DVI.

Thereupon I left Zaragoza and went to Alicante, where the King of Castile was, as he had sent to say. When I was with him at Alicante, he told me that he knew for certain that the Aragonese barons had made agreements with those of Castile, as well as with the Moors, against both of us. And he asked me for advice as to what he should do in the business of the King of Granada and of the Raises.⁽¹⁾ He said that the King of Granada had offered his help against the Raises, and the Raises in their turn had proffered against the King of Granada;⁽²⁾ that I should advise him what to do or not to do, and whom to assist.

DVII.

I told him that he should undoubtedly assist the one with whom he had first made alliance. I asked which it was, and he said the King of Granada. I then told him: "If the King of Granada has made a treaty with you, and not [625] broken it, you should observe it faithfully ; but if the King of Granada himself has broken the treaty, you are not bound to observe it; you should side with the others, the Raises, with whom you might make a treaty, so as not to be wanting in good faith with the other. It was very well to see them thus divided ; much better for us to have the Moors in two parties than in one." He replied that my advice seemed to him good, and that he would certainly follow it.

DVIII.

So I left him, and came into the kingdom of Valencia. When, after staying at Valencia, I came to Murviedro, Fernan Sanchez de Castro⁽³⁾ sent me a letter by one of his own men. The letter said that the Infante En Pedro had come to Burriana on purpose to kill him; En Pedro's men, sword in hand, had looked everywhere for him, even under the bed, thinking he was in the house. And if he, knowing what was to be, had not escaped, with his wife, they would undoubtedly have caught and murdered him. When I heard that, it grieved me much, and I said I would willingly give a thousand marks of silver that the whole affair should remain a secret between myself, the Infante, and Fernan Sanchez. [626]

DIX.

I departed thence and went to Aragon, and summoned the Infante and other barons to Cortes at Lerida, all to be there at the middle of Lent. And I myself was there on the appointed time, the Infante and the barons of Catalonia and Aragon. I then took the Infante apart, and charged him, before some confidants of mine and some of his, with having attempted by night to assail and kill Fernan Sanchez. He replied that he had not gone there with the intention of killing him. I said it was clear that he had gone with that intention, for he himself and his men had gone into the room, where he and his wife actually lay, and with drawn swords had searched for him under the bed and under some hemp there was there. I and those with me thought the Infante's defence insufficient, and thereupon I took from him the authority he held to act in my name.

DX.

When that was done I came again into the kingdom of Valencia. The Infante had preceded me, and when he heard of my coming went to Burriana, and came out to receive me just as I was approaching that town, which we both entered hunting, and with great merriment. I came to Murviedro and then to Valencia. [627]

DXI.

I was at Valencia full fifteen days, during which time the Bishop of Valencia, Friar Pedro of Genoa, En Thomas de Jonqueres, both learned clerks in law, and En Jacme Caroca,⁽⁴⁾ Sacristan of Lerida, who afterwards was Bishop of Huesca, also came, and in their presence I told the Infante, and prayed him, not to be so cruel in the business of Fernan Sanchez, for he was his own brother,⁽⁵⁾ and I would do justice in any charge he might bring against him. I commanded and prayed him to submit to a decision of his case, for when a man (said I) was willing to submit to the judgment of the king of the country, it was reason that he should have such judgment, especially there being such close kindred between them. I moreover made him feel that I was prepared to protect Fernan Sanchez, since he was ready to do what was right. If that was not to avail him, whoever did him hurt would have to deal with me, not with Fernan Sanchez alone.

DXII.

Thereon the Infante said that he would consider and make answer. I asked, When? He said he would make answer next day. I said to him, " Well [628] and good ; the longer you consider the affair, the better will you know what to do." Next day I looked for his answer, and none came. On the third or fourth day, however, they came and told me that the Infante had gone out of the town on horseback, with two or three knights, wearing his pourpoint or quilted coat, his camisole [of mail], his iron cap on his head,⁽⁶⁾ and himself on his horse. When I heard that I wondered greatly, for two reasons - one, that he would not submit to my judgment; the other, that he left Valencia by night, which was not needed, for even if he refused to abide by my judgment, I did intend no harm to him provided he did nothing then and there against Fernan Sanchez or his things.

DXIII.

A few days after the Infante had left, Fernan Sanchez came to me at Valencia, and thanked me much for the favour I had done him in speaking to my son on his behalf. When he had been eight days with me he went on his way and returned to his land. While I was at Valencia there were with me Don Eximen de Urrea, the father-in-law of Fernan Sanchez, Don Ferris de Liçana, Don Pedro Martinez de Luna, and many others. The Infante sent to me his messengers, Don [629] Ruiz Eximenez de Luna and En Thomas de Jonqueres; they brought a letter of credence, and said that they desired to speak with me before my barons and knights and citizens of Valencia, I, accordingly, called them together. When they had assembled, En Thomas de Jonqueres rose, and said, on behalf of the Infante: -

DXIV.

"My lord, the Infante sends to you En Ruiz Eximenez and myself, who are now here, to declare, in his name, that the departure he made from Valencia that other time, he did not make it for any bad cause nor to affront you ; but because he would not say No to what you asked of him. He says that he has kept the thing secret until now, but since you press him so much, he says that Fernan Sanchez has done such things against you that you ought not to pray on his behalf, much less desire that the Infante, your son, should pardon him ; for he asserts that you ought not to reign, and has tried to poison the Infante, and raise the country against you, with the help of the barons and knights of this town. This the Infante will prove in fit time and place ; and also that barons, knights, and townsmen have been in the plot, as well as the greater part of the Aragonese barons." [630]

DXV.

I replied that if he would only disclose what the plot was, I should be well pleased : if the Infante could prove it, I would do what ought to be done, and, moreover, that I would hold council on the whole thing. And I called the council apart, for my palace at Valencia happened to be full of people at the time that En Thomas de Jonqueres spoke, and they had heard his words. At that council En Berenguer Guillen de Entenza, Don Eximen de Urrea, Don Ferris de Licana, and Don Pedro Martinez de Luna were present. When all had assembled, I said to them, "En Thomas de Jonqueres has said an ill thing against you Aragonese ; some one to answer him is much needed." Then Don Eximen de Urrea said he would willingly answer him, only that he (Jonqueres) was a clerk, and a base person; he would give his place to another like himself, who should answer him ; and if that was not enough, he would produce a knight to answer him who came with him. So the council broke, and neither En Thomas nor the knight, who was with him, made answer to the challenge or replied in any way.

DXVI.

Thereon I replied to Don Ruiz Eximenez, and to En Thomas de Jonqueres that the Infante's [631] charge was very weighty, and a great matter to be brought against so many. But that I would fix a day for Fernan Sanchez, to whom he should give a safe conduct, to come and appear. If he could prove the charge, well and good; if not, I would give him the punishment he deserved for such a wilful and unjustifiable accusation. Thereto they said that they had no orders to appoint such a day, and they departed.

DXVII.

Then I called together Cortes at Alcira, the Archbishop, the bishops, the barons (richs homens), and the chief men of towns, four from each, attending them. When Fernan Sanchez came to me at Valencia, and I told him what had been said of him, and that even Don Eximen de Urrea, who was his father-in-law,⁽⁷⁾ would not take his defence. I told him that he and the others should answer the accusation; all were dishonoured by a thing that, if true, injured their character for good faith. None of them, however, would make answer. Thereon I determined to go to Alcira, as I knew the Infante was coming, for there I should be at the crossing over the river, and better able to resist him, if he attempted anything against me. I stayed [632] there, hunting, and watching what the Infante would or would not do. When I least expected it, they came and told me that the Infante had crossed the river at a ford below Segayren,1 and had come to Corbera, having twenty-five or thirty horsemen with him. I had already summoned the Cortes to Alcira: there had come the Infante En Jacme, the Archbishop, the bishops of Barcelona, Lerida, and Valencia, Garcia Ortiz, Don Artal de Luna, and the men of the cities of Zaragoza, Teruel, Lerida, Calatayud, and other places. Whilst I was there, thinking on the wrong the Infante did me, not only by refusing to abide by law in the case of Fernan Sanchez, but by arming all the places he held of me, I asked the Cortes then meeting to consider as their own grief that which the Infante had done to me. They said that since he himself had come to Corbera, they would go there, and endeavour to reconcile him with me. Meanwhile I took from him all he held of me, both in Aragon and Catalonia.

DXVIII.

Then the Aragonese barons went to the Infante at Corbera, except Don Artal Dalagó, who did not go. They found him very fierce, and very averse from what they said to him, so that they did not part one from another kindly. The [633] barons came back to me at Alcira, and said they would go, each man to his own land. Then I held council as to what to do or not to do. They told me of the speech they had held with the Infante ; and I told them that they ought not to have proceeded or spoken thus between me and him; it was for the Archbishop, the bishops, the barons, and the citizens who went to Corbera, to have said to him: "Why are you on such bad terms with your father ? If he has wronged you he is sure to make it good as we ourselves may think right. If you will not accept our offer, we tell you that you will lose our help, and we and all the kingdom will go against you, as against one who is a rebel to his own father." "Had you told the Infante that, he would not dare to persevere in his opposition to me. If, after our meeting there, you depart without doing anything in this business, how do you think matters will stand between him and me ? If you meet any one on your journey home, and he should ask you how you came to leave the king, and his son at war and in anger, you will have to go and hide your faces, like miserable wretches."⁽⁸⁾ They said they would try it again, and tell the Infante that; but they begged that Don Artal Dalagó might also go with them, and I accordingly sent him. [634]

DXIX.

When they were there [at the Infante's], they told the Archbishop to speak for them all; but he said he would not. Then they asked the Bishop of Barcelona and other barons to speak, but no one would. Then they told En Juan Gil to speak for them all. En Juan Gil said, "How shall I make speech in the presence of the Archbishop, the bishops, and the barons? How can I do it?" But all said that they wished him very much to speak ; and he raised his hands towards heaven, and said, "I thank God that they have committed the speech to me. May it please Him that I may utter words to the honour of the king, and profit of the Infante." And he delivered his speech, though not so fully and strongly as I had told them. Then they all came back to me and said they could do nothing more; the Infante meant to do that which would be to my injury and affront. I wished to keep the barons ; but they said that since they could do nothing in the affair, and were at great expense, they would depart. I said, "Go, and ill go with you. I will do my work without you." So they departed.

DXX.

On the third or fourth day, the Infante sent me word that I should send him the Bishop of Valencia [635] and two knights more of my trust; I did so. I then went to Xativa, leaving a sufficient garrison at Alcira. At Xativa the Bishop of Valencia came to me and, taking me apart, said in great secrecy, "My lord, know for certain that the Infante, without any condition, is willing to put himself in your power, and to make submission to you ; he will do what you please, and will come to Xativa." I was well pleased with the news. This was the Friday⁽⁹⁾ before Christmas. The Infante came on the appointed day, with all his followers, and came into me, in my house at Xativa. I rose to meet him, and received him kindly and cheerfully, as I saw him come to me so humbly. I told him to go and take rest, that he should speak with me next morning. He said he would not go unless I forgave him, and he prayed and asked me, as a favour, to send for my knights and for the good men of the town [that he might make a statement in their presence]; and so I did.

When all had come, the Infante stood up and said, "My lord, what I have done grieves me much, and great sorrow have I in my heart that I have done anything to grieve you. I come to put myself at your mercy : do with me and mine what you please." Then he threw himself at my feet, kissed them, and prayed me in God's name to [636] forgive him. I was greatly moved, and sorrow for him seized me so that I could not help tears coming into my eyes. I saw his great devotion to me, and his humility, and I pardoned him.

DXXI.

Next morning I made him come to me at the Church of Saint Philip,⁽¹⁰⁾ and I took him aside with the Master of the Temple and the Bishop of Valencia. The Master of the Hospital came over with him, he had taken him prisoner, and now brought him and gave him up to me. I told him that I would renounce the claim I had made on him for fifty or sixty thousand sous, and that I would moreover discharge him of all he owed me in the kingdom of Valencia, amounting to full two hundred thousand sous.⁽¹¹⁾ Thereon we both were content and cheerful. He said he had no intention at any time to separate from me, but was prepared always to obey my commands. He further prayed me to allow him to go to Valencia, for he said he had much to do there, and he went. After that he came to Denia, and with him the Sacristan of Lerida, who was then bishop elect of Huesca. Then he begged me to allow him to go to Catalonia, for many affairs of his own there. [637] I told him that it pleased me since he wished it ; and he went to Catalonia, and was at the consecration, at Tarragona, of the Sacristan of Lerida, who then became Bishop of Huesca.

DXXII.

I departed for Murcia, and gave the chief men of the city (prohomens) notice that I was coming. If ever men in the world took pains to receive a king well, the Murcians did it for me. All the inhabitants came out to meet me, some on foot, some on horseback; and they made a parade before me, saying they thanked God and His Blessed Mother that they saw me again, for their prosperity in that place was entirely through me, and that they had no greater joy than at my having come among them. I went to sleep at the house of the queen, and to dine at that of Don Ferdinand [her son]. And at vespers, the chief men of the town came to me, and one named En Andreu Dodona⁽¹²⁾ rose and said they thanked God for my coming, and that they knew well and acknowledged that the prosperity they enjoyed was my making ; they knew of what help I had been to them whilst I was there; how I had first interceded for them with the king. They prayed me and begged of me, as a favour, that I would stay with them two or three days, or [638] more. I consented to stay one day. They then entreated of me this grace, that I would keep them in my own favour, and in the King of Castile's. I granted this to them. And I stayed nineteen days hunting and disporting, for I had gone thither for no other purpose than to see how the settlement went on, and I rejoiced as much at their prosperity as if it were my own.

DXXIII.

When I returned to the kingdom of Valencia, and was at Alcira, there came to me a messenger from the Pope. His name was Friar Pedro de Alcalá, and he brought a letter from Pope Gregory X., requesting me to give him counsel and aid in the business of the Holy Land beyond sea. This pleased me much, and I was very joyful at it. I sent him word that I would be there with him on the day he had named. So I accordingly prepared to go to the council at Lyons, as he had requested. And a long time before this I had my hostelries taken into the city, and sent thither whatever I thought would be necessary during two months or more. And in the middle of Lent I left Valencia, and went to Lyons. At Gerona, my son, the Infante En Pedro, invited me to Torrella for Easter, and I spent it with him. Then I departed thence, and went towards Perpignan, he himself following [639] me there : but I ordered him to turn back, and I went on to Montpellier. After staying there eight days, I again set forth on my road.

DXXIV.

When I got to Viana⁽¹³⁾ the Pope sent me his messengers in state, praying me to wait a day at Saint Symphorien, that he might the better prepare for my reception. I did so ; the place was three leagues from Lyons. Next day I rose at dawn, and went into Lyons. It was the first day of May; all the cardinals came out to meet me a league outside the city, and the Master of the Temple beyond seas, En Juan Gil, En Gaspar de Rosellon, who held the city for the Pope, and many other bishops and barons ; and it took me to make my entrance for the distance of a league, as far as the Pope's palace, from morning till noon, so great was the throng of people who came out to receive me. The Pope had ordered the porters not to keep the gates of the city shut, but to let in all those whom my people might order, so that at my entry there came in with me not only all the knights of my suite, but all those who chose to come in.

DXXV.

The Pope was in his chamber. When they told him that I was coming he came out in his full robes, [640] and I saw him pass before me. He sat down in his chair, and I did him that reverence which kings do to a pope, according to the established custom. A chair was set for me near his own, on the right; and I then told him how I had come the day he had appointed for the meeting, but that I would not speak with him of any business till the morrow, when I would be present and hear what he had to say to me ; I would then make him such answer that he should be content with me.

DXXVI.

Next morning I went to him and found him in his chamber with his cardinals. There went in with me the Archbishop of Tarragona, the bishops of Barcelona, Valencia, and Mallorca, whom I followed. As soon as we were seated, the Pope began to speak on the business of the Holy Land beyond sea. He said how he had come to Lyons for that purpose, and how Our Lord had brought him and us there to set right that business. He, moreover, said that he was very glad at my coming, and had hope in God that, through me and the others, God would give him His good counsel, such as should be profitable to the Holy Land, and lead to its conquest.

DXXVI I.

Then I stood up, and was about to take off my cap, when the Pope bid me not to do that, but to [641] remain as I was, and put on my cap ; and, with one voice, the cardinals all said the same thing, and begged me sit down. When I had taken my seat, I told him that he had sent me a messenger, and asked me to come on the day of the council. The messenger's name was Friar Pedro de Alcalá, a Dominican : he had brought me a letter asking me to give credence to what he might say on his behalf. I told him, however, that I would follow the words of our Lord in the gospel, Gloriam meam alteri non dado.⁽¹⁴⁾ "I quote that text for this reason : I wished to come to you, and you sent me a messenger ; but I was unwilling to disclose my mind to any other one but yourself. It was not right that I should say what was in my heart to any but to you personally, and to those before whom you might desire me to speak. I knew by the prophets, that is, by Isaiah, that, at the feast of our Lady Saint Mary, when she brought our Lord to the temple to make offering, she said, Lumen ad revelationem gentium, which means, 'Light is revealed to all nations.' True it is, that when He was born, and our Lady Saint Mary had offered Him to the temple, the Son of God was revealed to the nations. Wherefore we may now conclude that this council of yours will be good and holy. This is, indeed, like the text: "What other popes did not do nor accomplish, that [642] is, recovering the Holy Sepulchre beyond sea, wherein God was willing to die for us and be buried ; that by your word and work with the clerks and the great barons of this world, may now be concluded ; that the light, which could not be brought to perfection till now, may be perfected in our time, and kindled by you. I have come here for two purposes, two of your own, and for a third of mine. The first is that you sent to me for advice; the second, that I may give you aid. I have come here to give you the best advice I know, or that God will inspire me with; and also to give you aid. The third is entirely a reason of my own - that I may denounce others, who have no heart to serve God;⁽¹⁵⁾ and I will say and do so much that they shall accuse and denounce themselves." At that the Pope and the cardinals began to smile at what I had so well said. So I left them well content, and they thanked me much for the speech I had made; and I departed to my inn.

DXXVIII.

Then the Pope⁽¹⁶⁾ sent word to say that he prayed me much to be on the following Friday at the council he would hold in the church. I said it [643] pleased me well, and that I would do so since he asked it. When Friday came, I went there ; the archbishops went at dawn, and I as soon as the sun was up. The Pope would not begin his speech till I came. When I entered the church, the sight was marvellous : I saw, of archbishops, bishops, and abbots, full five hundred or more. The Pope sat in tribune, the cardinals and patriarchs were on two benches,⁽¹⁷⁾ in face of the Pope, higher than the rest ; he had me called up to him, and seated me on his right hand, very near him, so near that no one could pass between me and him ; his chair was not a palm higher than mine.

DXXIX.

Then the Pope began to speak in Latin, saying how he himself had come, despite of storms, and the cardinals with him : our Lord had guided them and conducted them for that good work, so that neither storms nor sickness could hinder their assembling. We all knew that God had made us, and given us the good things we had - all that we had for our own use ; and as He had given us those things, it was but reason we should give Him, not all, but a part of what was ours, to recover that holy place that was held by His enemies, the unbelievers in His faith. We should make that exchange with our [644] Lord, who had, for so great love of us, endured death and suffered passion. What would he be who, at such a time, would be wanting to Him? It would be impossible that any man, being able to serve Him who made him, and who was to save him, should serve the devil rather than Him. These things and others the Pope expounded for our profit and for the salvation of our souls. And at the end of his discourse he granted that all the sins we had done in this world should be forgiven to those who should serve God in that enterprise, except robbery, usury, or theft, for those are sins that involve wrongs to others, and he could not forgive them without full restitution and compensation being made. But those that were wrongs to our Lord, he forgave, for he stood between God and man : he had the power of Saint Peter, which our Lord had given him on earth - he could loose and bind ; wherefore it was good to have that pardon. And he gave to those, also, who, from old age or illness, could not go [to the Holy Land], the same pardon, if they only gave towards the expedition what they themselves would have spent on it.

DXXX.

Thereon the council broke up. The Pope then prayed me to come to him next day, for he wished to speak with me concerning certain messengers from kings and princes beyond sea. I went next [645] morning, to him, as did all the others, who were there for their lords, whether kings or princes. We were there, in presence of the Pope and his cardinals, I myself, the Master of the Temple, Brother Juan de Carcella,⁽¹⁸⁾ the oldest Templar there was at the time, who acted as Master beyond sea, and many others. The Pope began his speech, and spoke in this manner: that our Lord made man and all other creatures, and gave man all other creatures to serve him, and did man so much honour that He made him in His figure and semblance. Since He had done us so much honour, and had been willing to die for the human race, it was but reason we should do so much for Him as to succour Him in the place where they held Him captive, and that we should give our love in exchange for His, which had cost Him so dearly since He chose to die for us. Then what must he be, who would not aid Him and serve in person? - if not in person, at least with what God had given him? This world is like fire and tow⁽¹⁹⁾: if one has a portion of worldly goods, those who have most of them have most pride; but then the world is like this, that as tow passes quickly away and is burnt when lighted, so does the glory of this world that man has of his worldly goods, when he comes to his end, pass and come to nothing. Therefore every one should think, that [646] since God has given him those good things, he should give a part to Him, that he may thereby gain the glory of Paradise. All we have we ought to give Him, since He has done so much for us; and we should serve Him in person and with our goods, so that by our service the land beyond sea may be conquered.

DXXXI.

When the Pope had finished his speech, I stood up. He made me sit down, for he would not allow me to be standing. I said to him, "Holy Father, I desire to speak on this business before any one, as there is no king here but myself; and I give you first my advice, which is to send to the Holy Land five hundred knights and two thousand footmen ; and forthwith to send your letters to the Masters of the Temple and of the Hospital, to the King of Cyprus, and to the city of Acre, and let them know that it is for the sake of the land beyond sea⁽²⁰⁾ that you have held this present council: to send at once that company as vanguard, and set the others in motion to cross over. These first will not go to fight, but merely to garrison the castles and places needing it, and to hold them until the great expedition or crusade goes, that is, [647] two years from the next Saint John's Day. For should the Moors know that you mean to send a larger force, they would attack, and the Christians could not bear them. As to the aid, I answer you this: that just as your prelates grant you the tithes of your respective bishoprics,⁽²¹⁾ I will grant you those from my own land; and, indeed, I believe that I will not give less than he who gives the most. For the rest, I say that if you yourself go beyond sea, as you have proposed, I will accompany you with a thousand knights; but then do you aid me with the tithes of my land. This is the counsel I give you, and the aid I offer."

DXXXII.

When I had done speaking, all were silent, no one spoke. I saw that, and, turning towards the Pope, said to him, "Holy Father, now is the time for those who are here in representation of kings and princes, to make their offers; perhaps they will promise more than I have done, for the shame of me." Then the cardinals said that I spoke the truth. Thereon the Pope said, "Now speak you En Alart de Balari⁽²²⁾ and the others;" but they [648] were silent. On that he told the Master of the Temple and Johan Carcella⁽²³⁾ to speak. The Master of the Temple said, "Sire, let Miçer Johan de Carcella speak, who has been a brother [of our order] for sixty years." Brother Johan replied to him, "Master, the question is not one of years of service in the brotherhood." Then the Pope told the Master to speak, which he did; but though he ought to have said that the Pope thanked me for what I had said concerning the expedition beyond sea, the Master said nothing of the kind ; nor that himself and the others thanked me for my offers : he only observed that an expedition to the land beyond sea required great consideration in matters of arms, and food, and especially of men disposed to the work. People, he said, had not there what they needed of all that.⁽²⁴⁾ Still, he gave as his opinion that from two hundred and fifty to three hundred knights, with five hundred footmen, would be wanted at first. When I heard the Master say so, I could not refrain from answering, "Master, if the Pope is willing to send five hundred, how many will be there under you?" [649]

DXXXIII.

Then the Pope asked what navy might the Soldan have? and the Master said, "Sire, so help me God, I heard that he did his utmost in fitting out ships when he wished to besiege Acre: but he could not fit out seventeen ships, galleys, and other smaller craft." Then the Pope said, "Then we will require as many, or, perhaps, twenty." I interfered, and said, "Holy Father, you shall not; for if you only fit out ten from my land, I will warrant that those ten ships shall not take flight before eighteen or twenty of the enemy: they will take them all by the throat."⁽²⁵⁾

DXXXIV.

Then En Alart de Balari stood up and said,⁽²⁶⁾ "Sire, this is a mighty affair. Great forces have passed thither long ago on various occasions. I will tell you what this is like ; it is like the little dog barking at the big great one,⁽²⁷⁾ who takes no heed of him. Kings and many great men have [650] passed beyond sea, and yet have been unable to recover and hold the land, wherefore I hold as good the counsel given by the Master of the Temple." All were silent. Thereupon I turned to the Pope, and said, "Holy Father, since no one else will speak, let me go." The Pope said, "Go, with God's blessing."⁽²⁸⁾

DXXXV.

Then I stood up and went out with my suite, after saying to them, "Barons, we may now depart, for this has been a day of honour and glory to all Spain." I accordingly went out, and mounted my horse; Juan de Gili⁽²⁹⁾ was there with me. I spurred the horse on, and made him make a great curvet; upon which the French said, "Lo, the king is not so old as people said! He could still give a Turk a good lance-thrust." I then went to my quarters in the city.

DXXXVI.

Next day I sent for En Ramon March, and for En Berenguer de Cascanet, who were born liegemen of mine, and much in the Pope's confidence.⁽³⁰⁾ I told them privately, that if it pleased the Pope, I would be crowned by him, as God had brought me to his council. It would be a greater houour to me to [651] receive the crown at that council than if I had actually gone to Rome for it. I had the crown with me: he should set it on my head; not so good an one could be got in Lyons. It was made of gold, and set with precious stones, worth more than a hundred thousand sous "tournois." They said they would tell the Pope, and that what I had told them pleased them much ; they would come next day with a full answer.

DXXXVII.

Next morning they came to me, and brought me word from the Pope that it pleased him well, and that he would forthwith crown me with pleasure, only that I was to confirm a sort of tribute, which my father had once granted him on the kingdom of Aragon when he was crowned at Rome, which was of two hundred and fifty masmodines jusefichs,⁽³¹⁾ that I should pay the arrears of it, and [652] henceforth do what my father had engaged to do. My answer was that I wondered much how tribute, said to be owing since my father's time till then, and which would amount to more than eleven thousand sous, could be demanded of me ; but if the Pope wished it much, I would, nevertheless, give it him. I had so freely given him advice and offered aid, that it was not becoming in him to ask for anything, but rather to give me. I would not, however, make new deeds and charters to put myself and my descendants under such obligation : I had done such service to God and to the Church of Rome, that those trifles should not intervene between me and them.

DXXXVIII.

They said they would return to the Pope, and tell him of my answer in the way I had explained the matter to them. And they went away and told him of it. The Pope answered that, as far as he himself and the cardinals with him were concerned, they would readily give up their claim; but there were En Richart and En Juan Guayta,⁽³²⁾ who were among the greatest cardinals and the wisest in council at Rome, without whom he could do nothing in the matter. This was the answer they brought me from the Pope. I replied that I had not come to the [653] papal court to put myself under tribute, but for him to make us guests : since he would not do that, I would rather return home without the crown than with it. So the matter remained, and I refused to be crowned by the Pope.

DXXXIX.

After this, another general council of the prelates of the Church there present was held, and I attended it. When the Pope got to the end of his discourse, he praised me greatly and the proffers I had made, and ordered that throughout Christendom there should be special prayer for me at High Mass, and that the Mass of the Holy Ghost should be said for me. He also ordered the clergy, who were not priests, and could not say mass, to recite Psalms⁽³³⁾ for me ; to give thanks to God for my good will towards the enterprise of the Holy Land, and to pray God to grant me a long life and health that I might fulfil those things and others to the honour of God and of the Church. He finished his discourse, and I went away.

DXL.

Next day I went again to see the Pope, and spoke to him on behalf of En Henry of Castile,⁽³⁴⁾ that it [654] might please him that the prince should not remain in prison, for the Church, I said, was in bad repute thereby. As it was for the sake of the Holy Church itself that King Charles of Naples kept him prisoner, as people said, and the king himself maintained that En Henry was not a man to be admitted to ransom, unless I and the King of Castile would undertake that no harm should come henceforward through him to the Church of Rome or to King Charles.

DXLI.

To that the Pope replied that, saving my honour, those who said that did not speak well. Henry was not in prison through the Church, nor had he ever asked Charles to keep him prisoner. He further alleged that En Henry had said of him many injurious things, and had, moreover, done him wrong. "Well," said I, "it pleases me to hear your reasoning about En Henry, for I can report it elsewhere." I, however, begged him not to omit asking King Charles for his liberation on my sake. He promised that he would do so, for he sincerely wished that Henry was out of prison.

DXLII.

I had then been there [at Lyons] twenty days, and on the twenty-first, when I had made up my mind to depart, I again went to him at vespers in order to take leave. I took him apart, and said, "Holy Father, I wish to leave, but not, as the proverb [655] says: 'whoever goes to Rome a fool, comes away a fool;'⁽³⁵⁾ let it not be so with me. I never saw any pope but yourself, and so I wish to confess to you." He was much pleased and content, and said he would confess me. I told him my sins, and, on the other hand, what I remembered of the good deeds I had done. He imposed no other penance on me but that I should keep from evil for the future, and persevere in good. Then I went on my knees before him, and he put his hand on my head, and gave me his blessing full five times ; I kissed his hand and took my leave. Next day I left the town [Lyons] and went to Vienne;⁽³⁶⁾ thence I returned to Catalonia.

DXLIII.

When I was at Gerona, they told me that the Infante [Don Pedro] demanded from En Berenguer de Uriols⁽³⁷⁾ a fief that he held through En Ponz Guillen de Torroela,⁽³⁸⁾ which fief the Infante said he had no power to leave to his daughter. As soon as I heard of it, I said I would make the Infante abandon that [656] attempt : it would not be well that a man could not leave his fief to his daughter as well as to his son or any other relation. Thereon I sent En Berenguer de Saint Vincent to Solsona, where the Catalonian barons had assembled to make a league against me. En Berenguer found there En Arnau de Torrelles, whom the Infante had sent on the other side. He delivered to them my message, begging them not swear to any compact against the Infante nor against me ; for that declaration, which they said the Infante had made, I would engage to have revoked [if it was against the law of the land]. They replied that they had sworn to nothing against me, but only to the maintenance of the customs and usages of their ancestors. En Berenguer replied, "Then why do you make this assembly here? Since the king has sent to tell you that the Infante's pretensions, if unjust, shall come to nought, you ought not to make league against him, for he has it not in mind to do you wrong in any usage or custom or in anything else." The barons, however, would not refrain, and held their meeting there at Solsona. So En Berenguer left them, and the news of what was being done there came to me.

DXLIV.

After this, I entered Barcelona, and En Ramon de Cardona and the barons sent to me En Guillen de Castell auli (sic) and En Guillen de Rajadell, to say [657] they wished to speak with me before my court. I was well content at this. They said they saluted me, and prayed me, and came to me for grace, not to do them wrong. For I had, they said, done them wrong by seizing their fiefs and "honors " without a previous judgment in my court. As I had seized their property before trial, I should restore it to them; they were ready to do me amend as my court might think fit. My reply was, that I did not shun the justice of the court, but desired that they should do what the usage required, and should avoid what it forbade: to that I would adhere at all times. A trial was not required for that, for the case had been already decided by my predecessors and theirs. They replied that it was neither law nor usage; nor did it look like law that a lord should oust a vassal of his possession without the law's cognizance, and that I ought to have judgment on that matter. I replied that it was certain that they held the fiefs for me: I had demanded services of them, and they had not been willing to perform those services ; wherefore I had taken the fiefs from them. And as it was a thing already judged, no other trial could there be ; they could get nothing else from me.

DXLV.

When the barons saw they could get nothing else from me, they renounced allegiance to me and to my son, the Infante En Pedro. Before the [658] days of grace allowed in such cases⁽³⁹⁾ had expired they went to Fligueres (Figuera), which belonged to the Infante En Pedro, and, despite their offer to abide by what the law might determine thereon, they burnt the town and destroyed it completely. So when I was going to succour the town, and was at Gerona for the purpose, I learned they had already destroyed it. I therefore returned to Barcelona to take counsel on that evil deed, and to proceed against them as it should be done by law. A line of defence moreover was made for the protection of any other towns. While thus engaged on that, the Bishop of Barcelona, and the Master of Uclés, En Gonsalvo Ibañez, came and prayed me to be pleased to let them go speak with the barons, and take them out of that bad way in which they knew well they were. I replied that I was well pleased.

DXLVI.

Forthwith, that same day, a letter came to me from the Bailli of Tortosa, announcing that the King of Castile and the Queen and his sons were to enter that town on the following Thursday. When I heard the contents of that letter, I prepared to go towards the King of Castile, to receive him and honour him. Next day I moved from Barcelona [659] and went to Villafranca. There came before me the Bishop of Barcelona, En Ramon de Cardona, En Berenguer de Puguert, and many other Catalonian barons, and they called on me for mercy, begging me to pardon them if in anything they had erred against me: also beseeching that I should give them judges, who should find if they had done me wrong, or I to them. Thereupon, being willing to grant their prayers, I gave them as judges the Archbishop of Tarragona, the Bishop of Gerona, the Abbot of Fontfreda, En Ramon de Moncada, En Pere de Berga, En Joffre de Rochaberti, and En Pere de Queralt. Then they entered Tarragona with me, and there, with the assent of the said judges, I appointed a day for them - that of Mid Lent - on which all the barons of Catalonia and Aragon should be at Lerida. I and my son, the Infante En Pedro, would also be there on that day, when the aforesaid judges would take cognizance of the questions between me and them. A record was drawn to that effect. Next day the King of Castile came to Tarragona, and the Queen (his wife), and all his sons, except Don Fernando. I departed thence, and he came with me to Barcelona, and there kept Christmas with me.

DXLVII.

After keeping Christmas, the King of Castile asked for my advice, saying that he wished to go to [660] the Papal court in person, respecting the wrong the Pope had done him in the matter of the Empire,⁽⁴⁰⁾ and in many other things. I advised him by no means to go; it was not befitting him to go to so distant a land, and leave his kingdom. He would, moreover, have to pass through the country of the King of France, of whom he had fears. Yet Alfonso would not follow the advice I gave him, and went to see the Pope. As soon as he had left Barcelona, I myself departed for Lerida, to be in time for the day appointed with my barons for the Cortes. The Infante En Pedro went with me, and took up quarters in the castle. En Ramon de Cardona, the Count of Ampurias, the Count of Paylars (Pallars), and other barons of Aragon and Catalonia were all assembled in Corbins, as they would not enter Lerida. There were there Fernan Sanchez de Castre, En Artal de Luna, En Pedro Cornell, and many others. They would not go into Lerida because they said they were afraid. I sent them word that I would protect [661] them against any man ; still they would not go in, but sent En Guillem de Casteliauli and En Guillen de Rajadell as their attorneys.⁽⁴¹⁾ Then they asked me to name their advocates ; I named En Ramon de Valles, a canon of Lerida, and En Ramon Gili.

DXLVIII.

Then I brought forth the accusation against them. They said they were not bound to make any answer till I had restored to Fernan Sanchez all that the Infante En Pere had taken from him. I replied to them that I was in nowise bound to have the property restored to Fernan Sanchez, inasmuch as he, Exemen de Urrea, En Artal de Luna, and En Pere Cornell had committed hostilities against the Infante En Pere without previous notice, and had done him unwarrantable injury ; and, therefore, that I was not bound to restore anything to them : especially as Fernan Sanchez had taken by force the castles of Alcaçar and Nabal,⁽⁴²⁾ which he held against all right and would not return them, as he ought.

DXLIX.

On that the judges gave an interlocutory: that the attorneys ought not to set up the objection before stated, and were bound to make defence. So the judges took up the accusation,⁽⁴³⁾ and gave it to [662] the attorneys, but they would not take it, and threw it down on the floor. The court then broke up, having done nothing else. I paid the judges ten thousand sous for the expenses they had been at: the other party would not pay costs. I offered, besides, to abide by the sentence of the judges, whatever it might be; but they would not, and departed. That done, I sent the Infante En Pere into Aragon to defend my lands, and do what harm he could to the enemy. I myself went to Barcelona, and summoned my forces; and when they had assembled, marched against the Count of Ampurias. In the Ampurdan I learned that my son, the Infante En Jacme, was already besieging La Rocha, a castle of the Count of Ampurias. I went there, and made him raise the siege. Next day I went into Perpignan to see my daughter, the Queen of Castile, who had been there ever since her husband, the King of Castile, left the country to go to the Pope.

DL.

Before I departed thence, there came news to me how the Infante En Pere, laying siege to a castle⁽⁴⁴⁾ of Fernan Sanchez, had taken the said Fernan Sanchez prisoner, and had drowned him. I was glad to hear of this, for it was a very hard thing that he, being my son, should have risen against me, who had done [663] so much for him, and given him so honourable an heritage. When I left Perpignan, I went to meet my forces of Barcelona - those that came by land : I found them at La Bisbal. Going thence, I passed by a castle of En Dalmau de Rochaberti called Calabug, which I took and demolished. Then I went to meet the other part of my forces of Barcelona, which came by sea ; and, with those and the others united, laid siege to Rosas, a castle of the ; Count of Ampurias. Meanwhile, En Ramon de Cardona, En Pere de Berga, and other Catalonian barons, hearing of that, had thrown themselves into Castellon, where the Count of Ampurias was, and , they remained there some days.

DLL.

Then they came to me at the said siege of Rosas, and brought me the Count of Ampurias, and put , him in my power to deal with him at my pleasure ; especially that he should be subject to my judgment as to the matter of the town Figueras, belonging to the Infante, which he had burnt and demolished. As I saw that the Count had put himself in my power, as above said, and that, by this very act, the accomplishment of my wishes might take place, I raised the siege of the place and went into Gerona. There I brought many charges against the Count. He came before me with En Pere de Berga, and both begged me to summon to Cortes at Lerida, [664] both of Catalans and Aragonese ; there the Count would make answer to all those accusations, and would do all I demanded of him ; besides which, the Cortes would serve my purpose in having other matters settled in Catalonia and Aragon.⁽⁴⁵⁾ Having heard their prayer, I granted it them, and said that I would willingly arrange that my son, the Infante En Pere, should be there present. The Cortes were summoned for All Saints' Day.

DLII.

While I was at Gerona, news came that Don Fernando, the eldest son of the King of Castile, and my grandson, was dead.⁽⁴⁶⁾ I received that news with great grief. Then I proceeded to the Cortes, which I had summoned to Lerida, and which I and my son, the Infante En Pedro, attended; on the other side there came En Ramon de Cardona, the Count of Pallars, the Count of Ampurias, and other barons of Catalonia and Aragon. There were, besides, En Berenguer Guillen de Entenga, En Garcia de Ortiz, and some other barons. Before my son, the Infante En Pere, arrived and entered Lerida, the above said Catalonian barons held a parley with me, and prayed me, among other things, to confirm to the Count of Pallars the fiefs of Berga and other places, [665] which En Pere de Berga, who had recently died, had bequeathed to him. En Pere, they said, had held them of me as fiefs, and if I did and performed that, they would do and establish in the Cortes whatever I commanded, and would do anything I wished in Catalonia as to putting in order the country, which should be equally acceptable to me and to them. I replied that as soon as the Infante came I would speak with him, and would so adjust matters that if in anything he had done them wrong, he should repair it forthwith.

DLIII.

When my son, the said Infante, came, I spoke with him ; and his answer was : that if, peradventure, I considered that he was in any way liable to the Catalonian and Aragonese barons, or had done them any wrong, he very willingly would repair it to my satisfaction. This answer of my son was transmitted to the said barons; but when I, in the presence of the chief men (prohomens) of Lerida, desired to speak with the said barons, they, without any other leave-taking, departed from the town. So that in the said Cortes, as regarded what I had to discuss and redress with them, nothing whatever was done.

DLIV.

While I was staying at Lerida, after the said Cortes, there came to me a message bearing that [666] the whole populace of Valencia had combined against my sovereignty, gutted and destroyed many houses of certain chief men of the town, and done many other evil things. I had also news that En Miguel Perez, with a considerable body of footmen, had set about sacking many places inhabited by Saracens in the said kingdom of Valencia. And I, for the two reasons above stated, first to punish the aggressors, and then to set things in order, having despatched the business I had at Lerida, prepared to go to Valencia in person. When I got close to the said city of Valencia, I sent my son, En Pere Fernandez de Ijar, with a company of knights and footmen, against the said Miguel Perez and his band. When Miguel Perez and the others heard of my displeasure and of my sending forces against them, they, for fear of me, left the kingdom and went elsewhere. Those who remained behind, I caused to be taken and executed according to law.

DLV.

That done, I caused inquisition against those who had destroyed the houses of some of the chief men of the city (prohomens), as above said ; and had them convicted, punishing them with a fine of a hundred thousand sous. While I was about to proceed against some of the city men, who had, for the same reason, made themselves liable to corporal punishment, news came to me that the Kaid [667] Ibrahim had revolted, and had fortified a castle which I, some time before, had dismantled, named Sierra de Finestral. When I heard that, leaving the business I had at Valencia, I set about scouring the country where the castle was. When I came to Alcira, I had news that the Saracens of Thous had also revolted with the castle. I sent them a message desiring them to deliver to me the said castle: they made me answer that if I allowed them ten days, they would surrender it to me; which, however, they would not do, but strengthened themselves in it, owing to the report that a body of their own countrymen was coming to their aid. When I knew their intention, I went to Xativa.

DLVI.

At Xativa I had news of the Moorish light horse that had entered the country. I resolved to send forty horsemen to garrison the town of Alcoy, and to reinforce also the castle of Cocentayna, by which the Moorish horse would have to pass. When as many as two hundred and fifty of the Moorish horse had come to Alcoy to attack it, they encountered some of my forces, and suffered great loss in the fight, for their captain, named Aladrach, the same who once before had revolted against me, and had taken some castles in the kingdom of Valencia, agreeing at last to abandon the country for ever, was among the slain. [668] After that the forty horsemen before mentioned, without any plan agreed on between them, having attempted to pursue the Moorish horse, fell into an ambush laid for them, when the greater part of the Christians were slain or taken prisoners. When the Moors of the country heard what had befallen the Christians by the force and skill of the Moorish horse, they proceeded to attack some castles which I had not fortified ; for I had no idea that they intended to revolt against me who was their lord. I therefore took measures to reduce them to obedience, according to their force and the power they had.

DLVII.

Seeing the treacherous intention of the said Moors, I sent for my barons and knights, of whom En Garcia Ortiz and the Master of the Temple came the very first. When they were at Valencia, there came about a thousand Moorish footmen to ravage Liria; my people numbered scarcely a hundred and twenty horsemen, but they overtook the Moorish footmen, and defeated them, killing as many as two hundred and fifty of them without any loss to themselves but that of five horses and an esquire.

DLVIII.

On the return of my people to Valencia, they proceeded to join me at Xativa. When they had [669] come, I got news that the Moorish light horse were passing through the valley of Albaida; they came to help the Moors of Beniopa,⁽⁴⁷⁾ whom my son, En Pere Fernandez de Ijar,⁽⁴⁸⁾ by my orders was besieging. He afterwards took them all [prisoners]; there were fully two thousand of them. When the Moorish horse knew that the people of Beniopa had all been taken, they went to the Pobla de Llugent,⁽⁴⁹⁾ took it, and fortified it. As soon as I knew that the Moors had fortified themselves in Llugent, I myself went against them to bring them out. I accordingly left Xativa at the head of my train of horse and foot. When I was out of the town, the Master of the Temple, En Garcia Ortiz, the Bishop of Huesca, and many others, begged me not to proceed on the intended expedition against the Moorish horse of Llugent, for the heat was great, and it might do me great harm, as I had been lately in rather weak health. I saw, [670] moreover, that they were discontent with my intention, and as I wished to satisfy them, I returned to Xativa.

DLIX.

After that En Garcia Ortiz, the Master of the Temple, and their train, with a body of footmen, went as far as Lluxent at a time when, in consequence of the march they had made, and of the great heat of the day, they were quite exhausted by thirst, and their horses much wearied. As soon as they got into the district of Lluxent they came in sight of the Moorish horse, who might be from four to five hundred, with upwards of three thousand footmen. An engagement was fought, in which Garcia Ortiz de Zaga, his son, Don Berenguer de Entenca, and many others, horsemen and footmen, were slain ; whilst the Master of the Temple and some brothers were taken prisoners; though some days afterwards, being in the castle of Biar, they managed to escape, together with a Moorish "almocaten"⁽⁵⁰⁾ who was in guard of them. [671]

DLX.

When I heard the news of the Christians' defeat, I was greatly grieved and had great sorrow over it. Some days afterwards while staying at Xativa, my son, the Infante En Pere, came, according to orders, with barons, knights, and a considerable train besides. He stayed some time at Xativa with all his force to keep that frontier against the Moors. And whilst he was there, either from the great trouble I had suffered, or because it was God's will that it should be so, some sickness came over me. I then went out of Xativa, and came to Alcira in order to send provisions to the Infante, and to his train. There the sickness again pressed on me and grew in such wise, that by the grace of Our Lord Jesus Christ, being of very good and full understanding, I confessed myself several times to bishops, and to Dominican and Franciscan friars, with great contrition for my sins, and with great weeping. Then, being purged of my worldly sins by the said confession, with great joy and content I received the body of Our Lord Jesus Christ.

DLXI.

All that being done, it befell me that I was oppressed by the sickness; and I sent a message to my son the Infante En Pere, to come in person [672] to me at Alcira.⁽⁵¹⁾ And he after inquiring from the messenger in what state I was, started from Xativa to fulfil my wish ; and came, presenting himself to me the afternoon of the day in which he arrived. I received him, and he did me reverence as a good son ought to do to his father.

DLXII.

Next day he went to hear mass with me. Having heard mass, I said to him, in presence of the barons, knights, and citizens, the following words. Firstly, how Our Lord had honoured me in this world, especially over my enemies; and how He had made me reign in His service more than sixty years, longer than in the memory of man any king since David and Solomon had reigned; how I had loved Holy Church during that length of time; and farther how I had had the love and affection of all my people, and had been honoured by them. All which I acknowledged to come to me from Our Lord Jesus Christ, for that, on the whole, or for the greater part at least, I had striven to follow His way and His commandments. He (my son) should take example of me as regarded that good way, and then the same good would befall him if he did that. [673]

DLXIII.

Then I commanded and prayed him to love and honour my son, the Infante En Jacme, who was his brother both on the father's and on the mother's side, to whom I had given already a certain heritage, in such wise that they might have no contention with each other. And since I gave him, the oldest, a greater heritage and more honourable, he should hold himself content with it; this would be the easier for him to do, as the Infante En Jacme, I was sure, loved him and would obey him in all he should command as his elder brother. I also in presence of all the council commended to him the Bishop of Huesca, whom I had brought up from childhood till then ; to whom through me a bishopric had been given, and who had been Chancellor of my Court till that day; him, he should love and honour, for honour and regard of myself. After that I commended to him the Sacristan of Lerida, brother of the said Bishop of Huesca, the Archdeacon of Urgel, and all the other clerks and learned men of my Court. And generally all my household servants, in all of whom (said I) he should put that trust that I had put up to that day, and they would be trustworthy to him as they had been to me. Many other words did I say to him, with my blessing ; such words [674] as a father should say to his son for his good conduct, and which would be long to tell.⁽⁵²⁾

DLXIV.

All that done, I prayed him to depart thence, and to put all the castles of the kingdom of Valencia in a state of defence by supplying them with provisions and other necessaries; and well and stoutly to carry on the war against the Moors, until their complete expulsion from the kingdom of Valencia, for they were all traitors, and had shown me that many a time while I was acting kindly towards them, they were striving to do me injury, and deceive me when - [675] ever they could. The same, I said, would they now do to him if they remained in the land. And also I prayed him, in case I happened to die while he was engaged in fortifying the castles, not at that time to remove my body from the kingdom, as the country might then be in peril through the absence of the Infante En Pere.⁽⁵³⁾ Should my death happen at Alcira, the Bishop of Huesca and the others of my company were to bury me in Saint Mary's of Alcira, or in Saint Mary's of Valencia, according as I had already ordained. I further prayed the said Infante En Pere that when the war was over, he should carry my body to Saint Mary's of Poblet, to which monastery I had already bequeathed it.

DLXV.

All that being said, the aforesaid Infante, as a dutiful and obedient son, accepted the aforesaid requests and commands of mine as good and true ; and promised to fulfil them to the letter. And before he departed from me, in his very presence, and in that of all who heard what I had said, I, for the honour of God and of His blessed Mother, who had given me, in this world, much honour and help, as well as for the remission of my sins, abdicated in favour of my son, the Infante En Pere, whom I [676] left and constituted my heir in all my lands and kingdoms. This, my abdication, being solemnly made, as I said, in presence of the barons, knights, and citizens who happened to be on the spot, I put on the frock of the Cistercian monks, and made myself a brother of that order; and my said son, the Infante En Pere, departed to execute the order I had given him, when all the barons and knights, with great lamentations and tears, took leave of me, and returned to Xativa, to fortify the frontiers.

DLXVI.

And some days afterwards, when, mindful of my desire to visit the monastery of Poblet, and serve the Mother of God at that place, I had left Alcira and reached Valencia, sickness increased on me, and it pleased our Lord that I should not complete the journey.

And here, in Valencia, in the year of MCCLXXVI, on the Sixth of the Kalends of August,⁽⁵⁴⁾ the Noble En Jacme, by the Grace of God King of Aragon, Mallorca, and Valencia, Count of [677] Barcelona and Urgel, and Lord of Montpellier, passed from this world. "Cujus anima per misericordiam Dei sine fine requiescat in pace."

Amen.

Finito libro, sit laus, gloria, Christo.

The King En Jacme lived, after he had taken Valencia, thirty-seven years.

1. "Zurita, Anales, iii. c. 76, says these "Arraezes were of Guadix and Malaga ; chiefs, or princes, of two towns revolted from Granada. Gayangos, Mohammedan Dynasties." The word Raises is nothing more than the plural of Rais, (Arabic letters in book), a chief, a captain. As to the Spanish Arraez, meaning "the commander of a vessel," it is a derivation from the same root, (Arabic letters in book), head. Ar-rayaz and Ar-rayazes, as these insurgent governors are called in the Chronicle of Don Alfonso, is formed from (Arabic letters in book), Ar-rayyas.

2. At this time Mohammad Ibn Al-ahmar was king of Granada.

3. One of James's natural sons by Blanca de Antillon, baroness of Castro.

4. Sa roca. See above, p. 623.

5. "Que pus son frare era." See above, p. 625.

6. "E ques nera anat son perpunt vestit, e son camisol, e son capel de ferre al cap."

7. Don Fernando had married d'Urrea ; v. Desclot, Chron., &c, a daughter of En Exemen chap, lxviii.

8. "Com a malestruchs." In the Barcelona edition "Con a mal astruchs."

9. Lo Dimecres, says the edition of 1557, which would make it Wednesday instead of Friday.

10. Sant Feliu.

11. "E dixem li que li quitariem de tots sos deutes e de tot quant degues en lo regne de Valencia." I think this must allude to the Infante's liability for revenue collected as his father's lieutenant in the kingdom of Valencia.

12. Dodena.

13. Vienne in the Dauphinois

14. In Isaiah xlii. 8, occurs "My glory will I not give to another."

15. James no doubt hinted at the fact of no other European king but himself having attended the Council.

16. At this time (1274) Gregory X. (Theobaldo Visconti) was Pope.

17. "Stauen en dos finestols."

18. The modern edition has "Descarcella."

19. "Car aquest segle es en sem blauça de foch e de la estopa."

20. "E feits los saber con per lo feit doltra mar uos hauets feit est concili, e que erwiarets ades aquesta companya la."

21. "E al feyt de la aiuda uos responem queus aiudarem, que aixi con hauets la decima de nostres prelats, que nos laus darem de nostra terra, e creats que con quey metam mes noy metrem menys."

22. Nalart, which is the contraction of En Alart (En Artal ?).

23. "E sobre aço dex ell al Maestre del Temple, e an Johan Descarçela quey dixessen, e dix lo Maestre del Temple : Xire, diga Misser Johan Descarçella." See above p. 645, note 1. "

24. "E encara maiorment del cor dels homens que noy havien, e encara la gent que noy hi hauien la que mester hi hauien."

25. Los pendran tots per la gola.

26. Alart de Balari's speech is reported in Northern French, or in what was then supposed to be such. "Sesta xosa si es gran xosa que tant home a lay passa tan lonch temps," &c. (Ceste chose si est grande chose, que tant home a la hi passant tant long temps.) The modern edition has Valari instead of Balari.

27. "Ara si uos diray vna semblança del chen petit quant ladre al gran Ca (sic) e ell non ha cura." Did the author mean the Grand Khan as a sort of calembour, chan (chien) and can (dog)? At any rate the sentence is omitted in the modern Barcelona edition.

28. Vay a la benedixio de domini Dei!!

29. Johan de Grili.

30. "E priuats molt del Apostolic." Thus does James invariably call the Pope.

31. Here the modern Barcelona edition has "que era de CCL. masmudines jussiphies," whilst in that of 1557 the reading is mas-Modines guafichs. Both are evidently wrong. The "masmudí," (Arabic letters in book), was the gold coin introduced by the Almohades (Al-mu-wahidin) kings of Spain, and Yusefi, (Arabic letters in book), that which Abu Yusuf Yaâkub, the third sultan of that dynasty, is known to have issued with his name. As Yaâkub (Abu Yúsuf) had a son named Abu Yaâkub Yúsuf, it is not easy to determine which of the two Almowahidins gave its name to the dinars, or "doblas," so denominated, the adjective Yusefi, or Yusufí, being applicable to both monarchs, father and son. At any rate their belonging to the Berber tribe of the Masmudah leaves no doubt as to the coin called Masmudí having been struck by the Almohade Kings of Africa and Spain, as the "morabitins" were so called from the Almoravid Sultans." See above, p. 162.

32. "En Ricart e en Johan Gaytá" in the modern edition. Gaytá is likely to be meant for Gaetanus or the Archbishop of Gaeta.

33. "Que dixessen lo Saltiri per nos."

34. "E pregam lo del feyt den Anrich de Castella, que si a ell plagues no fos en presó." Henry (Enrique) was Alfonso's brother; he was then a prisoner of Charles d' Anjou, king of "Naples."

35. "Qui fol ua a Roma pech sen torna" in the modern edition. The first of 1557 has: "Qui foil sen va a Roma, foil sen torna."

36. "E altre dia exim nos a Viana, e puix tornan nosen en Cathalunya," in the edition of 1537 ; but I prefer the reading in the modern edition, for although Viana is no doubt intended for Vienne in the Dauphinois, and in two different places (No. 524, p. 639), the author himself says that he was there and received a message from the Pope, I fancy that the reading "exim de la vila" is to be preferred.

37. En Berenguer Dorriols.

38. Whose daughter En Berenguer had married. Zurita, Anales, iii. c. 88.

39. "E ans quels dies dels acuyndaments nostres fossen exits," that is, before hostilities, after a declaration of war made in such cases.

40. Richard of Cornwall and Alfonso X., as is well known, had each been "elected" to the German empire by certain electors; Richard's being then, and now, considered of the two the better election. Upon Richard's death, Alfonso seems, strangely enough, to have thought that he could make his own election valid. Germany happened to be of a different opinion, and, accordingly, Rudolph of Hapsburg was elected and installed. The Pope had confirmed or adopted his election ; so that Alfonso's proposed visit came clearly too late, and was useless. If Alfonso could do anything to make his position towards the Pope more hopeless, he did it, by speaking of claims he fancied he had through the female side to represent the House of Swabia, and to the dominions and rights of that ancient enemy of the papacy.

41. Attorneys (procurators); advocates (rahonadors). En R. de Vals canonge de Leyda e En R. Gili.

42. Lo castell Dalquecer e de Nabal.

43. Libell.

44. The Castle of Pomar, on the Cinca. Fernan Sanchez was taken while trying to escape, disguised as a peasant, during a sortie of the garrison. - Zurita Anales, iii. c. 95.

45. "E que aquela Cort uendria en cas que tota Cathalunya et Arago poriem endreçar."

46. Don Fernando de la Cerda, " son of Alfonso X. and of Yoland (Violante), James's daughter, died in August, 1275.

47. "Pensaren de uenir a nos a Exativa" in both editions. This is the first time that the name of this town is written with an e at the beginning. E-xativa, instead of Xativa, as if that word were an Arabic noun preceded by the article. The Sœtabis of the Romans was by the Valencian Moors converted into (Arabic letters in book), Xatiba, whence the Xativa, or Jativa, of the Spaniards.

48. "Quen Pere Ferrandis Dixar, fyl nostre, tenia assegats per manament nostre." This Pedro Fernandez de Hijar, as he was called in Aragon, was a natural son of King James.

49. "E quan saberen los ianets (genets) quels moros de Beniopa eran preses barrejaren la pobla de Luxen: e mantinent nos sabem aço que Luxen hauien barrejat uolguem los exir a denant." Barrejar (in Spanish, barrear) means to bar, to fortify a town by throwing up barricades across the streets.

50. Almocaten (in Span, almocaden) means, properly speaking, the "captain, he who marches in front, or at the head of the host." The word is derived from the Arabic (Arabic letters in book), mocaddam, and may be rendered by "adelantado." In Spain, as late as the end of the sixteenth century, there were adelantados of Cazorla, of Castilla, of Andalucia, of Canarias, of La Florida, and many others, the charges and titles being filled by the descendants of those who first obtained them. Some equivalent may be found in our Lieutenant of the Marches, which seems to have been hereditary among the Howards.

51. "Que ell personalment uingues a nos a Algezira." That Algezira, (Arabic letters in book), the island, is now called Alcira by the suppression of one syllable, has already been observed at p. 444, note 2.

52. By his third will, which bears the date of the 26th of August, 1272, King James modified some of the clauses of those of 1242 and 1270. After acknowledging his sons by Teresa Gil as legitimate, he substitutes them for those of his Queen Yoland, should these die without male issue. The King, however, did not die of that illness. In 1273 he was preparing to go to Castile, and help Alfonso in a crusade against the Granadine Moors. In April, 1275, the Amir of Morocco, Abu Yâcub, crossed the Straits at the head of considerable forces, and invaded Andalusia, and though James was too weakened by disease to run to the assistance of the Castilians, he nevertheless sent a body of troops under the command of his son, the Infante Don Pedro. In April, 1276, the formidable revolt of Al-azrak occurred (see chap, cccxli.), and the deed of abdication itself bears the date of the 21st July. Six days after, on Wednesday, the 27th, the king died, being then sixty-nine years old. Whoever completed this Chronicle - for it can hardly be supposed, as some historians will have it, that the king dictated the last chapters of it from his death-bed - confuses the last events of James's reign in such a way, that it is no easy matter to reconcile them with contemporary historical sources. I must refer the readers to Jacme er le Conquérant, Roi d'Aragon, by the Chevalier de Tourtoulon (Montpellier, 1867, 2 vols. 8vo), where this and other interesting points have been most ably discussed.

53. Thus in the edition of 1557; the modern one of Barcelona, "per absencia del dit Infant en P.," which comes to the same, and yet "En P." is probably a mistake for En J. (En Jacme).

54. On Wednesday, the 27th of July (see above, p. 674, note 1), is said is the precise date assigned for James's death, though other days of the same month are also given. The practice of counting by kalends, the carelessness of scribes, the hour at which the king to have breathed his last (at midnight) have given rise to many errors.