Eximen spoke truth and reason; they entreated me humbly and earnestly not to go, but send some one thither. I felt that they spoke well, and gave the advice that was soundest; I agreed therefore to do what they asked of me.

CCCLXXI.

Thereupon my men went to the place. The Saracens held two hills, one on this side of the rock (Penacadel⁽⁵⁾), and the other beyond it. Our people with armoured horses and footmen attacked the enemy, and took from him the hill which was on our side. There, on that hill, was killed a Saracen, by name Abenbazel,1 the best man Alazarch⁽⁶⁾ [489] had in his host, and the most powerful of all; indeed, in valour he was greater than Alazarch himself. So by God's help was one of the hills gained. When the Christians saw that, they pushed on towards the other; but the Saracens who were on it, seeing that Abenbazel was dead, took themselves to flight, and gained the hill on the other side. The Christians believing that the Saracens would not so soon abandon that position, set no guard at the foot of it, in consequence of which all the Saracens fled and went to take shelter in Alcalá, and in the country held by Alazarch. Ever since that time the Christians took courage, and the Moors lost it. The war, however, lasted three or four years, until Alazarch made certain overtures, first to En Manuel, the King of Castile's brother, and then to the King of Castile himself.

CCCLXXII.

The King of Castile then begged me to grant Alazarch a truce for his sake. Alazarch (said he) had sent to him his banner [with a messenger], besides another he had sent on a previous occasion. The King had also sent his to Alazarch, so that he had him, as it were, under his protection, and was bound to defend him if he could. Alazarch said so to his own people and to others who reported it to me. He had, in an [490] interview with Eximen de Foces, held out the King of Castile as a threat to me. I granted Alazarch a truce, to last from one Easter to another.

CCCLXXIII.

In the beginning of Lent a messenger came from a Saracen, a great confident of Alazarch, who always went with him, and by whose advice he did a great deal. The message, which came through a Christian to whom the Saracen had spoken privately, was thus worded: "My Lord, such a Saracen," naming him, "salutes you, and says that if you will only grant to him what he may ask, he will contrive that Alazarch shall sell all the grain he has in store, so that if you attack him next Easter, you will find him absolutely unprovided and unable to defend himself, for he will get him to sell all the grain he has." I asked the messenger if the Saracen was of Alazarch's council and in his confidence. He said, "Yes, he is, more so than any one else about him; you may trust in him, inasmuch as he does not want any reward from you till he has accomplished what he is about to undertake, in the most satisfactory manner." I said to him, "Now tell me what the Saracen wants of me." He said, "Only three hundred bezants and three 'jovadas' of land in Benimazor,⁽⁷⁾ and that you make an [491] agreement and charter that on his performing what he says, you will give him the bezants and the land." I said I would do so, and had accordingly an agreement drawn up in the way I undertook. Then he told me further; he said that when he had persuaded Alazarch to sell his corn, he would at once come to me, and desert his master's company. And that nothing more was needed then but that I should then fall on him, for all his affairs would be irretrievably lost; I might do with him as I wished.

CCCLXXIV.

Thereon I fixed a day for En Guillen de Cardona, En Guillen de Angresola,⁽⁸⁾ and other Catalonian and Aragonese barons to be with me without fail sometime before Easter Sunday. I had great need of them (said I) and they would do me great service and honour by coming. The Saracen meanwhile spoke with Alazarch, saying, "Alazarch, you have supplies, but no money, and yet you have to pay soldiers and give them a great deal of your substance; now the King of Castile is your friend; he craftily got for you a truce from the King of Aragon; let us send to beg him to obtain the same for another year. The [492] King of Aragon is so afraid of him, that he will not refuse him that, or even a greater demand if he should make it. We are sure to have a good harvest next year, and you can then have money enough to pay your troops with, if you will only sell the corn you have now in store, and have it replaced by that of the next harvest."

CCCLXXV.

Alazarch answered, that the advice was very good, and that he would follow it. He accordingly sent at once a messenger to the King of Castile to beg him to get from me a prorogation of the truce for another year, for he was entirely at his service and command. When the King of Castile saw Alazarch's letter, he wrote to me asking to have the truce prorogued. This was about Lazarus Sunday.⁽⁹⁾ Meanwhile the Moor himself came to me, and said that he had accomplished all he had offered, and that I would find, by inquiry, that Alazarch had sold the whole of his grain. I then wrote to my people of Concentayna and other places close to Alazarch's camp and ascertained that he had really parted with all his corn. I then replied to the King of Castile that I wondered much how he asked me to do what [493] was to my injury. Alazarch (I wrote) had some time before come to me pretending that he wished to become a Christian, and take a relation of En Carróç for his wife; but when I was going by night to a castle of his, called Rognut,⁽¹⁰⁾ he had planned treachery against me, and it was thus : I had only thirty-five knights with me, and he lay in ambush, with seven different bodies of men and with great sound of horns and clarions, and with many crossbowmen and buckler-men nightly. But for our Lord's help he had⁽¹¹⁾ overthrown and slain me. When after that I sent a hundred and seventeen Christians to build a tower near the castle, he captured them all and held them prisoners. I sent word to the King of Castile that he should show no love, nor ask me for anything for a man who had thus contrived my death. To the Moor, who had thus arranged matters for me, I duly sent the promised sum of bezants, besides a charter for the hereditament, as I had undertaken.

CCCLXXVI.

I held Easter at Valencia, and went thence to Xativa next Tuesday, taking with me no more [494] than sixty knights. On the Friday after Easter I left Xativa and went to Concentayna, where I learned that the barons were coming, and that some of them were already in Valencia. By the following Thursday I had met the kaids of Planes, of Castell, and of Pego. Next day I went to Alcalá, but Alazarch dared not wait for me, and shifted himself to Gallinera, I preferred going to Alcalá, for there rather than elsewhere were Alazarch's headquarters. I will not relate all that was done on the occasion, for it would lengthen this my book beyond measure; suffice it to say that on the eighth day after my arrival there, I was in possession of Alcalá, Gallinera, and sixteen more castles that Alazarch had taken from me; until at last that chief himself made an agreement with me to leave the country for ever, and never return to it. I gave Polop to a nephew of his, to hold for his life; that was the settlement between me and him.

CCCLXXVII.

Before this occurred, however, the King of Castile came to Alicante and sent a message to Alazarch to meet him, and he accordingly went thither. The King of Castile was hunting; Alazarch came with ten Moorish knights besides his "exortins"⁽¹²⁾ or body-guard, who preceded him. The [495] King of Castile was told that Alazarch was coming, and he stopped. Alazarch came to him and kissed his hand. The King asked, "Dost thou know how to hunt?" Alazarch answered: "If you be pleased I can hunt the castles of the King of Aragon." A Gallician (one of the King of Castile's people) who was present, said, "A poor Moor! who can hunt nothing but castles." There happened to be there a knight from Aragon who overheard the words; his name was Miquel Garcés, who in aftertime repeated those words to me. When I had taken from Alazarch all he had in the world, and expelled him from the country, I thought of that talk of his, and caused a letter to be written to the King of Castile, wherein I said how I had been told that Alazarch had gone to him, and had made the above taunting remark. I gave the King of Castile to understand that in a week's time I had taken sixteen of Alazarch's castles, and informed him that I also knew how to hunt; and that the end of Alazarch's hunting had been what he would learn by my letter.

CCCLXXVIII.

Presently, when I had completed my work in the kingdon of Valencia, and thus recovered what had been lost, I went to Aragon. Some time [496] before I heard that the King of Castile had fallen out with the King of Granada, and that the latter had sent for Moors from over sea, and that light horsemen⁽¹³⁾ of the Africans and Saracens were overrunning the land; it might well be after all that, thus helped from abroad, the Granadine Moors would recover all the country of the King of Castile, and all they had ever lost through me, through the Castilians and others in Andalusia.⁽¹⁴⁾ The King of Castile was at Seville⁽¹⁵⁾ when he heard of this; he sent a defiance and declaration of war to the King of Granada, for that he had secretly got over [from Africa] a large body of men. The Granadine had besides laid his plots in all the towns and castles of the King of Castile, wherein there were Moors still, as well as in Seville, where a great number of them were living. All together they were to rise on a given day and attack the Christians everywhere, so that the King of Castile and his [497] wife should be taken prisoners, and the lost towns and castles recovered at one blow. And matters were so arranged, that had not the King of Castile discovered the conspiracy in Seville, he might have lost body, wife and children. As it was, he had hardly left Seville when the Saracens, who were in great multitude there, rose up in arms, and in less than three weeks the King of Castile lost three hundred large towns and castles.
 

CCCLXXIX.

I was then at Sexena,⁽¹⁶⁾ keeping Palm Sunday, in honour of the monastery there erected by Doña Sancha, my grandmother. I was told that the Queen⁽¹⁷⁾ of Castile had sent word that she was at Osca (Huesca); the message came by Bertran de Villanova, my own born subject, a man whom I knew and loved well. When I heard of that I went to Agranyen,⁽¹⁸⁾ one of my towns, four leagues from Huesca. There I found Bertran de Villanova, who gave me the Queen's letters. Their purport was, that she loved me much, just as a daughter should love her own father, well and faithfully. I had married her to the King of Castile, who was one of the highest and most powerful men in the [498] world, by whom she had already several sons and daughters - eight or nine. She prayed me, for God's sake, for our kindred, and for our own credit (valor), not to let her be disinherited, and to consult how to assist them. They had no one to consult or seek help from but me. The Moors had taken possession of nearly all their country, except perhaps a little; she prayed me, as her father and lord, in whom she had hope and confidence, to help her and her husband, that she might not see herself, the king, and her children deprived of their royal inheritance. My answer to En Bertran, when I had seen the letters, was that I could take no resolution where I was, but that I would go to Huesca, and there assemble my council, and make such answer as should satisfy the Queen. En Bertran kissed my hand, and thanked me as much as he could on her behalf.

CCCLXXX.

Next morning, after mass, I rode to Huesca, and ordered the barons who came with me, and those who were already in the town, to be early on the following day with me and with others in my house; that we wished to confer with them on very important and pressing business. There were there, the Bishop of Huesca, the Abbot of Montaragon, Fernando Sanchez de Castre,⁽¹⁹⁾ Berenguer [499] Guillen d'Entenza, En Eximen Perez de Arenós, Don Gonzalo Perez, his nephew, and the Archdeacon of Valencia. I exhibited the Queen's letter, and bade them give counsel as to how I should act in respect of what the Queen had sent to say. The Bishop of Huesca was requested to speak first, and he said, "Since you and the King wish it, I will speak.

CCCLXXXI.

"My Lords, this is too great a thing for me to advise the King to determine it exclusively with our help, he having so many barons in his own land, as archbishops, bishops, and so forth; he should take their counsel on such important business, as this is a greater affair even than that of Ubeda,⁽²⁰⁾ or any other in Spain. I am of opinion that the King assemble together his court, and lay this before them, and with their advice do what he may do."

I told Fernando Sanchez de Castre to speak, and he said, "Let Don Berenguer Guillen d'Entenza speak first; he is older than I am; I will speak after him." En Berenguer answered, "Never mind that; do you speak first." Don Fernando then said: "This is what I say: It seems to me as if the King cannot avoid affording his help to the Queen on her sending him such a letter; [500] on the other hand, I think that now is the time for our King to get amends for the wrongs the King of Castile once did him; for he can rightly ask for an indemnity, since not only the expedition will be an expensive one, but the assistance to be given will be more needed and seasonable than ever was help from one king to another. Now let the King get back the castles that he has so often demanded from Castile; unless he gets them beforehand I will not advise him to give his aid to the King of Castile, however much the latter may need it, for true friends are known in the hour of need." When Don Fernando had finished his speech, I told Fernando Sanchez to give his opinion. He said: "I support the Bishop of Huesca's motion. Let our King hold Cortes, and consult his barons first; I share, however, Don Berenguer's opinion, that before giving his help to Castile, our King should get back the castles to which he has a right, for certainly there never was so good an opportunity as this. We will help him as much as we can in this his undertaking, and I believe that others will do the same. Let him, as I say, hold Cortes, for without that this business cannot be settled; it is too important." The Abbot of Montaragon, Don Eximen Perez de Arenós, and Don Garcia Perez de Tarazona were of the same opinion. But it is not my wish to make too long [501] a story; all said that they held the advice as good, and that I should send a message to the King to return to me Requena and the other places which I once held; I wished and intended helping him in his difficulty, but could not give him a complete answer till I had held a court: then we would make such an answer as should satisfy him.

CCCLXXXII.

Then they asked me to speak, and I said I was content to do so. "In the first place," said I, "I do not assent to anything you have said to me. I will tell you how this business really stands. Know that this is very like the case of one who is tasting wine before buying it, with the full intention of watering it afterwards. If he taste the wine, it is for the purpose of ascertaining whether it has been already watered, or is pure and strong, so that he himself may water it.⁽²¹⁾ The King of Castile has put my daughter to this use; for the wrongs he has done me he dare not ask for my help, but tries to get it through my daughter. Should he find by letters from her that I feel inclined, other prayers for help will certainly endorse the first. To the advice to hold Cortes thereon, my answer is, that I think it a [502] right thing to assemble them. I will have two, one for Catalonia and another for Aragon; the first at Barcelona, the second at Zaragoza; yet I shall not ask counsel of either of them on this present business, for in no country in the world have such assemblies of men the sense and worth required in such cases.⁽²²⁾ I have had experience enough to know that members are generally divided in opinion, and that whenever I asked them for counsel on matters of importance, they could never be made to agree. I will therefore speak to them, explain the case, and ask them to help and stand by me. For this is a thing I cannot decline to do for three reasons: one, because I cannot absolutely desert my daughter and her children when it is sought to take their heritage from them; another, and one greater than any mentioned by you, that were I not obliged from honour and duty to help the King of Castile, still should I wish to help him, owing to his being one of the most powerful men in the world; and if I do not help him, and he extricates himself from this difficulty in which he now is, perhaps he will for ever after hold me for his mortal enemy on account of my not helping him in his great trouble, and if at any time he can do [503] me harm he will most certainly do it, and will be in his right. The third reason, and perhaps the strongest of all, is that which naturally occurs to me: if the King of Castile happen to lose his land I shall hardly be safe in mine, and if any loss and expense is thereby to be incurred, it had better be sustained in protecting Castile from its aggressors, and helping its king, rather than in defending my own kingdom. There is in my opinion no other counsel but to send a message to the Queen that we will help her with all our power. I will go into Catalonia and hold a Cortes there; I will also hold them in Aragon; but in neither of those assemblies shall I ask for counsel⁽²³⁾; I will apply for aid, and as soon as I get it, will I run down to the assistance of my daughter, and of the King of Castile, her husband."

CCCLXXXIII.

I accordingly departed thence, went to Catalonia, and called together the States at Barcelona. When they were assembled, barons, citizens, and clergy, I asked them, since they and theirs had always helped me in such undertakings as that of Mallorca and others, that they would now help me in this one, as was much needed. Their answer was [504] that they would deliberate thereupon, and as En Ramon de Cardona and some of his house claimed redress for some wrongs they had suffered of me, they would first speak with him thereupon, and then make such answer as should satisfy me. I replied that any one in my land who had any complaint to make, should come forward at once, and right would be done unto him; that ought not to be a reason for refusing me the aid I asked for. It was not good sense, I said, that whilst I asked them for one thing, they should reply by talking of another quite unconnected with it. Wherefore I prayed and commanded them to think better of it, for certainly the answer they gave did not become such good men as they were. They deliberated again, and then gave me answer as bad as, or worse than, the first.

CCCLXXXIV.

When I saw how badly they behaved to me, I told them that they had not sufficiently considered what might happen thereafter. If the King of Castile ultimately lost what was his own, I and they would find it harder to keep our property than we had done until then. I then addressed the clergy in these words: "What will you gain by the churches where our Lord and His Mother are now worshipped being lost, and the name [505] of Mahomet proclaimed therein? And if what belongs to me and to the King of Castile as Christian kings, be lost, how can you expect to keep what you yourselves own? Why answer me so ill and so basely! I never thought that I should ever assemble the States in Catalonia without obtaining from them what was reasonable; for surely had I asked from you urgently what was unreasonable, I really think I should have prevailed with you to grant it to me. But since such is your answer, I will depart from you, as much displeased as any lord ever was with his people."

CCCLXXXV.

Saying which I arose, and would hear nothing more from them, and went to my house; they prayed me earnestly not to be angry, for they would again deliberate and give an answer. But for all that I would not wait; part of the members followed me to my own house, others remained behind; but ultimately those who had come with me went back to the others.

CCCLXXXVI.

When I was about to sit to my dinner,⁽²⁴⁾ the [506] Assembly sent to me four of its members, En Berenguer Arnau, En Pedro de Berga, and two other barons, whose names I do not recollect, who begged to speak to me. I took them apart and heard what they had to say. They stated to me on behalf of their colleagues that it had never been, and should never be, the mind of the States on any account that I should ask counsel or aid of the prelates and barons of Catalonia without finding it at once. And that as I intended to leave the town, and had said so to some of their colleagues, they begged me to remain, promising, if I did, to behave in such wise that I should be satisfied with them. And this they prayed so much and so earnestly of me, that I had to grant it.

CCCLXXXVII.

At vespers they again came to me, saying that on no account would they (that I ought to believe) let me leave in anger with them. I ought to hear what they had to say, for their words in the first instance were not intended in bad sense. They, therefore, begged me, before they granted what I asked of them, to settle Ramon [507] de Cardona's claims. It was, they said, their intention to grant me after that the service known by the name of "bovatge," although they maintained I had no right to it, having already had it twice since the beginning of my reign; once when I came to the throne, and again when I went to Mallorca. They would, however, grant it again, since I wished it, and would serve me in that business so that I should have reason to thank them. I was content with their answer, and called together the States in Aragon, to be present at Zaragoza within three weeks.

CCCLXXXVIII.

I accordingly departed thence and went to Aragon. I called together the bishops and the barons, and they assembled in the Dominicans' Church. I rose and began by a text of Scripture: "Non minor est virtus quœrere quam quœ sunt parta tueri.⁽²⁵⁾ Though our Lord has shown me great love, and given me great honour in the business of Mallorca and Valencia, and in other things up to this time, there are reasons in other quarters which compel me to defend what I have won during my reign. For which cause, and inasmuch [508] as our Lord has by His favours enabled me to remedy what ills others suffer, we all ought to give Him thanks, since by your power and mine we can give aid to the King of Castile, so closely allied to me. We ought indeed to be grateful to our Lord that the Saracens have done treason and wrong to him. For after all it is far better that they should have done it on the lands of another prince than on ours. Wherefore I pray you for the love you owe me, the service you have done me on other occasions, and the ties there are between you and me, that you help me in this matter. The aid you give will be but little in comparison with what I shall do for you; for every maravedi morabetin I take of you, I will give you ten. I do [not] ask this as a debt due to me by you, but only that I may the better conclude this business in which I am now engaged. If you will consider what honour I and you can gain by righting what is amiss elsewhere, nothing should be of account to us beside it. If I went beyond seas on a crusade against the Saracens, I should not merit one third as much as by defending what God has here, in Spain, given to the King of Castile and to me. This is a thing whence I may get both shame and loss; for if the King of Castile lose his, I may also lose mine. If you wish that I should state how I propose to act, let two barons come to me, and I will tell them how the thing [509] can be done. And thereon you can consider how to make good answer to me, such as may be to the honour of God, of me, and of you."

CCCLXXXIX.

A Minorite friar then arose, and said: "For the greater⁽²⁶⁾ comfort of the King and you all, I will tell you of a vision which one of our Franciscan brethren, a Navarrese, saw some time ago. While he was asleep, in his convent, he saw a man robed in white who called him by his name, asking him if he slept. The friar was at first afraid, and made the sign of the cross. He asked, 'Who are you who have awaked me in this manner?' And the man said, 'am an angel of our Lord, and come to tell thee that trouble has lately arisen between Saracens and Christians in Spain; be thou certain, however, that a king will set it all right, and hinder harm from coming to Spain.' The Navarrese friar asked what king it would be, and the reply was, 'The King of Aragon, named James.' " The friar added that the Navarrese brother, who saw the vision, had told it to him in confession ; he certainly had seen it, and that it grieved him much that the King of Navarre was not the one designated. "Wherefore you should [510] comfort the King and yourselves; I tell you that our King is destined to set right what is so amiss, and hinder further harm. And this I tell you for your comfort."

CCCXC.

Then Don Eximen de Urrea arose and said, that visions were very good things; yet that they would retire and return after deliberating on what had been said. I told him that he spoke well, and he accordingly went away, the meeting in the Dominicans' church separating, and I going to my private apartments. I had not been there long when seven or eight of the Aragonese barons came up to me. I said to them: "Barons, what I have to tell you, I will not say before the people, for these are things that must be said privately, that you may help me in such wise as may turn to my honour and yours. True is it that I held Cortes at Barcelona, and I can boast of the clergy and barons of Catalonia, that when I showed my good intention of serving God and helping the King of Castile, their wish and their will was to assist me at once. At first they proposed to help me with money levied on their vassals, and to grant me the "bovatge."⁽²⁷⁾ Then they prayed me to help with my own [vassals] as well as with theirs, and said they would do service for all they [511] "then held of me or might afterwards hold in fief;⁽²⁸⁾ wherefore I pray you that you consent that your men aid me in like way as the Catalonians engaged to aid me, and I myself have engaged to aid them. And if that manner of grant do not please you, let us consider the matter in another way, which will come to the very same thing. For if you reckon it well, the most I shall get from your vassals will not amount to five thousand sous, whereas you may have from me as much as thirty thousand; wherefore it is good to stake five thousand for thirty thousand sous; for the most that a knight will have from me will not exceed five hundred sous, whereas I will give you that of which you may get two or three thousand to give away.⁽²⁹⁾ Further, I will grant you charters, that what I now ask of you, if you grant it, shall not be made a precedent against you and yours hereafter." On which they were all silent, and answered nothing. I said to them: "I marvel that [512] you are thus silent; I have proposed to you nothing that is not perfectly honourable,⁽³⁰⁾ nothing that should vex you." When I saw that they would not speak, I said, "I wish to know from thee, Fernan Sanchez de Castre, what your answer is." He said, that since I wished him to speak, he would speak, and he spoke thus: "I do not believe that the Aragonese will agree to that, nor will I. As to myself, if you want to set fire to what I have, do you begin at one end, and go out at the other." I said to him: "Hast thou no better answer to make, Fernan Sanchez? I am not here to set fire to thy land, but to defend it, and to increase your possessions, as I have done hitherto; that is the way I will set fire to you, not in the other way."

CCCXCI.

Thereon I asked Don Berenguer G. de Entenza to make answer; and he said: "My lord, if you want anything of mine or of the lands in my possession, I will give it willingly to you; but I cannot do this thing you ask of me." En Eximen de Urrea⁽³¹⁾ said: "My lord, we do not know in Aragon what 'bovatge' is; but we will consult, and make answer to you." I said: "Barons, it behoves you [513] to come to a better resolution than the one you just brought me; for I want nothing but what is not for my good and yours." They accordingly went away to deliberate, and did not return to me on that day nor the next until the hour of vespers, when Don Berenguer G. de Entenza came. I said to him: "Don Berenguer G. de Entenza, you are rather late with the answer you were to bring me." He said: "The barons did not wish to send it for this reason; they thought it would not please you." I said, "Why should it not please me?" Don Berenguer replied: "Know for certain, that they are not minded to make you a favourable answer." I told him to depart, and ordered my porters to go to each of the barons, and tell them to come to me next morning.

CCCXCII.

On the appointed day and hour they actually came, and stood some time before me, saying nothing. I inquired of them, "What have you agreed upon as to what I asked of you?" One said to another, "Do you say." Then they told En Exemen de Urrea to speak first, and he said: "We do not know, my lord, what 'bovatge' means, and I can tell you that when my colleagues first heard the word, all cried with one voice, that they would have nothing of the sort." I said to them: [514] "I marvel greatly at you; you are a hard people to deal with, and it is difficult to make you listen to reason. You should consider the matter well, and see if my demand is made with good intent or with ill. No man, I assure you, can think ill of me for asking what I do ask of you, for certainly I do it for good motives; firstly, for God's sake; secondly, to save Spain; thirdly, that I and you may hereafter deserve this great praise and honour of saving Spain from the Saracens. And by my faith in God, since the people of Catalonia, which is the better sovereignty, and the most honourable and the most noble, for there are there four counts, the Count of Urgel, the Count of Ampurias, the Count of Foix,⁽³²⁾ and the Count of Pallas; besides so many barons (richshomes), that for one here there are four in Catalonia, and for one knight you have here there are five there, and for one clerk there is here there are ten there, and for one substantial citizen you can show there are five in Catalonia; since the people, I say, of the most honourable land in Spain are willing to give me of what they have, you should refuse to give me good aid, you who hold of me countless honours, some of twenty, some of thirty, some of forty thousand sous a year. And above all, when all these are sure to come back to you, by what I [515] should give you in return." Their reply was that they would not do it in that way for anything in the world. I said, "Yes, you shall do it in one way or other." They were silent. Then I said: "Will you not do it in such a way that it will cost you nothing but words?" "How?" said they. "I will tell you how. Promise to aid me before all the rest, and pay nothing yourselves; in that way I will not lose what the clergy, the military orders, and the knights and citizens should pay; you yourselves will keep your part.⁽³³⁾ They said they would deliberate, and would make answer.

CCCXCIII.

Next morning they met at the Dominicans', and sent two knights to me. I was at the time engaged at the Bishop of Zaragoza's, hearing a law-suit of Doña Teresa, and Garcia de Vera, and Miguel Perez de Alagó.⁽³⁴⁾ When I had done with that, they sent to me Sancho Gomez de Balanrassa and Sancho Aznares de Arbe,⁽³⁵⁾ who addressed me in these words: "My lord, the barons and the [516] knights send to say that they consider the business asked of them the greatest thing that a King ever at any time proposed to the Cortes; and they declare that they will do nothing of it; they would rather lose all they have." I looked at the Bishop of Zaragoza, who was then with me, laughed, and said, "Certainly the barons do not make a fitting answer to my request; but at another time, please God, they will make a better one on this matter." When these words of mine were reported to the knights assembled, they all shouted aloud, and said, "To Alagon, to Alagon! let us take council there, and see what is to be done." All accordingly left the town; only two of them remained with me.

CCCXCIV.

When I had dined, Pedro Jordá de Exea [one of the two knights who had stayed behind] came up to me and said: "My lord, it grieves and annoys me much to see what mischief is being done by so rash and unwise a resolution⁽³⁶⁾; but I cannot help going to my colleagues. Is it your "pleasure that I should say anything to them for you?" I said, "I do not wish you to say anything to them." "Mind you," said he, "if you wish me to say anything to them, tell me, and I will say it." "Do you really mean, Pedro Jordá, that [517] you will repeat to them what I will tell you?" He said, "Yes, my lord, whatever your message be, I will deliver it." "Then go and tell them this from me, that I have no doubt that to-morrow they will be more stubborn than to-day, and in a fortnight, and even in a month, more stubborn and intractable than they are now; but at the end of the year they will wish they had granted my request: and may God confound you, Pedro Jordá, if you do not repeat to them my very words!" And so after secretly taking their oath at Zaragoza, the members of the Cortes withdrew to Alagon, and thence to Mallen, and I went to Calatayud.

CCCCV.

Once there I sent them a message by the Bishop of Zaragoza that I would do them justice if they had any grievance to complain of; but that I marvelled much at their behaving in such a manner against their natural lord, so harshly and so obdurately. Thereon they sent me word that they would send to me Don Berenguer Garcia de Entenza, Don Artal de Alagó, and Don Ferris de Liçana, if I would only grant them a safe-conduct. This I gave, and sent them besides another message, to the effect that if they had any complaints to make I was ready to do them justice. Don Berenguer and his companions came to [518] Calatayud. I was then staying at the church of Saint Mary, where more than a thousand inhabitants of Calatayud being present heard what was said. I first desired the deputation to tell me why had they taken an oath, and made a league at Saragossa, without ascertaining first whether any wrong had been done to them, and whether I was prepared to make it good or not, for certainly it was a marvellous thing, I said, for vassals to swear a league against their natural lord, without his knowing why. They replied, that they had done it because I had broken the fueros (liberties) of Aragon. I said "You should show me how, and I will make it good. I have a copy of the 'Fueros of Aragon' by me, and will have it read before you, chapter by chapter, that you may point out wherein they have been infringed; if so I will make it good to you." They said: "There is no need of having the 'Fueros' read; we will state in a few words how the infraction stands." My reply was: "I am willing to hear your complaints, provided you deliver them in writing." They accordingly produced a memorandum of the charges they had to make, namely, that I had infringed the "Fueros of Aragon," in that I had with me a number of clerks learned in civil and canon laws,⁽³⁷⁾ who gave [519] judgment according to them. That in this manner I had done wrong to Don Berenguer Garcia de Entenza, one of the speakers, in the matter of Montpellier. Other complaints they made, which had neither top nor bottom, but were only designed to cover the misconduct of the Cortes in that instance.⁽³⁸⁾

CCCXCVI.

My answer was that it was true that I had civil and canon lawyers in my household, but that I was bound to have such lawyers by me: every king's court ought to be accompanied by canon, civil, and "Fuero" lawyers, for there were law-suits in all those branches.⁽³⁹⁾ I myself, by the grace of God, had three or four kingdoms to my share, and law-suits came before me of many different kinds. If I had not with me those who could judge and sentence such suits-at-law, it would be a shame to me and to my court, as neither I nor any layman could know all the law-writings there are in the world. That they might help me when necessary, I had them with me wherever I went, especially on account of my different states not being under one "Fuero," or one custom. [520] Therefore it was that I took them about with me, and made them follow my court. I then desired the deputies to say whether I had ever judged them by any other "Fuero" than that of Aragon in such cases as it could be applied; for if I had, I would willingly redress it. The "Fuero" of Aragon says that every man resort in equality to his lord.⁽⁴⁰⁾ They did not, however, consent to having the "Fuero" read word by word in the matters in which they said I had done them wrong. Whereupon, having answered every one of their complaints, which were quite unreasonable, and should not have been made, I addressed them in the following words:

CCCXCVII.

"Barons, it seems to me that you wish to treat me as the Jews treated our Lord, when they took Him on the Thursday, at the Supper, and brought Him before Pilate there to be judged, crying, all the time, 'Crucifix, Crucifix.' You say that I break your 'Fueros,' and you do not say in what nor how. You are not willing to accept judgment from me: this is the most novel pretension that ever men raised against [521] their lord. But I will tell you, barons, there are two things that embolden you in that evil counsel; one is the aid we have to give the King of Castile, of which I cannot fail, as it has been promised to him; the other is my own wisdom which keeps me from revenging this on you. Were it not for those two things, there is no plain or wall or rock from which I would not drag you; for, for every knight you have, I would bring three knights into the field, who would be no friends of yours, nor would they spare doing you harm in body and in property. Besides which I have in my favour all the cities and citizens of Aragon and Catalonia, who would be against you, knowing as much of war as you yourselves do. And since the greater power and greater wealth is with me, it seems to me that you should not encroach on me wrongfully." Thereon the deputation took leave of me and departed.

CCCXCVIII.

When the barons departed I learned that they meant to meet at Almunien⁽⁴¹⁾ on a faxed day, and as I knew what day it was to be, I determined to go to [522] Huesca, and begged the Bishop of Zaragoza⁽⁴²⁾ to go with me, for I had need of him and wished to send him to them. The Bishop said that he would. When we got to Huesca, I sent the Bishop to Almunien, where the barons were to meet, and sent them word, that I prayed and commanded them by my lordship over them not to do so great offence against me as the one they were planning. The Bishop went thither and told them this in my name; he then came back, and said that Fernan Sanchez de Castre and Don Berenguer Garcia de Entenza would come to me, if I gave them a safe-conduct. The safe-conduct was granted; but as I had already sent them word that I would leave the business in the hands of the Bishop of Zaragoza and of the Bishop of Huesca,⁽⁴³⁾ when the deputation came, I did not receive them. To shorten the story, for it would be too long to tell, nothing was done with me, or with the bishops, and matters remained in the state they were. Though it was again offered to them that I would give judgment in their case,⁽⁴⁴⁾ they would not accept my offer, and went away.

CCCXCIX.

When I saw things in this way, I sent for En Pere an En Ramon de Moncada and other barons [523] of Catalonia, and for the men of Lerida, Tamarit, Almenara, and other places, to come to me and to the army, with their men and their arms, appointing a day on which I would be at Monzon.

CCCC.

While the letters patent summoning my vassals were on their way, I being then at Barbastro, the Aragonese knights sent to say that if I gave them a safe-conduct, they would come to me. I gave it them, and there came Fernan Sanchez de Castro, Don Berenguer Garcia de Entenza, and Don Ferris de Lizana, who among others had bound themselves by oath to make a league. We met in the great church of Saint Mary of Barbastro; Fernan Sanchez spoke for them, and said that the oath they had sworn was not against me individually, but because I, as King, had infringed their "Fueros," and had asked of them things contrary to custom. In Exea, for instance, I had, he said, caused divisions among them, when Don Exemen de Urrea, Don Artal de Alagó, and the other barons and knights held with me, against Fernan Sanchez, Don Berenguer Garcia, and Don Ferris.⁽⁴⁵⁾ I replied to those three that I had done them no injury, [524] broken no "Fuero," taken nothing from them; on the contrary, I had given them hereditaments; Don Ferris was the holder of a good honour when he went into this business, and I had endowed the father of Don Berenguer Garcia with all he had in the world; wherefore I marvelled much they did so harsh a thing against me. And that I may make it short to you [reader] they could not come to terms with me, and I told them, since it was thus, I would have to defend myself against them.

CCCCI.

I went to Monzon, where there first came to me the men of Tamarit. There was near that town a fortress built by Pedro Maça, son of En Arnau de las Celles, and I made them attack it; it was taken and demolished. Then I went to Arafals,⁽⁴⁶⁾ and by the help of the men of Almenar and Tamarit besieged it, and it surrendered to me. Then I went to Lerida, and begged and commanded its men to make ready to join my army; for I had resolved to go to the aid of the King of Castile. I departed thence, and because the waters of the Cinca were high, went to Monzon, crossed the bridge there, and stayed a night. Thence I went to Pomar and had a "fonevol " constructed, besides a wooden tower; [525] but with a "brigola"⁽⁴⁷⁾ which the men in the place had, they prevented our bringing up the "fonevol," or the wooden tower, so that we could not do them hurt. When I saw that, and that I could make no progress, I sent to Tortosa for a "brigola" that I had there, with which to destroy that in the town.

CCCCII.

Then came Pedro Martinez, a clerk, son of Don Martin Perez, Justicia of Aragon, and said that if I would consent to raise the siege of the place, they would meet me in this way; they would refer the question between me and the knights to the Bishop of Zaragoza and to the Bishop of Huesca. On my part, I was to return the honours which, as they said and thought, I had taken from them; on their part they assured me that they would do me justice, otherwise I might take their lands from them. They would (they said) give the bishops such security that I should be satisfied; if I only appointed a place for the meeting, they would surely come to me; and thus the question between me and them should be settled.

CCCCIII.

I was content with what Pedro Martinez said, and accordingly raised my camp and went to Monzon. [526] I desired the men of Gil to receive them within their town, and they did so. The deputation came to Gil, and took up quarters there; there might be as many as a hundred and fifty knights ; with them were Don Berenguer Garcia de Entenza, Don Ferris de Liçana, Fernan Sanchez de Castre, with others, besides the sons of En Fortunez de Berga, and several others, who were pensioners of mine, and yet friends of theirs. Then the matter was referred to the Bishop of Zaragoza and to the Bishop of Huesca; and they undertook to do right as to the wrong they had done me by coming against me and my sovereignty. If the judgment was that I should restore them their honours, they should be restored. It was stipulated that there should be truce till I had come back from assisting the King of Castile, and for fifteen days afterwards. This was put down in writing, and a day was appointed on which I would be in Zaragoza, and they were to be there also. I consented to this for two reasons: the first, because I knew very well they could not⁽⁴⁸⁾ give me further security to abide the proposed judgment, for all they had, nay, their very persons, were already in my power; again, because it was then harvest time, the middle of June, and I could not keep my men with me, so great yearning had they to go home. I could not make them stay; neither blows, nor a close watch, nor prison could prevent their deserting the [527] camp, and though I myself frequently watched them, and when detected punished them severely and beat them, I found it impossible to stop them.

CCCCIV.

When the day agreed on with the knights came, I went to Zaragoza, and they went also; the Bishop of Huesca came as far as Almudevar, where he was seized with illness; he said that it grieved him that he could not go on, so ill was he, and he had to go back. So I told the knights that the Bishop of Huesca could not come to the appointment, which they already well knew. I then told the Bishop of Zaragoza that I was ready to submit to his decision, which should stand as good as if both bishops had joined in it. The Bishop said he would speak with them and learn if they consented to that. They said to him, "For what does the King wish us to give him security?"⁽⁴⁹⁾ The Bishop said, "For that which you have undertaken; and he will perform what has been agreed in writing between him and you." As I afterwards learned the Bishop thought from what passed between him and the knights that they were too deeply committed by their oath against me to submit to his judgment. For all the property they had was not enough security, and they would have to put their own persons in my [528] power to do my will. On which he spoke with me and said, "My lord, it seems as if the knights had undertaken something towards you which they cannot fulfil, and that they now are aware of it. It appears to me that I cannot order them to do you right, for all they have would not be a sufficient caution."

CCCCV.

I said to him, "Bishop, it is not for you to give excuses from one side to the other; let what you say be your decision; I will hold the honours of the knights as security that they will obey your judgment." The Bishop's reply was that he did not think he should give a judgment in the case likely to disinherit the knights of everything they had in this world. I said, "What is that to you, if they put themselves into the noose?" The Bishop would say no more about it, and the "honours" remained as a pledge in my hands, for the knights broke the written engagement they had made with me at Monzon. They would not abide the penalty thereof, whereas I abode by the truce they had sworn to, as set forth in writing between me and them.

CCCCVI.

After this, relying on the truce the knights had granted me, I went with what forces I could to [529] assist the King of Castile. I passed through Zaragoza and went to Teruel, and sent word to my sons,⁽⁵⁰⁾ and to En Ramon de Cardona, En Ramon de Moncada, and the others, to come to me at Valencia with what forces they could. I had summoned in all two thousand knights, but from Aragon only one came, namely Don Blasco de Alagon; so that of two thousand knights in my pay I had only six hundred with me. In Teruel I spoke to the chief men of the town, and asked them to assist me in the enterprise on which I was. I told them what I had done, and how; for nothing in the world (I said to them) could keep me from helping the King of Castile, since I had promised to assist him, I entreated them earnestly to furnish grain and cattle that I might provision the army with. They said they would deliberate about it; they could not do that till next day, but would immediately after give me an answer.

CCCCVII.

In less than an hour the townspeople came back, and Gil Sanchez Munyoz made answer for all: "My lord," he said, "you know well that what you commanded or asked of us has never met with a refusal; it never did, nor will it now. We [530] will supply⁽⁵¹⁾ three thousand loads of corn (a thousand of wheat and two thousand of barley), twenty thousand sheep, and two thousand cows; and if more is wanted take it from us as a loan." I answered, that I gave them great thanks for their offers, and that I knew them to be good vassals, who loved their lord and trusted much in him. They told me to give them one of my bailiffs⁽⁵²⁾ to go with them through the villages, and they would take the grain wherever they found it; that they would arrange matters in such a way that when I left Valencia with my host I should have it all. I gave them a bailiff to go with them, and departed from them very much satisfied with the love they had expressed and the way in which they had shown it.

CCCCVIII.

At Valencia I also spoke with the chief men of the city, and prayed them to remember how they had been settled there by me from the time it was God's will that I should conquer the place; how it was that I trusted more on them than on any [531] others for help in assisting the King of Castile against his rebellious subjects. Since I had departed from them (the Valencians) I had lost much of my influence in my other states.⁽⁵³⁾ I entreated them as earnestly as I could to remember that I had settled them there, and I begged them to give me such aid as might enable me to carry out that enterprise with honour and reputation; they had hitherto shared my honour, and this campaign would certainly be one of the most honourable and important made during my reign. They said they would consult, and come again next day before me, for they wished to do the most they could for me.

CCCCIX.

Next day they came and said that I should tell them what I wanted of them, for they were ready to do my will. I told them that I wanted corn, wine, and barley. "I beg you to do this: go through the town, and let him who has corn, reserving what he wants for his household sustenance in a year, lend me the rest. And if there be any dealers in that article, let them lend their corn to me, and I will give them what security they want. Let you and the townsmen help me in this, and disclose to my bailiff⁽⁵⁴⁾ where [532] such dealers may be." They said that they would willingly do this for me, for they saw that I stood in need of it; they knew the pressure and the want as well as the dishonour and mischief that might befall them and me, if they did not comply with my request. They did so, and furnished all I wanted. Then there came the Infante En Jacme,⁽⁵⁵⁾ En Ramon de Moncada, and other companies whom I do not remember. I went to Xativa and from Xativa to Biar.

CCCCX.

At Biar I sent word to the Saracens of Villena,⁽⁵⁶⁾ desiring and commanding them early next morning to come out to meet me. In the morning I myself went to the place, and they came out to me. There I took them aside (they were thirty of the best people of the town), and asked how they came to do such a thing as rising against their lord, Don Manuel. Though they had committed a great error, I would (I said) accept their excuses, and would willingly persuade him to pardon them, for he depended so much on me that he would do what I said. If they refused, I should be obliged to use violence against them, and they must know well that they could not defend themselves against [533] my power. Therefore it were better for them that I should reconcile them with En Manuel, and that they should stay in their houses and hereditaments rather than have to desert them and go to foreign lands, where they might not be able to gain a livelihood nor find any one to help them. They told me that they thanked me much for what I had said, but that En Manuel's bad behaviour to them had forced them to rise against him. They further said that I might return to Biar, and at night they would make answer.

CCCCXI.

That night they sent me two Saracens, one of whom knew "romance,"⁽⁵⁷⁾ and the answer was, that if next day I went again to Villena they would all swear on their Law that when Don Manuel came there they would treat with me to this effect. If I got him to pardon what they had done, they would at once surrender the town; if, on the contrary, Don Manuel did not pardon them, they should not be held to execute that condition of the treaty. If, on the other hand, I would promise on oath to keep Villena, and not give it up to the King of Castile or to Don Manuel, but would go there myself, they would surrender it to me. [534] I told them that I thanked them much for what they said; that next morning I would meet them at Villena, and would so deal with them that they should be satisfied with me; that I would have agreements and deeds then drawn out between them and me. And I gave the one who knew "romance" a hundred bezants, that he might be in my favour. He said that with God's help he would do what I wished. I gave him the money in secret, so that the other one knew nothing of it.

CCCCXII.

Next morning I went to Villena, and made written agreements with them, that they should surrender the town to En Manuel, when he came, and that I would induce him to pardon them, and to observe the first capitulations made with them. When the agreement was drawn and completed, all in Villena of twenty years old and upwards took oath to me to observe what had been stipulated.

CCCCXII I.

From Villena I went to Elda⁽⁵⁸⁾; I did not take up my quarters in the town, because the Saracens there had not duly surrendered to Don Manuel, to whom they belonged. They sent to me to beg that no one would lay their lands waste, or do them [535] hurt, for they would readily submit to my will. They applied to me for porters and men to protect their (horta) gardens and themselves from harm, and I willingly gave them.

CCCCXIV.

I had sent a messenger to Petrer, which En Jofre⁽⁵⁹⁾ had lost, and there came two sheikhs to me and a Jew, who was there in the time of En Jofre. The Saracens had not meddled with the Jew at all, or done him any hurt. I treated with them for the surrender of the castle to me, that I might return it to its legitimate owner, En Jofre. Their answer was that they had revolted merely on account of the bad treatment they had received at the hands of En Jofre. If I only would swear to them to keep the castle for myself, they would willingly surrender it to me; but they were afraid of En Jofre. I answered them that I would pledge my word to them, that before I passed the town over to En Jofre I would provide that the agreements first made with them should be kept. It would not be seemly that I should come there to help the King of Castile; I should keep for myself the castles that belonged to him, and to those that held them for him. Their reply was that they would go back to consult on it, and would give me an answer in [536] the evening. They accordingly came back nearly at sunset, and said that since I so much wished it, they would do as I pleased. When morning came, I advanced with my knights to meet them, made the people of En Jofre hoist my flag on the castle, and then gave it over to them.

CCCCXV.

Next day I went to Nonpot, a village of Alicante; and the day after to Alicante, and there I set my company in order. While at Alicante, I caused my sons, that is the Infantes En Pedro and En Jacme, the Bishop of Barcelona, and the barons of Aragon and Catalonia, to assemble in the new church outside the walls of Alicante, not in the great church.⁽⁶⁰⁾ The knights also were there, and I told them that I was about to enter the country of the King of Castile's conquest, and that I wished to give them instructions how to conduct themselves when under arms, and in other matters.

First, that when armed and on march, no one should go into action, or use his arms, without precise orders from me; if necessity for fighting arose, no one should advance without my command; and if the cry was raised, "ON, ON! the Moors are attacking such a place," all should take up arms, [537] and rally round me; then I would give orders as to what they should do. If in the camp, at night, and the cry "To arms!" obliged the men to arise, all should arm themselves, and those who had horses should equip and arm them, and then come to my tent, or to my house if I was in one. For nothing in the world should any one, in battle or otherwise, leave the ranks without my express command. And above all they should take care not to quarrel among themselves, or with others; for quarrelling is the very worst thing that can happen in the host of a king or a lord. One man might put the whole force to the risk of death or ruin, for the enemy might come down suddenly and sweep away all who remain alive. Should any question arise between knights, or otherwise, let them go to two of their class, who may bring the affair before me for judgment, and I will see that he who has done the other wrong shall repair it at once; and if they themselves cannot settle their differences, let them come to me, for I can; quarrels and disputes in this world are but questions of "Yes" or "No." No one should take justice in his hands against another, while there are lords and judges. If either of the two wishes to fight, I will give him elsewhere enough to satisfy his desire;⁽⁶¹⁾ otherwise he might [538] do something that would lose me and the army, or throw it into confusion, or force me to give up the campaign. Wherefore, I pray you and command you, on pain of treason and forfeiture of my love, that you do not transgress this commandment of mine.

CCCCXVI.

After this my address to the assembly, I sent a message to Elx (Elche), by a dragoman of mine with La Exea,⁽⁶²⁾

and a letter from me bidding them to send me two or three of the principal Saracens of the town, that I might confer with them. If they chose, I would do them no harm; I did not wish it; I would rather help to keep them in safety. The people of Elche sent me Mahomet Haguingalip and another.⁽⁶³⁾ When they came, they saluted me on behalf of the sheikhs, and "aljama" of Elche. I [539] said to them: "May God bless you: I make it known to you that I sent for you for this reason. I believe you know that when the people of your creed made war against me, the Lord God helped me against them, and that victory always attended my enterprises. As to those who desired peace, and who wished to put themselves at my mercy, you also know how rightly merciful I was to them, and how faithfully I kept my engagements to them, unless they did by their own fault forsake my friendship. Now I have come into this country with these two purposes: those who rise against me and will not submit, I will conquer, and they shall die by the sword; those who will put themselves at my mercy, shall receive it completely; they shall stay in their houses, and keep their possessions and their Law. I will get the King of Castile and Don Manuel to observe the agreements they made with you, and your customs, according to the capitulation and treaties existing between you; if the King and Don Manuel have broken any condition, they will make it good to you."

CCCCXVII.

To this the Saracen replied, that he thanked God and me for the good words I had just spoken to them, and that they had hoped as much from me; for they had heard it said how those who trusted [540] in me were for ever safe, and likewise that I never broke faith with their countrymen, but kept the promises made them. They asked me to give them a safe-conduct on their return to Elche. They would certainly inform the "aljama"⁽⁶⁴⁾ of the good words I had said to them, and would then come back to me. They accordingly went, and told the "aljama" what I had said. When they had done that they returned, and related what had been said in the town. I then said to the Saracen named Mahomet,⁽⁶⁵⁾ that I wished to speak to him in private. I took him apart, and begged him to take charge of my interests. I promised to give him, besides what he himself possessed in Elche, enough for him and his family to be rich for ever; that he should have charge of the town and its revenues first for me and afterwards for En Manuel. I then dropped into the sleeve of his gown three hundred besants, which I had by me: he was delighted, and promised on his Law that he would do all he could for my advantage.

CCCCXVIII.

Next day Mahomet came again with a safe-conduct I had given him, bringing a letter from [541] the sheikhs of the town as to what I should do, and what I should not do. These were the things they asked: one that they should remain there with all their possessions; another that they might observe their Law as to crying from the top of their mosque [the hour of prayer]; another, that they might be judged according to Saracen customs, and not be summoned into a Christian court,⁽⁶⁶⁾ the Saracens being their judges, as in the time of the Miramamolin.⁽⁶⁷⁾ These terms I granted, and assured them besides that if they had given offence to Don Manuel, I would get the King of Castile and Don Manuel himself to pardon it, and to observe the terms of capitulation just made with me. Then they said that on the very day of my arrival at Elche they would surrender to me the tower called Calahorra, and would moreover conclude and sign the agreement just made with all its conditions. I on my side promised that when I passed that way I would certainly observe all these terms.

CCCCXIX.

Nothing of this would I disclose to the barons, but caused the Infante En Pedro, the Infante En Jacme, the Bishop of Barcelona and the rest, to [542] be summoned to a meeting.⁽⁶⁸⁾ About this time, too, two galleys I had fitted out brought as prizes two ships loaded with grain, worth fully fifty thousand sous. I asked the above-named barons for counsel as to what we should do, and where we should go next. It was the advice of all that I should go to Elche, for this reason, that it was on the road and we could take it on the way from Alicante to Murcia and Orihuela: thereon I said that I would go to Elche and treat with the inhabitants, and that Our Lord would perhaps favour us so far as to make the people surrender to us. I would not disclose what my agreement with Mahomet was from fear the barons should hinder it. I told them that I would rather have Elche than Murcia, for it produced more corn.

CCCCXX.

When it had been agreed on what day the camp was to move, I said that I would go in advance with a hundred knights and see if the people of Elche would surrender quietly; if they did not, I would deliberate as to what had better be done, either to pass by or besiege the place. I accordingly advanced, and as soon as I got there the sheikhs and the chief men of the town, up to fifty in number, came out and handed over to me the [543] writings and agreement that had been settled between me and their messenger, declaring at the same time that they and all the people of the town would faithfully observe them. When the army came up, they found the Saracens already with me, I had signed the deeds, and they had taken their oath of allegiance to me on the conditions stipulated at Alicante; and my people marvelled much how I had despatched this matter so quickly. It was then the hour of vespers, and the Moors begged me to wait till next morning, as all the Saracens in the town might then come out to me, when I would give them the conditions in writing, and they would surrender to me the Calahorra, which is the strongest tower of Elche.⁽⁶⁹⁾ I waited, as they asked.

1. "E faaren aço parlar per tal quels guiassem ab laltra partida;" literally, and such was their proposal to me, on condition that I would give them a "guiatge," or safe-conduct for their property as far as the other countries.

2. "Que no voliem pendre serueig dels."

3. More properly called of "Las Navas de Tolosa," fought in 1212.

4. The Infante Don Fadrique.

5. Elsewhere Abetibasol, or Aben Bassál, (Arabic letters in book), which seems more correct.

6. The edition of Barcelona has Almaçarich, which is decidedly wrong.

7. Benimaçor.

8. In the Barcelona edition Dangleola, by the omission of an s, for the right name is d'Angresola, or Anglesola.

9. "E aço fo en torn del digmenge de Latzer poch mes o poch menys."

10. In the Barcelona edition Rogat.

11. "E ell donans celada ab vii celades de moros, e ab gran brugit de corns e danafils e balesters, quey hauia molts, e ab dargues." Anafils is the plural of anafil in Span, añafil and añafir from the Arabic, (Arabic letters in book), a "trumpet."

12. On the meaning of the word "exortins" see page 173, note.

13. At this time Mohammad I., Ibnu-1-ahtnar, surnamed Alghálib billah, ruled at Granada. One of the copies has gents, "perço quan ja nauia passat gran companya de gents;" but I prefer genets, as the light cavalry of the African Moors was generally called at that time. The Spanish words ginete, for the horseman or rider, and ginela for the peculiar mode of riding with a high saddle and short stirrups, seem to me derived from the (Arabic letters in book), sometimes written (Arabic letters in book), or African tribe of the Zenetes.

14. Here the word Andalusia as written in the Chronicle may probably be meant for (Arabic letters in book), Andalus, or Spain. That (Arabic letters in book), or the "Land of the Wandals," is the generic name for Wisigothic Spain, the "Hispania" of the Romans, cannot be doubted. See above, p. 451, note 1.

15. All the copies have Xibilia, which is the right spelling for (Arabic letters in book), Ixbilia Hispalis, now Sevilla.

16. Sexena, now Sixena in Aragon.

17. Yoland, his daughter, married to Alfonso.

18. Granyen, now Grafien in Aragon.

19. Ferrant Sanxes de Castre or Castro.

20. The battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, fought in 1212.

21. "Sapiats que aquesta es una manera dome qui tasta vi el uol enayguar, car aquels que tasten vi el volen enaygar (sic) uolen saber si es enayguat o fort prime rament."

22. "Mas no quels deman de conseyl daquest feyt en neguna de les corts, car en les terres del mon no ha tant de sen ne de valor corn deuria."

23. A note on this passage at page 329 of the Spanish translation alludes to the business transacted in these Cortes.

24. The text here has: "E quan nos estauem aixi que no uoliem menjar, enviaren nos," &c., which literally translated into English means, "And we were in this state, and would not eat,when they sent us a deputation," &c. Such is also the reading in the new unfinished edition of the Chronicle, which, as stated in the Introduction to the present volume, is by far the most correct. Yet I cannot help thinking that the passage is somehow vitiated, and that the natural construction is that given above.

25. The text quoted is not from the Scripture, but from Ovid's Ars Amandi, lib. ii. v. 13. It is, besides, incorrectly given: "Non minor est virtus quam quærere parta tueri."

26. "Per major anagament e major confort." I cannot explain the word anagament, the sense of which cannot be material.

27. On the meaning of the word "bovatge'' see above, p. 105.

28. This rather obscure passage stands thus in the original: "Primerament quens aiudarien dauer quens darien sobrels homens lurs, et que fos bouatge. E despuix pregaren nos quels ajudassem del nostre, e del lur, e que nos servirien sobre tot ço que tenien de nos a feu; ço quels donariem, e aytambe els feus quels tenien per nos quels donariem."

29. "Car si be ho estimats, daquell que mes haiam de nostres homens no pujara a v. milia sous, e uos porets ne hauer de nos xxx milia, perque fa bon metre v. milia sous per xxx milia que hom vos anadesca; e caualler per molt quey do no puyara de D sous aenant, E nos darem a uosaltres quels en porets donar ij miliao iij milia sous."

30. "Que nos nols degem (deyem?) vilania, ne res que pesar los degues."

31. Nexemen Dorrea or En Exemen Dorrea. See above, page 510.

32. El Comte de Fois. In the modern reprint Foix, both of which titles are pronounced and written in Spanish Fox.

33. "Nos uos direm com: proferits nos denant tots, e nons donets res del uostre, per ço que nou perdam dels clergues, ni de les ordens, ni dels cauallers, car tot ho haurets vos altres."

34. "Que era jutge dun pleyt Daçuer que hauia Dona Teresa ab Garcia de Vera [e] ab Miquel Pereç, Dalagó."

35. Thus in the first edition of 1557. The modern one has: "E nos que exiem de aqui enviaren nos Sanç. Gomes de Balamaiçan, e Sanç Açnares de Luna, e dixeren nos," &c.

36. Ab rauata e no ben.

37. "Car menauem pladesses en lleis ne en dret." The modern edition has: "Car menavem pladeses en lleis ni en decret." If the word pladeses be meant for pleaders, in French, plaideurs, I should imagine that the meaning of the sentence is that given above.

38. "E vns altres clams que no hauien cap ni sol, sino que uoliem cobrir lur errada."

39. "Car en tota cort de Rey deuie auer decretalistes, e legistes e furistes hi anassen."

40. "Que vaja hom a sen natural e aequaltat;" such is the reading in the edition of 1557. The reprint has: "Que uaia horn a sen natural e a equaltat."

41. Almunien, on the road to Saragossa. Munien, without the article, seems to be the dual of (Arabic letters in book), Munya or Minya, a "garden," of which name there are still several villages in Aragon, such as Almunia del Romeral, Almunia de Doña Godina, &c.

42. Don Rodrigo de Ahones.

43. The Bishop of Huesca at this time was Don Vital de Canellas.

44. "Quels fariem dret"; giving them formal hearing and judgment thereon.

45. "An Exea los haviem partits quant contenien ab nos don Eximen Durrea, e don Artal Dalagó e els altres richs homens e els cavallers, levat Ferran Sanxes, e don Bñ. G. e don Ferris."

46. Rafals.

47. Bricola, and brigola, an engine to throw stones. "Brigole machine á jetter des pierres"; Lacombe, Dictionnaire du vieux langage Français (Paris, 1767, 8vo), vol. ii. p. 73.

48. The original has: "Que ells nons podien assegurar dret."

49. "Quin dret vol lo Rey de nos que li façam ni le firmem? De ço, dix lo bisbe, que li hauets feyt, e el seguir uos ha ço que es encartat entre uos e ell."

50. "E enviam mensatge a nostres fiyls." King James had at this time several sons living.

51. "Emprestaremos iii. mil cargas de pan e mil de trigo e ii. mil de ordio," &c. Probably by the 3,000 loads (mule) of "bread" 1,000 of wheat and 2,000 of barley are meant. I have usually translated pa as corn, "bread stuffs." The men of Lérida, it must be remembered, spoke Spanish, not Catalan. Instead of "dos mil vaquas" the reprint of Barcelona has "et iii. Milia vacas."

52. "E ells dixeren quels donassem, porter"; i.e. "a gentleman usher of mine, or an alguazil."

53. "Perço car de tots los altres de nostra terra nos erem desexits, pus en Valencia erem."

54. "E quens hi siats uos bons, e quens ho descubrats de la on ho sabrets."

55. The "Infante en Jacme," his son.

56. Written "Billena," a town in the province of Murcia which belonged once to the Infante Don Manuel, son of Ferdinand III, and brother of Alfonso X., or "the Learned."

57. Era latinat; referring to the languages of the Christians as derived from Latin. At Tetuan the Spanish-speaking Jews call their language Latin at this day.

58. In the Barcelona reprint Ella.

59. Geoffrey de Loaisa, an officer of the King of Castile.

60. "En la esgleya Dalacant (de Alacant), en la nouela, de fora, no en la major." The Collegiate of Alicante was originally a mosque; sometime during the sixteenth century it became a cathedral.

61. "Car si negu vol fer darmes nin es desijos, nos lo adurem a punt e a sao quen perdra lo desig que en haura. E tal cosa ne porien ells fer per lur rauata que tota nostra ost ne poyriem nos pardre o afolar." The words negu and nin, which I have italicised, would change considerably the meaning of this passage.

62. The word translated by dragoman is trujaman, in Castilian truchiman, both of which are derived from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), turdjiman. La Exea seems to have been the name of a Jewish interpreter of the King. The text says, "E enviam missatge a Elx per i trujuman nostre ab la Exea, ab nostra carta." Again, the name of this Jew appears in the Chronicle as employed in similar messages, whence I conclude that he was attached to the court of James, and could speak Arabic, as most of those who had lived among the Moors did. Perhaps he was a native of Exea in Aragon, and hence his name.

63. Mahomet e Haguingalib ab un altre, says the edition of 1557, thus making the messengers three instead of two. That of Barcelona, "Mahomet Abingalip ab un altre," which is decidedly a better reading, inasmuch as (Arabic letters in book), Mohammad Ibn Gálib, is a very common name amongst the Spanish Moors.

64. Aljama, (Arbaic letters in book), properly speaking the assembly of notables, or chief men, of a place. It corresponds perfectly to the Spanish "ayuntamiento."

65. "E nos dixem a aquel Sarrahi, Mahomet per nom."

66. "Que no fossen forçats per ningun Chrestia."

67. It is hardly necessary to say that Miramamolin is a compound of two Arabic words; (Arabic letters in book), amir, a "prince," and (Arabic letters in book), al-mu- menín, the "faithful," the n having been turned into l. See above, p. 161.

68. "Faem cridar" are the words used, which would imply that the summons was made through a public crier

69. "E quens rendrien la torre de Calahorre ques lo pus fort loch de Helx," Several towers of this name are still extant in various parts of Spain. There is the Calahorra of Cordoba, that of Toledo, and one besides in Granada, within the very precincts of the Alhambra. Generally speaking the Calahorra was a strong tower, detached from the walls, and serving in most cases to defend the passage of a bridge or pont levis; in fact, such a tower as that which Spaniards of the fifteenth century would call "torre exenta" and "torre albarrana."

The two words (Arabic letters in book), calaâ (castle, tower), and (Arabic letters in book), horra (free), might through corruption have degenerated into Calahorra, but whenever that word is used by Mauro-Hispano writers, and we might quote many instances of it, it is always found under the form of (Arabic letters in book), which in my opinion is not an Arabic root. As to the city of Calahorra in Aragon, the Calagurris Julia of the Romans, I believe its name to be one of those coincidences of sound so common in old languages, and which have so much puzzled etymologists.