CCCCXXI.

Next morning the capitulation was drawn out, and by the hour of tierce all the agreements and the rest of the deeds had been signed, and the Calahorra was in my power. In this manner did Elche surrender. I left there the Bishop of Barcelona to protect the inhabitants and see that no one might lay waste their lands.

CCCCXXII.

All that being done, I went that day to Orihuela, leaving in Elche En Astruch de Bonsenyor,⁽¹⁾ to bring me the deeds and capitulation between me and the Saracens of that town. At Orihuela there came to me the son of Ibn Hud,⁽²⁾ the Rais of Crivillen; he told me that his father was a prisoner to the King of Castile, and that he came to me prepared to do whatever I ordered in order that my people might enter Crivillen in perfect safety; that he came to me to surrender the two castles he held, and that I could use his resources as my own. In this manner I got back everything I had lost, from Villena down to Orihuela, and from [545] Alicante to Orihuela, so that any one could go along the roads, safe and sound.

CCCCXXIII.

When I had been eight days in Orihuela, there came one night two Almogavars⁽³⁾ from Lorca, knocking at my gate; it was then near midnight. They said that the people of Lorca sent me word that eight hundred light horsemen, with two thousand loaded mules and two thousand armed men to escort them, were about to throw supplies into Murcia ; they had passed by Lorca at sunset; if I made a sally, I could easily get possession of the whole baggage train ; the men might perhaps escape, for they rode fleet mares and horses. When I heard this, I ordered the porters to rise at once, and call the Infante En Pedro, the Infante En Jacme, Don Manuel, the Master of Uclés, and him who was the substitute of the Master of the Hospital, Don Alfonso Garcia, and the rest of the barons, and tell them to prepare to get to horse, and go to the bridge gate, where they would find me. Such and such a message had come from Lorca, and it was necessary to start almost immediately. They were to carry provisions for one day. I myself left the camp with my train, and when I had crossed the bridge over the river called Segura, waited [546] outside for them. When my sons and the others came, we went on altogether, and at dawn were at a small village (alqueria) between Murcia and the mountains, on the road to Cartagena, at a place where, on the hill above the village, the kings of Murcia and Ibn Hud himself were buried.⁽⁴⁾

CCCCXXIV.

When it was daylight we held a council on what we should do. The Infante Don Pedro, the Infante Don Jacme, Don Manuel, the Master of Uclés, Don Pedro Guzman, and Don Alfonso Garcia were at that council; they thought it best to move thence, and send scouts out to report if the enemy was really coming on or not. I did not think that counsel good. I said that the practice of light Moorish horse⁽⁵⁾ with those whom they encountered, was to keep riding round and round the heavy armed horse until they actually tired them. I would have one hundred armoured horse of my household, and some more not fully equipped;⁽⁶⁾ in the van should be my two sons, whilst Don [547] Manuel, the Master of Uclés, and Don Pedro Guzman should be on the flank; I with one hundred armoured horse would keep the rear guard. If we met with the Moorish light horse, no one was to charge till I ordered the trumpets to sound. When they heard the trumpets sound, such as had unarmoured horses were to leave the ranks and go at them, and not leave them till they were all killed or taken. I would follow with my armoured horse and gather up what remained in the field. All approved of this counsel, and prepared to act as they were bid.

CCCCXXV.

When the council broke up, I sent En Rocafull and five knights more to espy⁽⁷⁾ if the Moors were coming or not. He soon confirmed the fact, and besides which the Master of Uclés, Don Pedro Guzman, and Don Alfonso Garcia, said to me : "My lord, think of getting to horse and moving, for behold! the Moors are approaching fast." I said, "Master of Uclés, I see no need to [548] hurry ; let the Moors come down into the plain, so that we may get between them and the city; however speedy their flight may be, we shall yet get hold of their mules, and of the foot men that escort them ; many surprises fail by over haste to attack." The Master said, "Do not tarry, my lord, for God's sake; you do not know what these genets are ; when you think they are about to enter the garden plain,⁽⁸⁾ in a twinkling of the eye they will be inside the city, and you will get nothing at all." I said to him, "And yet, Master, I will get the mules and the footmen." "Do not believe it," replied the Master of Uclés, "for they are by this time almost inside the city; and if so it will be a wonder to me if you can overtake them." So much did he urge me on that he made me move. When outside the camp I unfurled my banners and arranged my line of battle with the van and flank as aforesaid, keeping with my hundred armoured horse in the rear.

CCCCXXVI.

We were thus formed outside the town, when lo! an Almugavar came and said, "My lord, a gift for my good news!" I said, "What are they?" "Behold! the Moors are coming!" I said to [549] him, "Friend, let us first win the fight, and then I will give you your reward." The Bishop of Barcelona was with me at the time. I sent for Friar Arnau de Sagarra, a Dominican preacher, and told him I wished to confess my sins to him. He agreed and said to me, "Go on, and say what you have to say." I told him that I was not aware of any offence against Our Lord, save that matter only of Doña Berenguela; that I intended henceforwards to live with her without sin, and as a man ought to be with his wife.⁽⁹⁾ He knew very well that I intended conquering Murcia and all that kingdom, and the good service I would render by restoring that country to the Christians. I thought my good purpose should avail me, so that if sin there was, it should not bear me harm in the day of battle. I asked him for absolution from the sin I had confessed. Friar Arnau said to me, "Mortal sin is a great matter; but since, you promise to remove it from you, I will give you absolution." I told him that I went into the battle with the firm belief that I should get out of mortal sin in one way or another; that I would serve God so well that day and in that conquest that He would pardon me, besides which I had no ill will to any one; that was, I thought, sufficient. He hesitated; I told him to give me [550] his benediction, and that I commended myself to God, and he did it.

CCCCXXVII.

Having told Friar Arnau that I wanted to go to the van and see my sons, he took leave and went away. I myself with one knight went to my sons, and made them and the others halt. And in presence of all, I said, " Sons, you know whence you come, and who your father is; do behave in arms this day so that all the world may say who you are and of whom you come; if not, I declare before God that I will take away what I gave you." Then the Infante Don Pedro and the Infante Don Jacme said together that they would remember whence they came and the father they had, and that they would behave in such a manner as not to deserve the above punishment.

CCCCXXVIII.

Then I went back to the rear guard, and when I was in battle array, En Berenguer de Vilanova, a knight of Catalonia, addressed his men and said, "Catalans, by your faith in God remember so to behave on this occasion that all the world shall speak of us." All who heard applauded. I then went forward, and saw in the distance the dust raised by the enemy. Soon [551] after a message came to me saying that they were actually flying and turning back. Some of my barons advised that we should go in pursuit. I told them that I would not; Alfama was only four leagues off; the Moors were fully eight hundred light horse, and had besides two thousand footmen with them. In Alfama there were six or seven hundred more. If our horse, tired by their course, could not overtake the footmen, there would be a charge and a fight; the enemy might sally forth from the fortress and castle of Alfama and help their countrymen. They might perhaps drive us away from the town, me and mine;⁽¹⁰⁾ wherefore I forbade altogether the pursuit.

CCCCXXIX.

Thence I went to a place called Laliarancella,⁽¹¹⁾ accompanied by my sons, by the Master of Uclés, En Pedro de Queralt, the Master of the Temple, Hugh de Malavespa, the Master of the Hospital, and others. I sent for the barons above named, and asked for their advice as to what to do next. My sons and the barons of my native kingdom (Aragon) said that the Master of Uclés, Don Pedro [552] Guzman and Don Alfonso Garcia should speak first as knowing better the locality in which we were. The Master said that we could easily take the castle of Alfama, if we chose to lay siege to it; by setting up an engine we could very well do it within a few days. Then Don Alfonso Garcia was requested to speak. He said, "Let Don Pedro Guzman speak first;" but Don Pedro said that he knew nothing about Alfama; that Don Alfonso Garcia had once held that country for the King of Castile, and therefore knew more than he did about it. Don Alfonso Garcia then said: "I will tell you what I know, for in reality I once held the place." Then they said to him, "So you know Alfama better than any one else?" He answered, "Yes, I do. I will tell you what, if the king will set up an 'almajanech' or war engine on the hill beside Alfama, he will certainly take the town in eight days;" on which all said it would be well to do so.

CCCCXXX.

I then said, "Barons, I see three things against that proposal : firstly, that on a certain day I am to meet the King of Castile at Alcaraz, and there are only seven days between this and the one fixed for the interview. As the castle itself is situated on the ridge of the mountain there is no room for the 'almajanech,' except on the hill [553] itself. Secondly, the Moors can hold and defend castles as well as any man in the world, so that I do not think I can take the place, and keep my appointment with the King of Castile. Indeed, I do not believe that the castle and town of Alfama can be taken in less than a month, for the Moors, I am told, have two thousand loads of wheat, and great means of defence besides. Thirdly, Murcia is between us and Orihuela, and in it is a great force of horse and foot. If they happen to come to Alfama, it will be very difficult for us to manage the mules and beasts of burden.⁽¹²⁾ Fourthly, we have no food but for one day, for we came here to give battle to the Moors, and so we carried no meat - battles are quickly fought, and God gives victory to whom He pleases. For all which reasons it is better council and sounder that I go to see the King of Castile, and consult him as to what had better be done about Murcia." My sons and those who were with me felt that I said well, and next day we went back to Orihuela.

CCCCXXXI.

Whilst we were in Orihuela, at sunset, there was seen from the castle a great dust as of companies [554] of armed men going from Alfama to Murcia ; and a report was in the town that the Moorish horse were actually taking the convoy into Murcia. My sons, the Masters of Uclés, and of the Hospital, and the rest of the barons came to me, and said that they had seen a great dust rising between Alfama and Murcia, caused by the Moorish horse, and that they thought it best to arm what horses they had in their respective trains, and go out against the Moors; thus we should at least get the convoy they were taking into Murcia. I told them that I did not approve of that, for several reasons; it was late in the day, and when we got there it would be dark. Another reason was, that the Moorish horse were very swift, and ours were tired. So it might come to pass on our arrival at the garden (horta) of Murcia, where there were many and very dangerous watercourses, the Moorish horse and foot, coming out of that city to join the others might defeat us, or do us great harm ; and thus our plans and preparations for the taking of Murcia might be ruined for ever. "I really believe," said I to them, "that the dust is only raised by the wind, for as we marched to-day there was much more of it; but let us suppose for one moment that it is produced by the horsemen escorting the convoy into Murcia, and that they succeed in their undertaking, two thousand loads of corn will only last the Murcians ten days, for [555] they must consume at least two hundred a day. We should gain nothing by getting hold of the corn, as we ourselves would have to consume it in going to see the King of Castile." When I was left alone⁽¹³⁾ with my sons, they said to me that I was spoiling the campaign. I told them they did not speak the truth, for the kingdom would be won by what I said and did, whereas it would be lost by what they said and did; they were not to think that I would even attempt what they wished. Indeed, I found afterwards that what they spoke of as dust raised by the Moorish horse taking the convoy into the place, turned out to be simply dust raised by the wind, and that no supplies did then reach the town.

CCCCXXXII.

I accordingly departed thence and went to Alcaraz,⁽¹⁴⁾ my sons and three hundred knights with me, and on the appointed day met the king, Don Alfonso, in that town. Before I entered, the King of Castile came out to meet me, fully a league off. There might be with him about sixty knights; I myself had upwards of three hundred with me. I [556] had left behind at Orihuela three hundred more, besides the Almugavars, perhaps two hundred of them. When the king saw me, he was very glad of my coming. I found in Alcaraz the Queen, and her daughters, Doña Berenguela⁽¹⁵⁾ and [Doña Beatriz] Alfonso,⁽¹⁶⁾ who came afterwards with me [to Aragon] We had a long conference on the subject of the Saracens, and I stayed there eight days with great joy and disport.

CCCCXXXIII.

Then I went to Orihuela, and on the road there had a skirmish with some Moorish horse.⁽¹⁷⁾ After that Don Manuel came to me ; he came because of the promise the Saracens of Villena had made of [557] surrendering the town to him if he came; if he did not, that they would deliver the town to me. I gave the Saracens of Villena notice that I was coming, and Don Manuel with me; they, however, would not come out to meet him, and therefore broke the treaty and the oath they had sworn on their Law. From Villena I went to Nonpot, and from Nonpot to Elche. Whilst at the latter place, the tower called La Calahorra and the whole town was delivered to Don Manuel. Next day I was at Orihuela, where I found my people content and joyful ; they had made raids into the territory of Murcia, and been very successful in some of them. I stayed at Orihuela fifteen days, for I arrived there four days before Christmas and stayed till New Year's Eve.

CCCCXXXIV.

Next day, the first of January, I went to lay siege to Murcia. And in going thither with my host I was among the first, that I might at once set my camp as it ought to be set. For in battle kings should be in the rear guard, whilst in quartering their army they should be foremost, in order to place their men better, so that it may not be necessary afterwards to move them after being rightly placed. Once at the spot, where the "adalid " or guide conducted me, he said to me: "My lord, you [558] may fix your tent here." When the "adalid" had selected a place for my tent, I asked where Murcia was, and he said it was very near. I asked, "Where is it?" and the "adalid" replied, "I will show you;" and he showed me a city within a crossbow shot of the spot where we were. I said to him, "Sir adalid, you have given me right perilous quarters ; but since you have given them to me, know that I will keep them, or it shall cost us dearly."

CCCCXXXV.

Withal as I began to set up the camp, the Saracens sallied out. And my people said to me: "My lord, they shoot hard at us with arrows and with stones, and have already hurt several men and beasts." I said, "I know well the way of these Saracens ; if we bear it for a day or two they will not repeat their attack ; wait till the army comes up, and I will give you some cross bowmen to do as they do;" I accordingly gave them thirty crossbowmen. I kept besides a number of horsemen well armed stationed at the gates of the camp, to defend them from the attacks of the enemy. When they saw the sun about to set, the Saracens went into the city, and did not come back next day, nor did they make a sally against our camp for a whole month. [559]

CCCCXXXVI.

Then I sent there the Exea⁽¹⁸⁾ with a Saracen to tell the Alguazir⁽¹⁹⁾ (the King's prime minister) to come out to me; that I wished to speak with him for his good and for that of the townspeople. The Alguazir's answer was that if I would send him one of my knights he would come. I sent him a knight named Domingo Lopez, who was a settler in Murviedro and knew Arabic well, and En Astruch, a Jew, who was my Arabic interpreter and secretary. Then the Alguazir and one of the chief Moorish knights, for King Alfonso of Castile had made them both knights, came out to me. When I knew they were coming, I had my house⁽²⁰⁾ hung with good cloths and caused good couches to be prepared; live fowls, sheep, and kids to be got ready, so as to be slaughtered on the arrival of the Alguazir and his companion. [560]

CCCCXXXVII.

I was sitting [in my tent] when the two Murcians came; they saluted me, knelt, and kissed my hand. I then bid every one leave the tent, except them two and En Astruch, the Jew above-mentioned, who acted as interpreter. I told them my reasons for sending for them. They knew very well that I had many Saracen vassals in my dominions, and that in old times the royal family from which I was descended had them also in Aragon and in Catalonia, and I myself in the kingdoms both of Valencia and Mallorca, lately conquered. All had their laws, and had been respected as if they lived in the land of the Saracens, that is the people who had put themselves at my mercy and had submitted to me, for those who would not surrender I took their land by force and peopled it with Christians. "And as I do not wish you harm or death, I want to speak first with you, that you may help me to protect the Saracens of Murcia and of the whole kingdom. I undertake to obtain three things for you from the King of Castile: first, that he shall observe the capitulation and the charters he has granted you ; secondly that he will keep the agreements you may make with me; the third, that I will get pardon for you for all the wrongs you may have done him. I will get [561] the King of Castile to put down in writing, sign and ratify, what I might set forth concerning them, and that he would observe their treaty with ourselves. If they would not agree to that, I came with the resolution not to depart therefrom till I had the city by force and all its lands. I did not desire their death or their ruin; on the contrary, I wished them to live, under subjection, but at peace with the King of Castile, keep their laws, their customs, and their mosques, as had been agreed with them at the first capitulation."

CCCCXXXVIII.

They thanked me for what I had told them, but said that they could not reply without consulting their townsmen ; they would make answer to me in three days : that was Wednesday, they would meet on Friday, and on Saturday would come, and bring me a reply. I would not press them for an answer, but assented to what they proposed. Meantime the kids and the fowls were slaughtered [and cooked] for dinner; but they said they would not eat there with me. I told them I would give them cooking pots, entirely new, and they might take the meat, cook it according to their law, and eat it with me. They begged me not to speak of that, or ask them to stay, for the townspeople would [562] take it ill of them ; but they promised to dine with me on the day of their return, that is, on the Saturday appointed for their coming to me. Thereupon I dismissed them and sent them away.

CCCCXXXIX.

On the Saturday morning they sent to me for an escort; I sent them one, and they came. I had a dinner ready for them of the dishes above mentioned; their followers at once set to work to prepare and cook the food. Then came the Alguazir and the knight, whose name I do not remember. Both were very influential men in their town, and the Alguazir specially brought full power, so that anything they might settle with me would be approved by the townsmen. I made every one leave [the tent] except En Astruch and the Saracens. Their answer was that a council had been held with the sheikhs of the town, but they had refused to take into it him who held the Alcazar for the King of Granada. I took this for a good sign, their having kept out of their councils the very man whom the King of Granada had put there, and who was, as it were, their head. They said they had fully explained to the sheikhs and to the learned men of the town what I had proposed to them; that they thanked me much for the good words conveyed to them, and knew well what good faith and truth they would [563] find in me, and that they were sure I would keep my engagements and promises; but still they desired to know from me how, in case of their agreeing to surrender the town, they would be preserved in their law. They had, they added, brought with them a letter from the Capitols,⁽²¹⁾ praying and telling me how to draw up the charter to them.

CCCCXL.

Thereupon they showed me, in writing, a memorandum of the articles they had laid before the town council, and another of the aldermen's opinions thereon. Many were their demands, of which the following were most important, although, not to lengthen this book beyond measure, I will not put down all those they made at the time. The principal were: that they might follow their religion without molestation, and proclaim from the minarets the customary hours for prayer; and that they might judge and sentence both civil and criminal cases according to their laws and customs, as the King of Castile had promised them; that they should moreover be pardoned for seizing the Alcazar and revolting against the Christians. [564] If these demands were granted, they would surrender the town to me on the faith of a written capitulation between me and them. I was, moreover, to write a letter to the King of Castile, and my messenger was to escort the Moorish knight they might send along with it; and that letter was to this effect, that the Castilian king should confirm the writings and agreements made with them.

CCCCXLI.

I replied that they should not wait for that in order to surrender both the Alcazar⁽²²⁾ and the town. I would not, I said, despatch a messenger to the King of Castile till they put me in possession of their town; they would gain nothing by the delay they proposed, for I had with me a great company of knights and footmen, who must needs lay waste their lands and every day do them harm; but that what with their wish to surrender, and my good will towards them, there would be no necessity, and no occasion, I hoped, to lay waste their lands⁽²³⁾ or destroy their houses, habitations, injure them or their garden (orta). They might, I said, go back and consult their elders upon it, for they knew well that my [565] advice was for their good and for mine. They said that they would go, and would return next day with an answer.

CCCCXLII.

They accordingly went, and came back on the third day with the answer. They agreed to what I had proposed, but asked how I would divide the town. I said that I would give them all the town above the Alcazar on the side where my camp was. This pleased them much ; I fixed a day by which they should evacuate the other part. They said that on the third day they would evacuate the Alcazar, and send away the man whom the King of Granada had set down as Kaid⁽²⁴⁾ in Murcia ; on that day they would do that, and within four days they would give me possession of the Alcazar. And they so acted that on the third day they actually sent away the man who was there for the King of Granada, and left the Alcazar clear for us.

CCCCXLIII.

On the fourth day I sent for fifty knights, with their usual esquires, and their horses armoured, and for one hundred and twenty Tortosan⁽²⁵⁾ crossbowmen. [566] I ordered them to come to me where I was, on the banks of the Segura river, near the Alcazar. I waited for their coming that they might set my banner up in the Alcazar, and take possession of the towers, so as for me to go up to the town. Meanwhile I prayed to Saint Mary that I might accomplish this my desire, which was that she should be worshipped, and her name blessed therein, and that she would ask this of her dear Son. And yet my people were so long about it, that I began to fear greatly that I should not get the place after all.

CCCCXLIV.

When I had been a good piece there, I at last saw my banner fluttering in the wind on the top of the Alcazar, and I saw the towers well manned with footmen and crossbowmen. I alighted from my horse, and thanked God for His grace; I knelt and wept and kissed the ground, and returned in peace to my quarters. At vespers, the Alguazir came to me and said that everything had been done as I wished, but that the Christians were going into the town, and seizing what they ought not. I said to him that I would send three of my people there to prevent any one going farther than the Alcazar : I myself would go next morning into the town, and, together with the sheikhs, would make a proper division of it. [567]

CCCCXLV.

Next morning, after mass, I went up into the Alcazar, accompanied by the Alguazir and five of the chief Saracens of Murcia. They asked me to divide the town as had been agreed between me and them. I said that from that mosque⁽²⁶⁾ near the Alcazar down to the gate facing my camp should belong to the Christians, and that the principal mosque itself should fall to our lot. To this they objected, saying that the agreement, as stipulated in the capitulation, was that they were to have their mosques and hold them as in the time of the Saracens. I replied that such was the agreement, but they had not understood the words of the capitulation, for if I were to grant them all their mosques, what would the Christians do without a church to go to?" The Christian church," said I to them, "will be at the very gate of the Alcazar." That a muezzin should proclaim the sabbath or the name of Allah⁽²⁷⁾ close to my head, where I am sleeping, may seem to you a fit thing, but is not one of my liking. You have ten more mosques [568] in the town; you may have your prayers in all of them, and leave that one to us." They said that they would consult on it.

CCCCXLVI.

I then went back to my quarters, and there came to me my two sons, the Infante En Pedro and the Infante En Jacme, the Master of Uclés, the Bishop of Barcelona, En Pedro de Queralt, the deputy of the Master of the Temple, the Master of the Hospital named En Gui de la Vespa,⁽²⁸⁾

and other barons in the army ; also the Count of Ampurias, En Huguet⁽²⁹⁾ by name, deputy of his father ; En Ramon de Muntaner, Blasco de Alagó, En Joffre (Geoffrey) de Rocaberti, my [natural] son En Pedro Fernandez de Ixer,⁽³⁰⁾ En G[uerau] de Rocafull, En Carrós, and other barons of the army. They told me that the capitulation granted to the Murcians was unfair, for it was too good for them ; what we had taken of the town was so small a part that the Saracens would easily drive the Christians out of it when I was no longer there. According to the capitulation we seemed to have [569] conquered Murcia, and yet had conquered nothing. I told them that they understood the thing wrong ; I had been in more Moorish towns than they themselves had, and knew better the ways of Saracens than they did. "When a man (I said) could take from the enemy, I do not say from Saracens only, one 'braçada' of land, he can well wait for his time to take ten or a hundred more." I would willingly and with pleasure give it to them if I could. As they had not been parties to the capitulation, and did not know my secret dealings, they were angry at what I had done.

CCCCXLVII.

Here a dispute arose as to whether in the words of the capitulation granted to the Murcians, we could, or could not, expel them from the town; for the text was "I am bound to keep the Saracens in Murcia." My answer was that, according to law,⁽³¹⁾ the suburbs of a town made part of the town itself, and therefore that I could establish them in the Raxaca⁽³²⁾ and in the garden-plain (orta). The suburbs of the town, they maintained, are part of it; wherefore I could put them into the Raxaca and into the Horta, which were within the suburbs, [570] as well as I could into the town itself; for those places were attached to Murcia, and really formed part of it. I thus could establish them out of Murcia, and in Murcia itself for one of the suburbs, the Raxaca, was in reality a quarter of the city. They said I could not do that. I then sent for Dominican friars, and for the clerks, and proved by decretals that it was as I said. They argued that it was not so that they understood it. I said, "If you do not choose to understand, I can do no more ; but I will give the town to God, despite of any of you."

CCCCXLVIII.

After that, the Alguazir of the city, and more than twenty of the sheikhs, came to me, and said they begged me not to take possession of the principal mosque, and take it from them, for it was the best place they had for their prayers. I said that just as they wished to have the best place for their prayers, so did we; and the thing could not, nor ought, to be otherwise, for it was a proper thing that we Christians should have a great place for worship since they themselves had so many. They assured me that they could not nor would do anything else but what they had said. Matters came to that pitch between me and them, that I said I was sorry for the evil they would bring on [571] themselves for not giving their great mosque up, for I would in any case have it; they should therefore return into the city and reconsider the case.

CCCCXLIX.

I ordered the knights in the Alcazar to get under arms, and the hundred and twenty Tortosa crossbowmen to get ready; if the Murcians would not agree to my demands, the city was to be stormed. When they saw that the thing could not be avoided, the Murcians said they would do my pleasure, and so we had their great mosque.

CCCCL.

When we had got the great mosque, we turned it into a church, and I immediately ordered an altar of Our Lady Saint Mary to be set up in it; for in all the large towns that God had given me to take from the Saracens, I had a church of Our Lady Saint Mary built; and as this city of Murcia was the greatest and most renowned in all Andalusia,⁽³³⁾ except Seville, I wished to do honour to the name of God's mother, and that she should [572] be honoured there for ever. On the second day, when the altar was ready, I had it garnished with the dressings of my own chapel, very honourably and nobly indeed. There were with me at the time En Arnau de Gurb, the Bishop of Barcelona, the Bishop of Cartagena, and all the [minor] clergy attached to the army. I had them all dressed in cloaks of samit,⁽³⁴⁾ and other cloths of gold. And with crosses, and with the image of Our Lady Saint Mary, we all moved from my quarters in the camp, went on foot into the town, and through the streets to the church I had ordered to be built⁽³⁵⁾ for Our Lady Saint Mary. On our approach to the altar we all were seized with great devotion for the grace and compassion God had shown us at the request and prayer of His Blessed Mother. For I had never passed by Murcia without praying to Him that I might set up there the name of the glorious Virgin Saint Mary ; and she, praying her dear Son, caused my wish to be fulfilled. So, embracing the altar, I wept so bitterly and heartily, that for the space of time in which a man could walk a good mile I could not actually leave off weeping nor desert the altar. And yet Veni, Creator Spiritus had been sung, and then the [573] mass Salve, Sancta Parens. That done I went into the Alcazar, and very joyfully took up my quarters there.

CCCCLI.

On the third day⁽³⁶⁾ I made my sons come to me; also the Bishop of Barcelona, and the barons of Catalonia and Aragon who were with me ; and I told them to consider what should be done next. All told the Infante Don Pedro to speak first, and he said that as God had shown us so much grace that we had taken that place and many others, I should at once give the King of Castile notice thereof, that he should take over the city and the country. In that manner, he said, we should sufficiently have performed our duty. Then they told the Infante En Jacme to speak, and he said he agreed entirely with what the Infante En Pedro had said. Then I told the Bishop of Barcelona to say what he thought. He said : "Since you wish me to speak, I will tell you what I think ; I would not send to the King of Castile at all, but to Alfonso Garcia, who held it once for the King of Castile, and we shall have sufficiently done our duty, since we have delivered it to the person who holds it for him : we are at [574] great expense here, that expense we might save by going away, but if we remain here longer we shall all be ruined." Upon which the other barons said that they agreed with that opinion of the bishop.

CCCCLII.

Thereon they asked me to say what I thought of it. I spoke as follows: that I thought the advice of the Bishop of Barcelona good, that is to return the city of Murcia to Don Alfonso Garcia immediately, and that so I intended to do; but as to departing and leaving the country in the hands of such Castilians as Alfonso Garcia and Don Pedro Guzman,⁽³⁷⁾ that I did not approve. When they came in possession of those places, they lost them; to leave the city of Murcia when the altar of Our Lady Saint Mary had been set up in it, without proper defence, that I would never do on any account. If for our misfortune the Saracens retook it, I should grieve immensely. "Therefore," said I, "I cannot leave the city in that way, I and the others ; for the good that I and others have received, and God granted to us, came entirely through her, who prayed her dear Son for us. So know that for nothing in the world will I abandon her⁽³⁸⁾ in this position and [575] at this time. I hold with what the Infante Don Pedro says, that we should give notice to the King of Castile, how we have restored the city to Don Alfonso Garcia, and that he should send him quickly such succour as will enable him to keep it, and then when he has, not before, we can depart." They saw plainly that I was determined, and agreed to abide the return of the message, saying, "It will be done as you wish."

CCCCLIII.

Thereupon I sent two "adalids" to the King of Castile with my letters, bidding him take over the city of Murcia and the other castles between Murcia and Lorca to the number of twenty-eight, which had surrendered to me. Murcia was at once restored to Don Alfonso Garcia, and he took possession of the Alcazar and placed his guards in it. I remained beside him till a message came from the King of Castile, saying that he would send his Council, and that soon.⁽³⁹⁾ He gave me great thanks for the kindness I had shown him, and the love I professed. On that I settled⁽⁴⁰⁾ in the land well ten thousand men-at-arms, from my [576] own country and from other parts, to stay there with Don Alfonso Garcia, and aid him in case of need.

CCCCLIV.

Having left the town strengthened in the way I have said, I went to Orihuela, and next day to Alicante. There I had my sons and my nobles before me, and told them that if they pleased they might make a good raid to Almeria before we left that coast. I would give them supplies for ten days; they could go thither in four and come back in four more : the other two days they might stay in the Moorish country if they chose, and, if not, spend them in coming back. They asked how they should transport their provisions, for their mules themselves were already fully loaded with the armour they took on their backs.⁽⁴¹⁾ I told them that this was my way in conquering lands: when I invaded the kingdom of Valencia I took three weeks' provisions in this way: the beasts of burthen were loaded with bread, wine, and barley; the knights rode the horses, and carried their lances in their hands ; the shields and some other pieces of armour went on the mules, on the top of all. As they went on the loads decreased, they got the beasts unburthened one by one. My sons said they could not do that. I said, "Why will you [577] not do what I myself and those with me did then?" They replied that at the utmost they could only carry provisions for six days; they required four to return, and therefore on the sixth they should be without food, and the whole army in distress. In short, they would not do what I proposed, and so was the enterprise of Almeria abandoned.

CCCCLV.

After this I deliberated whom to leave on the frontier of Dalacant (Alicante) and Villena, that he might, if needful, succour Murcia by means of fire-signals (alimara) from Oriola (Orihuela). I left there Don Artal de Luna and Don Eximen de Urrea with a hundred knights in Alicante; and with them En Berenguer Arnau⁽⁴²⁾ and En Gralceran de Pinos with seventy more knights at Onteniente and Biar, that they might keep the road safe and sure for those who went by it, and give succour, if needed, at Murcia. From merchants, who were at Alicante, I borrowed money to buy provisions, which I left with them for fully five months. I had left to those in Murcia so good and abundant a provender that the Aragonese knights sold fully the value of thirty thousand sous of what I had [578] stored in the place, besides other minor articles all of which belonged to me.

CCCCLVI.

Thereon I returned to the kingdom of Valencia and proceeded to Montpellier.⁽⁴³⁾ At Gerona I found a great contest going on between the Count of Ampurias and En Ponz G[uerau] de Torrella, on a claim of the Count for Torrella, Postats de Castells,⁽⁴⁴⁾ Rocamaura, and another castle, and also for certain dues and money to which the Count was entitled at Torrella, and which En Ponz had received. Having heard the Count's suit and Torrella's answer to it, I departed for Montpellier, and had the case postponed till I should come back, leaving there a scribe to take evidence and record what had been done, when I would give decision on it.

CCCCLVII.

On my return from Montpellier, and when I had reached Perpignan, Don Ferris de Liçana sent me a messenger with a letter, defying me.⁽⁴⁵⁾ It happened [579] that on that same day there came to me another letter from the King of Tartars, and so I said to the messenger : "I cannot consider myself affronted by the letter of Don Ferris, since on this very day another letter has come from the highest king in the world, expressing great affection for me. Don Ferris de Liçana knows well that I am not in the habit of going after small game ; I am used to hawk herons and bustards; but since he wishes it, I will this time chase and take a pigeon, if I can."

CCCCLVIII.

Thence I went to Lerida and spoke with the aldermen (paers) and chief men of the town, and asked them to help me against Don Ferris. They said they would gladly do it, - "But what good will it do?" said they ; "you always end by forgiving your great vassals, and so they are emboldened to do you mischief." I said, "You will see that in this present case I will behave in such wise that all will go on well." I left the town and went to Monzon, where the men of Tamarit came to me, and said that if I wished they would take a castle in their neighbourhood, called Picamoxo. I said I did wish it. They attacked and took it, and it was immediately demolished.

1. Nastruch Bonsenyor is the reading of the modern edition. Bonsenyor means "good lord."

2. Lo fyll de Banud lo Arraiz. This Banud, or Ben Hud, was a prince of the family of Hud (Beni Hud). See Appendix C.

3. The meaning of the word "Almogavar" has already been explained. See also Appendix B at the end of the volume.

4. "E quan foren venguts anam nos en, e quan se feya alba, fom a vna alqueria qui es entre Murcia e la montanya com hom ua a Cartagenia, on soterrauen los Reys de Murcia, e en i. puget qui ha sobre la alqueria, e Abenhut quey jau." Mohammad Ibn Hud, King of Murcia, died in 1237. See Al-makkari, Historyof Spain, vol. ii. pp. 326 - 338, 530, 531.

5. "Que segons la manera dels genets, la qual solien fer ab aquels ab quis encontrauen, quels cansauen anan en torn daquels que tenien cauals armats."

6. "Mas que tenriem C cauals armats de nostra maynada, e tots los altres que nols armassen."

7. The words used are "ques anas talayar si uenien o si no." The verb talayar, in Spanish "atalayar," is to overlook and observe the country or seacoast from the top of a watchtower, or eminence. Both are derived from atalaya, in Arabic, (Arabic letters in book), with the article al turned into at; meaning a "watchtower," or eminence overlooking the surrounding country. When such towers were used for the purpose of making signals and lighting fires they were called "almenaras," from (Arabic letters in book), "firetower," "minaret."

8. "Haurem nos les azembles, e aquels de peu.'' On the meaning of the word azembles, see Appendix G at the end of the volume.

9. "Naviem en cor de esser ab ella menys de pecat, e axi com hom deu esser ab sa muller."

10. "E quan los nostres cauallers serien la hujats serien, e noy porien be aconseguir los homens de peu, e per força hauria a ser la brocada." Alfama or Alhama (Arabic letters in book), is in the province of Murcia.

11. "La Cantarela" in the modern revised edition. "Alcantarilla" (?) in the province of Murcia.

12. "Les regnes serien males de girar ; "the reins would be ill to turn," says the edition of 1557 ; the more modern of Barcelona, "les reques serien males de guiar" as translated. Reques, in Spanish, "recuas," are the strings of mules tied one to another, as in the present day. It is again an Arabic word, (Arabic letters in book).

13. "Quant fom apparellats ab nostres fills" in the edition of 1557; the second has, "E aixi quen fom a paraules ab nostres fiyls, e ells dixeren."

14. Alcaraz in the province of Albacete. Both editions of the Chronicle have Alcarraç.

15. "E Doña Berenguera Alfonso qui sen ven puys ab nos."

16. Alfonso X., of Castile, or "the Learned," as he is generally surnamed, ascended the throne of Castile in 1252. Six years before, in 1246, he had married James's eldest daughter, Yoland, or as Mariana calls her, Doña Violante. At this time (1265) he had two daughters, Doña Berenguela (Berenguera) and Doña Beatriz (Beatrix), who afterwards married William (Guglielmo) VII., Marquis of Monferrat. The text of the Chronicle offers various readings, for the printed copy of 1557 says: "E trobam en Alcarraç, la Regina e ses filles Berenguera e Alfonso," whereas the more carefully printed edition of Barcelona has : "E Doña Berenguera Alfonso." However this may be, if the king had with him his two daughters they must be the two above-named, for Yoland, Isabella, and Leonor, were not born before 1268. Beatrix used besides her father's name, and is sometimes called Beatriz Alfonso, as her sister Berenguela Alfonso.

17. "E en la carrera haguem una poca de rauata de genets." The word "rauata" is the same as the Spanish "rebato," meaning incursion, raid, foray. It is Arabic, from the root (Arabic letters in book), whence ribete, rapita, arrebatar, and many others.

18. "Ab tant enviam lains la Exea ab i sarray," says here the text of both editions; but I have been unable to find out what the author meant by "La Exea." Is it a proper name? In another passage of this Chronicle the word is used as if it meant "a seal."

19. It is hardly necessary to observe that (Arabic letters in book), which in Arabic means "he who bears or supports the weight of the administration," gave origin to the Spanish word alguacir, now turned into alguacil by the change of r into l, and having quite a different meaning.

20. The word here used is casa : "E faem encortinar nostra casa de bons draps, e fer bon bons setis;" but as James was still encamped before Murcia, and it was there that he received the guacir, I should say that tent not house is meant.

21. Capitols: the meetings of "ayuntamientos" (aldermen, or town councils) of a Provençal or Catalan borough ; the word is, oddly enough, applied by the king to the sheikhs, or elders, of a Moorish town, though it must have had originally an entirely ecclesiastic meaning. Cabildo and capitulo are to this day synonymous in the Spanish language to designate the meeting of ecclesiastics, and sala capitular is our chapter-house.

22. An Arabic word (Arabic letters in book), Kar, with the article al-Kar, meaning a fortified palace.

23. "E no uoliem quels desfaessen los Revals ne que los affolassen, ne la orta." The word reyals (in Span, reales) is, properly speaking, the camp of an army commanded by the king in person.

24. Kaid, or governor, for such is the meaning of the word (Arabic letters in book), whence the Span, al-cayde.

25. "Balesters de Tortosa," from ballista, in Spanish ballesta, a cross-bow, a (Greeks letters in book) to throw. Those of Tortosa (the Dertosa of the Romans) were at this time considered the best.

26. "La mesquita aquela prop del alcacer." Mesquita, in Spanish mesguida and mezquida, means a place of worship. See above, page 467.

27. "E chom crit lo saba çala" in one of the copies ; the other has "Que hom crit ala lo sabbá." I prefer the former reading: lo sabá açala. At any rate, sabá or sabbá (sabbath) must here be meant for day of rest, which among Mohammedans is Friday, not Saturday, as among the Jews.

28. See above, p. 551, where the name of this "ricohombre," or baron, is given as En Nuch (that is, Hugh) de Malauespa.

29. Nuguet in the Barcelona edition, which is the equivalent of En Huguet. This, however, must be a diminutive, for his father's name was Hugues.

30. Dixar, or Dixer; that is, d'Ixar, or from Hiiar.

31. "Quel decret deya."

32. (Arabic letters in book), Raxaca, to this day called Ar-rixáca, one of the suburbs of Murcia.

33. Andalusia is here used as a generic appellation for Mohammedan Spain (Andalus); Murcia and its territory are not within the limits of what is still called " los cuatro reinos de Andalucia," that is, Cordoba, Seville, Jaen and Granada.

34. From Samitum, which in Low Latin means silk cloth, or brocade, from Syria. In Span. Xamete, from Xam (Syria), the sericus pannus of the ancients.

35. "Entro en la esglesia que hauiem edificada de nostra dona "sancta Maria."

36. In the modern edition of Barcelona, this chapter, or division, is marked 452 instead of 451, as it ought to be. Hence the discrepancy observed in the two texts.

37. Pere Goqman.

38. "Sapiats que per re del mon no la desempararem." The Catalan pronoun la may refer to the town or to Our Lady. I think the King meant to speak of her.

39. "Quens enuia a dir que ell hi enuiaria son conseyl e en breu."

40. Poblam, colonised, gave grants of land to the soldiers. "E sobre aco poblam hi be x milia homens d'armes," says the text of both editions; and yet the number seems excessive.

41. Carrying the armour of the men.

42. Both editions have Bñg. A., which I take to be a contraction for Berenguer Arnau, as printed.

43. This was James's third visit to Montpellier; the first was in 1231, the second in December, 1236, when he settled his dispute with the Bishop of Maguelone, Jean de Montlaur.

44. "E postats de castells, et de "Rocamaura, e de j altre castell, e moneda que deuia hauer en Torreela."

45. A letter declaring war. Zurita (Annales, lib. iii. c. 71) thus explains the circumstance and cause : "Because the truce with the nobles of Aragon had expired." He adds that the letter from the King of the Tartars offered King James aid, if he would undertake a crusade against the Saracens.