[173] The religious Orders present a distinct new element in the synthesis of institutions on the Valencian frontier. Each constituted an institution in itself, designed to answer some need in the Christian community. Perhaps in nothing else was King James so fortunate as in the variety and genius of the groups available in Valencia in the mid-thirteenth century. These religious establishments would continue to expand and multiply through the centuries until the kingdom of Valencia had almost two hundred and fifty of them, not counting the several Orders of chivalry and the institutions of the diocesan clergy. Convents and monasteries eventually covered a third of the superficies of the city of Valencia.⁽¹⁾ Since the conquered city of Valencia, like the other towns of the new kingdom, was an intricate maze of narrow streets, a number of the first religious houses had to be placed near or outside the early ring of walls to allow scope for expansion.

Function of The Military Orders on The Frontier

The great military Orders stand out clearest on the scene: the Hospital, the Temple, Calatrava, Santiago, and St. George. The Knights of Mercy (Merced) might be added, but they distinguished themselves rather for their hospice and ransoming work. The Order of the Holy Sepulchre was ambiguously military, consisting of a branch of canons regular under the patriarch of Jerusalem as prior, and a branch of knights under the patriarch as grand master.

The Sepulchre group had held their mother church at Calatayud now for almost a century; the church of St. Anne at Barcelona was another of their important centers. They enjoyed high esteem in the realms of Aragon. Alphonse I had even willed his kingdom in 1134 to these knights and to the Temple and Hospital -- a gift of course never delivered. In 1218 the parliament of Villafranca took the Sepulchre Order under the king's special protection. After the fall of Valencia city King James gave them a large estate in Campanar, a suburb to the northwest. Despite the military flavor of their black robes with double red cross, the canons were simply a clerical group living in community under an Augustinian rule and devoting themselves to peaceful ministries. Here at Valencia city the metropolitan awarded [175] "to the Brothers of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre" the governance of the parish church of St. Bartholomew. The first bishop of Valencia promptly challenged this gift. A brief dispute concluded amicably with the bishop's reassigning St. Bartholomew's to these "canons and Brothers" (1242).⁽²⁾

"Frater Dominicus" signed a Valencian document as rector here in 1246; the same document links with him Canon Simon as superior for the Order in Aragon, Majorca, and Valencia.⁽³⁾ "Raymond of Lérida, commander of the house of the Holy Sepulchre of Valencia", appears in a Valencian document of 1251. The lord of Arenós granted a field and some houses to the group.⁽⁴⁾ William Piquer in his will desired burial in St. Bartholomew's cemetery "of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre." Bernard of Nausa in his will of 1261 left them 8 solidi; in 1276 the wife of Blaise Peter of Fuentes willed them 10.⁽⁵⁾ These data apparently are all that remain to tell of the Order's work in Valencia.

The properly military Orders had a double function on the Valencian frontier: as religious warriors and as enterprising landowners. The latter service, with its pattern of land grants, colonization, feudal dues, and the like, was of great moment. It is in connection with landowning that most of the Valencian records of the military Orders have survived, especially the gifts and charters serving as rewards for crusade conquests and as permanent income to support their standing armies. But the Orders ought to be regarded also in the light of their religious and military influence. In this guise they have an added importance in Valencia because: they assumed spiritual obligations in some places of the new kingdom; they complicated the collection of diocesan revenues, particularly diminishing the episcopal tithal income; and they stiffened the spirit of crusade among the settlers.

Considered simply as a garrison, the diocese itself was no inconsiderable factor, the bishop with his men-at-arms being a key military figure. No less than nine bishops laid aside their swords and armor in 1238 to cosign the capitulation of besieged Valencia. At that siege the army of the bishop of Barcelona included eighty armored knights with horses, the appropriate complement of militia, and a small armed fleet.⁽⁶⁾ The Valencian diocese could also issue an appeal to other dioceses for military assistance, as was done in 1277 during the Saracen invasion of Valencia, when the cathedral chapter wrote to the metropolitanates of Arles and Narbonne.⁽⁷⁾ But the effect of such help was occasional and amateurish when compared with the professionalism of the force-in-being constituted by the military Orders.

Their castles and commanderies multiplied in the land during this period, and their popularity is reflected in legacies. Some of these "castles" were in reality quite small: defensive posts to protect the local farmers during raids by land or sea, or to stand briefly under a Moslem flood until help could penetrate to them. Some rather small castles and towers were keypoints in the defensive system, while some very large land grants amounted to a liability [176] or onerous responsibility rather than a source of present revenue. Every large estate did not boast a commandery or even a staff of knights; diocesan priests served many churches under their control, and lay knights or citizens administered farms or fortresses.

Knowledge of the relative economic strength of each Valencian Order is defective, but it is possible to get a sound general view, as well as a rough appreciation of how important these Orders were to the Valencian kingdom. Though they often had agreements allowing them to keep the lion's share of what they conquered, this applied rather to expeditions undertaken on their private initiative or carried through by their individual forces operating against some special objective during a general crusade.

At the period under discussion, perhaps some of these Orders had -- as the general of the Dominicans preached against the Templars -- " amassed lands and castles and been defeated in their own hearts."⁽⁸⁾ But in Valencia at least, they were now to enjoy a splendid moment, serving not only the material needs of a nascent society but their own ideals as well. For Valencia was in a state of semi-permanent crusade throughout James's reign. A Christian minority possessed of no great tact was expanding its energies, while rebellion brooded among the Moslem masses and thoughts of revenge smoldered in North Africa. King James was as afraid of massive rebellion as he was incapable of forcing his knights to assemble against it when it did come. It was no accident that the first bishop of Valencia, on his way north to a metropolitan synod, died in a Moorish ambush; that James himself died in the city of Valencia, his frontier ablaze with revolt; or that in the same year (1276) Peter of Moncada, master of the Temple, was captured with all his troop by Moslem cavalry during a "great and mighty" Christian defeat.⁽⁹⁾

The continued calls of the popes to support Valencia with crusading methods are reminders of this continuity of the crusade. In 1248 Innocent IV told the metropolitan at Tarragona to have his bishops and clergy give all possible aid to James against the Moor revolt. Simultaneously he exhorted the faithful to crusade there, granting indulgences; he turned the Holy Land "twentieth," then being collected in Aragon, to the needs of Valencia for three years. A similar document, directed to the archbishop of Tarragona for the next year, also urged bishops and the faithful to join the armies or subsidize them, and excommunicated all "throughout Spain and Catalonia" who aided the enemy.⁽¹⁰⁾

The military Orders constituted a set of standing armies unique for their cohesive solidarity, disinterestedness, and esprit. Their estates supplied a remarkable international pool of capital for warfare or frontier colonization. They possessed organization, experience, skills, and a fairly full autonomy with respect both to church and state. Above all, they combined in one vocation the two enthusiasms of that hearty age -- the heroism of the monastery [177] and the heroism of war. Grouped in local commanderies and divided into elite knights, auxiliary men-at-arms, and some chaplains, they lived their vows in their monastery barracks or died in generous numbers on some Christian frontier.

These "holy armies" meant far more to their generation than can be conveyed in a short space. Something of that meaning is caught in the historical writings of the contemporary Roderick Simon of Rada, primate of Toledo, crusader, scholar, and diplomat. He writes lyrically of the Knights of Santiago:

They who praised God in choir [now] gird on the sword. They who prayed and sorrowed [are riding] to defend the fatherland. Meager food is their fare, the harshness of wool their covering. Unremitting monastic discipline tests them. A worshipful silence envelops them. In frequent kneeling they learn humility. Knightly vigil wastes their bodies. Devout prayer gives them wisdom. Constant effort tries them. Each guards the other's path, and brother [aids] brother in the monastic life.

To the newly conquered kingdom of Valencia, with its "forty or fifty"⁽¹²⁾ formidable castles in the Moslem countryside requiring a permanent garrison, these Orders were a godsend.

Knights of Santiago

Santiago and Calatrava are thought of as Castilian Orders, yet each had a sturdy branch in Aragon. The Order of St. James (Santiago) of Compostela, named for its protective activities on the Compostela pilgrim routes, had its centers both at the city of León and at Uclés in Castile until the union of the realms under Ferdinand III. It received an Augustinian rule as early as 1171 and papal approbation in 1175. Its mild rule would eventually make it more extensive and wealthy than Alcántara and Calatrava combined.

In the opening decades of the thirteenth century, when Santiago had been achieving its definitive form under the grand prior of Uclés in Castile, its Aragonese branch was firmly establishing itself at the castle and countryside of Montalbán. Apparently the Santiago knights fought with King James's father on border raids against the Moslems.⁽¹³⁾ They played a spirited if secondary role in the conquest of the kingdom of Valencia. Their pennon of the scarlet cross, with its curious termination in sword and pilgrim's cockleshell, was carried into battle from Burriana in the north to Orihuela in the south. At Burriana the commander of Montalbán, Roderick Buesa, led not only his knights but also the townsmen of Montalbán to the siege. At the investment of Biar these knights were among the royal forces. Near [178]Orihuela the experienced master of Uclés prodded the dilatory king into swifter action and took the flank of the army into battle.⁽¹⁴⁾

"Taking timely thought for the multiple labors and heavy expenses you continually bear in defending the Catholic faith and expanding the worship of God," the king gave the Order of Santiago in 1236 the castle and countryside of Museros near Moncada. This was actually a pre-grant which induced them subsequently to capture it. As early as 1241 they began to bring in settlers here, with privileges; in 1245, Pope Innocent IV formally confirmed this holding.⁽¹⁵⁾ In Valencia city the king gave them (1239) some buildings on the river front, to the west of the Templars, where they soon raised a church and residence of St. James of Uclés.⁽¹⁶⁾

The Santiago knights also held, probably by military action, the castles and towns of Anna, Orcheta and Torres, of Serra and Mola, and of Enguera.⁽¹⁷⁾ By 1260 they had bought the castle of Almudaina from William of Cardona.⁽¹⁸⁾ They were in possession of Culla and other castles (by exchange with William of Anglesola in 1274 for the castles of Bellpuig and Golmers or Galiners);⁽¹⁹⁾ of eight jovates of land in the rural areas of Sueca and Cotes (the Sumacárcel region);⁽²⁰⁾ of Carmogente castle and territory, and of other castles;⁽²¹⁾ of Sanet village;⁽²²⁾ and of Sagra, where they later had a residence.⁽²³⁾

Santiago seems also to have held, or had interests in, the castles of Mogente, Castalla, and Morella; but these were brief or later holdings, and the documents preserved in connection with them offer little solid information. To the far south, beyond the properly Valencian conquest, there were buildings in Murcia, Orihuela, and Lorca (1266), and castles like Segura. The Santiago knights undoubtedly received the usual benefactions of a minor sort; but these must not have been numerous. Thus, in 1255 the knight William Ochova Alemán willed them 200 solidi for constructing a cloister for their Valencian church.⁽²⁴⁾ It is difficult to say just when Adzaneta del Albaida came into their hands -- perhaps not until the fourteenth century. They were strongest south of the Júcar River, on the true frontier; but they were also well represented along the central littoral, and held by purchase a castle in the north. One result of this distribution was that their struggle over ecclesiastical revenues was with the bishop of Valencia rather than with the bishop of Tortosa.

Like most of the large military Orders, Santiago claimed exemption from episcopal jurisdiction and even to some extent from the tithe. Such claims were qualified by recent canonical restrictions and modified by practical circumstances. Privilege might be countered by contrary privilege, and by custom, rights, or need; diocesan priests would be holding beneficed chantries in their churches; their right of patronage over territories and parish churches could be regarded as on an equal footing with that of other knightly overlords. In any event many bishops, resentful of even legal diminution of their jurisdiction, were sure to fight exemption. During the first five years [179] of the Christian occupation of Valencia, the Santiago knights bravely engaged the bishop and chapter, with some success.

For the churches of the lands they held, and for those of all their future acquisitions, they were allowed to keep the ius patronatus, half the tithes, all the first fruits, and the fees and offerings except a fourth of the death services.⁽²⁵⁾ To make victory more complete -- or to adopt the pacific formula of the agreement, to assure a firmer peace -- the bishop and chapter cheaply farmed their half of the tithes and revenues to the Order for a hundred years at 115 silver besants a year. Twenty-eight of these besants were for the procurations of bishop and archdeacon on the occasion of their respective visitations; the agreements cannily provided that these were to be paid even when actual visitation was omitted. All this does not necessarily mean that churches actually existed in these places, since the stream of immigration had hardly begun; but the Santiago knights were farsighted in their financial campaign.

Knights of Calatrava

Like Santiago, the Knights of Calatrava had only achieved their final form during the lifetime of King James's father. In 1157 a group of lay brothers and some choir monks from the Cistercian abbey of Fitero had undertaken the defense of newly conquered Calatrava on the embattled southeast frontier of Castile. The Order (begun in 1164) and its severe rule (of 1187) were approved by Citeaux and by Rome. It was subject to the Cistercian abbot of Morimond in Burgundy, who was also delegated its grand prior; the exact relation between knights and Cistercians was clarified and juridically solidified in the Cistercian general chapters from 1209 to 1267. By 1199 Innocent III could enumerate one hundred and eleven Calatravan forts, residences, and estates; these were especially in south-central Spain.

They bore as sign a scarlet cross fleurdelysée on the white Cistercian tunic. The "brother knights," grouped in commanderies with their military assistants, chanted the daily hours both in peacetime and in war. The parallel "brother clerics" under their prior took care of spiritual needs. The impressive esprit of the Calatravans had already led in 1246 to a request from Innocent IV for three hundred knights and a small army of support to go crusading in the Near East. In 1245 the rulers of Poland called for their help against Tartars and Prussians. Again, in 1258, Alexander IV ordered them to help repel the Tartar peril.

The first of their many estates in Aragon had been awarded as early as 1179 for their help in taking Cuenca for Aragon: the castle and countryside of Alcañiz, to the west and north of Tortosa, just above the frontier of Moslem Valencia. Here the Calatrava knights tried to center the leadership [180] of the entire Order during the dark days after their Castilian brethren had been shattered at the battle of Alarcos in 1195; they did not resume the name Knights of Calatrava until 1216. Eventually they reached a compromise with the Castilian branch, by which the master of Alcañiz was recognized as "grand commander" for Aragon, second in dignity and power only to the grand master in Castile. King James could intervene in the election of the master of Alcañiz until he abdicated that right in 1263.⁽²⁶⁾ This may explain why the name of Simon Pérez of Tarazona, James's high steward for Aragon and royal lieutenant of Valencia, is given briefly as master of Alcañiz (at the surrender of Eslida in 1242).⁽²⁷⁾

During the early thirteenth century, Alcañiz had been expanding its power down toward the Valencian border with an eye to conquests within that Moslem land. The strong castle of Monroyo, a hair's breadth above the northern border of Valencia, was granted to the Calatravans by Peter II in 1209, "to make of it a bulwark of Christendom and to harass the Saracens." In 1231 the brothers initiated a populating project here.⁽²⁸⁾ It is perhaps significant that King James was staying at Alcañiz when he made his final decision to conquer the kingdom of Valencia.⁽²⁹⁾

The master of Alcañiz and sixty Calatrava knights fought by the king's side from the early days at Burriana to the closing days in Murcia. They sieged and captured Villena. At Puig, when James determined to open the attack upon Valencia city with the few troops then at his disposal, the commander of Alcañiz and his men were among these.⁽³⁰⁾ As late as 1284 they would be summoned into the field again to defend Valencia against the power of North Africa.⁽³¹⁾

In 1233 King James confirmed some scattered small holdings to the commanders of Calatrava, Alvar Ferrández and Roderick Pérez Pons: "the park of Hauadaiub, and the park of Arais, and the park of Abinsalmo, and the park of Algebeli which faces on the Moslem cemetery...a farm at the gate of Valencia...houses in the town of Burriana...with other houses, and an inn."⁽³²⁾ Within the city of Valencia the knights had a small church (from 1238), in a good central position. It stood in the western half of the city, where the plaza of their name was to be located. In 1271 John Pérez signed a document as commander here.⁽³³⁾ The walled town and castle of Bétera, together with the tower and hamlet of Bufila or Boylla, were formally signed over to them in mid-1237 by the king.⁽³⁴⁾ Early in 1238 he gave them Chilvella castle or tower (apparently modern Chirivella); later the knights sold this to the future father-in-law of the Catalan historian Muntaner.⁽³⁵⁾ In spring of 1238 the king granted them also the town of Masanasa.⁽³⁶⁾ Pulpis they had only briefly.

There were Calatrava commanderies at both Bétera and Chirivella castles before 1246.⁽³⁷⁾ Begís castle and town were theirs from before 1262 until about 1281.⁽³⁸⁾ The Order also had claims on Villena.⁽³⁹⁾ By 1245 they were conducting [181] a settlement movement at Villanueva de Alcolea.⁽⁴⁰⁾ Some of their Valencian houses and lands they exchanged, before 1258, for the castle and town of Favareta where they installed a commandery.⁽⁴¹⁾ Other holdings included such places as Zorita and the Christian settlement of Masamagrell.⁽⁴²⁾ Later, properties will continue to accrue -- for example, the castle on the hill above Castell de Castells.⁽⁴³⁾ The abbot of Morimond in 1307 confirmed the Order's possessions in Aragon and Valencia. The Valencian holdings were not abundant, but they were well-distributed down the length of the new kingdom. They were strongest just around Valencia city itself, the other holdings being more scattered except for the area just below the Hospitaller area in the north.

The Calatrava knights' struggle with the bishop over ecclesiastical rights and revenues was brisk and intense. By 1246, however, an agreement was reached. "Finally for the sake of peace and harmony" the Order was allowed the churches and revenues of Bétera, Bufila, Chirivella, Masanasa, and all lesser and future holdings, especially for "places the said brothers with God's help shall by their efforts acquire, wrest, and deliver from the hands of the Saracens, with or without armed conflict."⁽⁴⁴⁾ The wording of the document seems to indicate that the four churches mentioned did not yet exist as buildings, but that they had been definitely envisioned already in the diocesan blueprint.⁽⁴⁵⁾

The sum for which the episcopal and capitular share of the tithes was farmed, for a hundred years, was only slightly less than that required of the Santiago knights -- indicating perhaps an equivalence of value in the possessions of the two Orders. Even in the retention of a quarter of the death fees, the bishop had to yield to the knights horses and weapons, lamps and offerings. Whenever one of their churches fell vacant, the knights could present a candidate for rector to the bishop, with the promise of support; the bishop would then confer the cure of souls. Legacies could be received entire and without obstacles, as in 1255 when the knight William Ochova Alemán left his arms and saddle to the Order of Calatrava,⁽⁴⁶⁾ and in 1272 when Bernard Zamora left them 50 mazmodins.⁽⁴⁷⁾

The Calatrava knights reached a similar accord with the bishop of Tortosa for their holdings in the Valencian part of the Tortosa diocese. A vigorous quarrel preceded this, arbitrated finally by the archbishop of Tarragona in 1248. Here the Order kept their two-thirds of the tithe and even most of the first fruits. Cuevas de Vinromá and the towns of its countryside (Tírig, Salsadella, Albocácer, Torre de Endomenech, and Villanueva de Alcolea) were explicitly named. The Calatravans were to present candidates ("vicars or rectors, suitable secular clerics"). The Calatravans' bailiff and the episcopal bailiff together would collect the tithe, making the division later.⁽⁴⁸⁾ There is something odd about this block of holdings in the north; they were not properly seignorial, nor even the important properties eventually held in the [182] diocese by Calatrava, but rather comprised a fief in the hands of the Alagón family. Perhaps either Blaise of Alagón or the crown yielded the church patronage here to Calatrava as an alms. The properties themselves were all secular until late in the century, when the crown recovered them by exchange from the Alagón family and immediately gave them away to the Templars in another exchange.

These are only glimpses of an administrative structure, not much more detailed than those we get of the knights' activity on the field of battle in the memoirs of King James. In the very bitterness of the quarreling however, and in the wide property acquisition which occasioned it one may read something of the prestige and vigor of Calatrava in Valencia.

Knights of St. George

Among the Orders which answered the papal call to crusade in Valencia, and which received land grants proportionate to the contingent sent and services rendered, was a small local group named after the patron saint of Catalonia. The Knights of the Order of St. George of Alfama operated under the Augustinian rule and, until as late as 1373, with only episcopal approval. The father of King James had founded them in 1201 on the Tortosa-Valencia frontier zone; he had built a church and castle for them on a tract five leagues outside of Tortosa, toward the sea and just above the Valencian border, called Alfama. Here they guarded the coast and the mountain passes. Their habit was white with a red Cross of St. George on the breast.

John of Almenara, their first grand master, led them to the Valencian crusade, where they shared the early action in and around Burriana. In camp before the besieged town, a month before it fell, King James approved an anticipatory grant of two small country places nearby, called Carabona and Benaquite (1233).⁽⁴⁹⁾ Such pre-grants were valid if the holders managed to secure the property. If it went unconquered, the grant lapsed, and the successor to the original grantee had no claim. He could cause legal trouble, however, and hope for a settlement out of court.⁽⁵⁰⁾

Later the St. George knights seem to have been at the siege of Valencia itself. Before its capitulation King James on August 23, 1238 deeded to their commander Gerald of Prats a farm, a park, and some buildings in the parish of St. Andrew.⁽⁵¹⁾ Their small residence of St. George was established in these buildings, which stood in the southeast corner of the city. They may also have acquired properties within Murviedro, and have accumulated a few pieces of land from benefactors.⁽⁵²⁾ Some put them at the Játiva siege under the Grand Master Arnold of Castellvell.⁽⁵³⁾

They were at first too poor to afford their own church in Valencia city. Only in 1324, some eighty-five years after their arrival in Valencia city, [183] would they finally arrange to take over the nearby chapel of St. George. This had been one of the first churches built in the conquered city, put up before 1243 by crusaders from Barcelona to serve as a center for the confraternity of St. George, a select lay brotherhood of one hundred cross-bowmen.⁽⁵⁴⁾

A rector for this church appears in the lists for the crusade tithe of 1279-1280. The income for his church is equal to that of a rather poor parish church, the tithe being 60 and 36 solidi, representing a mean of 500 solidi income per annum or, if the collector is halving the assessment, 1,000 solidi. The Knights of St. George were exempted from the 1279 payment, but their commander is down in the 1280 list for a token sum of 10 solidi.⁽⁵⁵⁾ From their earlier activity under King Peter -- in defending Alfama, in undertaking to populate Bujaraloz (1205), and in collecting alms from the public for their work (1213) -- something of their activities in Valencia may be conjectured. Their merger as chaplains to the confraternity gave them only limited rights at the chapel, under the pastor of St. Andrew's.⁽⁵⁶⁾

The contribution of the Knights of St. George to the spiritual fabric of the new kingdom was modest, but they did stand as a living tribute to the national patron, a symbol of the chivalrous and warlike spirit of his people. Their contiguity to the military chapel from the earliest days of the conquest argues also a spiritual sympathy and tutelage toward the brotherhood. As time went on the knights were to keep a sure hold upon the affections of the Valencians, and it was to their church that the medieval processions would first come on the yearly anniversary day of the fall of Valencia.

The Knights Hospitallers

The Orders of chivalry dominant in Valencia were the Hospital and the Temple. Their leaders, commissioned by Innocent III, had stood at the young king's right hand during his troubled minority. Eighty years before James's birth, Alphonse the Battler had actually willed to them and to the Sepulchre knights his entire kingdom of Aragon (1134). His colleague Raymond Berengar III of Catalonia had died with Templar vows and in the Templar habit (1131). The crown still esteemed both Orders highly; unlike their colleagues in England, Flanders, and France, the Templars and Hospitallers in the realms of Aragon had not yet achieved any great independence of the crown or of its financial support.⁽⁵⁷⁾

The two Orders had a large share in instigating and financing the Valencian crusade. Their banners moved in the front ranks and at points of peril. Their respective masters could be found at the side of King James during his domestic crises, in the Majorcan and Valencian crusades, in the Murcian wars, and during the Moslem rebellions in Valencia later in the century. At the climax of the Burriana siege both their physical presence and their financial [184] backing were especially important. The two Orders continued to be important in settling the conquered land, no less than for their service as permanent military garrison.

For almost a century prior to the fall of Valencia, valuable pre-grants had been handed to the Hospitallers and Templars for that Moslem kingdom, as an inducement to enter and conquer. They were formidable landowners and magnates; before the crusade and later in Valencia they won sweeping privileges and exemptions, such as the exemption in 1221 to all their vassals and subjects, present or future in the realms of Aragon, from the regalian and feudal dues.⁽⁵⁸⁾ For half of each year the masters of the Temple and Hospital took complete charge of the Valencian frontiers, each of them commanding for a four-month period a fourth of those "knights of the conquest" James had settled in the new realm.⁽⁵⁹⁾

The Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem originated as a brotherhood of the late eleventh century caring for pilgrims in the Holy Land; it had taken on an ever stronger military coloring in the twelfth century. Armed escorts to protect pilgrims evolved in the Order under Raymond of Provence (1120-1160); the first mention of military service in its statutes comes as late as 1200. The Hospitaller rule was Augustinian; their badge was the white, eight-pointed cross, borne on black tunic, on shield, and on pennon. At the height of their power in the feudal kingdom of Jerusalem, they held seven great military installations there and one hundred and forty estates.

The Order was divided into "languages," subdivided into "priorates" or "bailiwicks." These in turn were separated into commanderies with their estates. The kingdom of Aragon had been under the prior of St. Giles in Provence, until the appearance of a grand master for Spain in 1171 and the founding of the castellany of Amposta in Catalonia in 1180. This last foundation made Aragon the fifth in the series of "languages." In 1319 Aragon was to be reorganized into two priorates, Amposta and Catalonia.

In the kingdom of Valencia, the encomiendas of the Hospital did not form a separate priorate but continued under the priorate of the castellan or master of Amposta. There was also a master of the Hospital for the realms of James, an Aragonese high noble named Hugh of Forcalquier. "I had made him master in my land, which I had asked of the grand master of Jerusalem," says King James; "and he was a man I loved greatly, and he me."⁽⁶⁰⁾ Forcalquier was Amposta castellan at least from 1224 to 1245. (The spelling of his name should not cause the confusion it has; Forcalquier was a town in the Provençal mountains east of Avignon and north of Aix.) Forcalquier had a lieutenant, or commander, at Amposta; the names of most of these commanders for the period of the Valencian crusade and settlement can be found.⁽⁶¹⁾ By at least 1290, Amposta in turn had created a special lieutenant for the kingdom of Valencia.⁽⁶²⁾

[185] During the Valencian crusade the Hospitallers, with the Templars, were the good right arm of the king. It was in conversation with the Hospital's vice-master, according to the royal memoirs, that the king was persuaded to undertake that crusade.⁽⁶³⁾ The Hospitallers undoubtedly gave of their best during the Valencia wars, for their absence at the Majorcan conquest had "shamed" them; an unusual act of royal generosity had given them some land grants in Majorca anyway, but the memory was galling.⁽⁶⁴⁾ At the siege of Valencia, where the king took one of the two most critical positions, the forces of the Hospital are said to have taken the other. This distinguished service at the siege may explain the honored position accorded them later in processions, in a place and era when such honors were not lightly admitted by others; the Hospitallers marched immediately after the cathedral clergy.⁽⁶⁵⁾

It has been argued recently, not without vigorous dissent, that by the thirteenth century the Hospitallers had evolved into a body of peaceful clerics, concerned with widespread land exploitation and peaceful ministries. In this view the Order was rather a socio-economic and spiritual force in Spain, centering upon their hospices, estates, and churches. Their armies would have consisted more of feudal levies with only a sprinkling of Hospitaller knights.⁽⁶⁶⁾ Whatever the merits of this thesis (and at least for Valencia the Order still had great military significance), it serves to introduce their role as landholders and settlement agents.

The Order's pre-grants included the castles and townships of Oropesa (1150), Cervera along with Cullera (1157, 1177, 1208), Olocau (1180), Sueca (1210), and all the mosques and ecclesiastical revenues of the Burriana region (1210).⁽⁶⁷⁾ Before the fall of Valencia city James also gave the prior and prioress of Sigena ten jovates of land at Campanar, houses in Valencia city and Denia, and an estate.⁽⁶⁸⁾

Their major acquisitions included: the castles and towns of Torrente (1233), Silla (1233), and Sueca;⁽⁶⁹⁾ the estates and houses of the Moslem Abdezalm, just outside Burriana;⁽⁷⁰⁾ Benirrage village (1233)⁽⁷¹⁾ and Benyaz (1234), both near Burriana;⁽⁷²⁾ the castle and township of Cervera (1235);⁽⁷³⁾ rights in Castielfabib, which they had conquered and were disputing in 1236 with the bishop of Segorbe;⁽⁷⁴⁾ Alcudia de Silla near the closure of the Albufera lagoon, which the king gave to them in 1239 along with thirty fishing boats and their Moslem operators;⁽⁷⁵⁾ important towns like San Mateo and Cálig, both from sometime in the early 1230's;⁽⁷⁶⁾ a large part of strategic Cullera (1241); part of Sueca;⁽⁷⁷⁾ "good houses" and ten jovates of land at Denia (1240);⁽⁷⁸⁾ and an inn at Játiva (1252).⁽⁷⁹⁾ There were smaller holdings such as the mills received in 1235, other mills in 1253, and more mills in 1273.

Lesser acquisitions included the strongholds of Macastre and Montroy near Chiva which appear in an episcopal tithe agreement of 1243. Yet other places must be understood as comprised in the countryside of some larger [186] holding. Thus, for example, the encomienda of Cervera included such places as San Mateo, Canet, Cálig, Ro[s]sell, La Jana with Carrascal, Xerer (Mas de Xirosa), Traiguera with San Jorge (Mas de Estellers), and Chert with Molimar and Barcella. The knights soon were negotiating over rights connected with their holding such places as the Traiguera Valley which they had received in 1235.

In exchange for their Oropesa claims, the king gave the Hospital in 1249 all his own holdings in the Burriana district, in free and frank alod, together with 8,000 solidi.⁽⁸⁰⁾ In 1259 the knights at Torrente bought the tower and village of Maçot.⁽⁸¹⁾ Somewhat later in the century the Order was in possession of the castles and towns of Perpunchent (by 1289)⁽⁸²⁾ and Villafamés (before 1283),⁽⁸³⁾ as well as rents in Ademuz.⁽⁸⁴⁾ In 1280 the Hospital gave Amposta itself to the crown, receiving as partial recompense the Valencian town of Onda with its countryside, including Tales and Artesa.⁽⁸⁵⁾ As to their lesser holdings, it is sometimes difficult to say if a grant may have been separately acquired or lies within a large previous grant or is only being held temporarily.

A survey of the Hospitaller holdings in the new kingdom reveals how wide their extent was. The grouping, however, is odd. Below the Júcar, besides rents at Denia and Játiva, there was only the wild, almost unpopulated frontier valley of Perpunchent, itself a late acquisition. There were several well-chosen towns in the Valencia-Alcira region: especially Cullera, Silla and the Olocau castle, with a few lesser places. In the north the Onda-Burriana district was a rich prize. The northeast coastal towns and countryside in the top corner of the realm made an impressive addition to their properties in southern Catalonia; they extended south until the Calatrava claims began, and over to the Benifasá monastery's territory. But, if the north of the realm was encumbered with large religious encomiendas, it does not follow that the main Hospitaller presence was necessarily in the extreme north. The Order was also ensconced at the two richest and strategically important spots: Burriana-Onda and Valencia-Cullera.

Commanderies of the Hospitallers existed in the thirteenth century at Valencia city, Burriana, Silla, Onda, Morella, Cullera, briefly at Perpunchent, and perhaps at Torrente. Valencia city commanders whose names survive include Roslain (1242), Peter Gerald or Guerard (1245, with Gil as prior), Peter of Granyen (1248), John of Paris (1250), Bernard of Salanova (1254), Bernard of Miravalls (1280, 1282), and A. of Romaner (1298). Burriana commanders include Bernard of Valfort (1237), Peter of Alcalá (1254), Ferrer (1264), and Bernard of Bosch (1280). At Cullera there was Gaucelm (1245); at Silla William (1245); at Cervera Arnold of Bellvehí.⁽⁸⁶⁾

From end to end of the Valencian kingdom these knights, who cloaked their military harness in the black robes of the monk, guarded the new dispensation and helped assure its permanence. The Hospitallers were powerful [186] and experienced, fortified by documented privileges and by seignorial claims to rights of patronage. They did not intend to yield to the bishop more than they must. And from the first, the battle was welcomed by bishop and chapter. No solution emerged during Bishop Ferrer's reign; but in 1243 and 1244 by a variety of solemn acts -- five distinct documents with their several copies remain in the cathedral archives -- an agreement was worked out. The bishop of Lérida acted as arbiter. The churches specified were those of Cullera, Silla, Torrente, Montroy, and Macastre, where the Hospitallers had been taking all church revenues from 1239 to 1243. Like other documents of this kind, however, it was a general settlement for other holdings, present and future, and therefore would include many of the areas listed above.⁽⁸⁷⁾

The agreement was signed under penalty of a thousand gold morabatins for violating it. The knights were to have a full half of the tithe, as also of the first fruits and other revenues of their districts. Bishop and chapter reserved a fourth of the defunctions from funerals, the visitation fees, and the right to assign to the candidate-vicars the cure of souls (with an obligation also of canonical obedience) and to set the amount of their salaries. The personal tithe on revenues taken from Moorish subjects was also insisted upon, along with payment for four years' arrears of the bishop's share in church revenues, which had been allowed to lapse during the controversy. This brought a measure of peace for those Valencian lands of the Hospitallers which fell within the diocese.

In the capital city at the heart of that diocese, however, there followed a decade of hand-wringing, as the anguished pastors of the city observed the mounting revenues of the knights' church there: pennies and candles and small offerings in a steady stream; animals and bier-coverings; old clothing and service fees. The spectacle was "multipliciter agitata" between the two parties (the previous unpleasantness had only been "diutius agitata").⁽⁸⁸⁾ Eventually the bitterness made arbitration a necessity. The bishop of Lérida was again chosen as umpire. A committee was organized to argue the diocesan case: the pastors of the churches of St. Catherine, St. Nicholas, and St. Martin. Though they complicated their appeal with a series of allied complaints, the pastors actually had an excellent case, based upon the agreements of 1243-1244.

The victory of the pastors, in a decision given in 1255, was incorporated into a document much more sophisticated than the previous accord. It spelled out the tedious details of possible revenue. Later the knights had a brief but intense dispute with the chapter of the cathedral, a case which was appealed to Rome in 1263.⁽⁸⁹⁾ Another general settlement with bishop and chapter was signed in 1264, supplementing that of two decades before.⁽⁹⁰⁾ But the most famous Hospitaller litigation, notable in the annals of European law, was the dispute extravagantly carried forward against the Cistercians in Valencia over Rossell.⁽⁹¹⁾

[188] The situation in the northern part of the realm was roughly equivalent to that in the southern diocese. Here the Tortosa bishop bitterly contested the Hospitallers' privileged position. Through the mediation of the Tarragona metropolitan a compromise was reached in 1243. The holdings explicitly in question were Valencian: Cervera, Traiguera Valley, Oropesa, and Burriana, along with non-Valencian Ulldecona. These places involved their respective termini or countrysides, each of which in turn included smaller towns with their lesser areas of countryside. The mediation, though it concerned Valencian places, applied likewise to all holdings of the Order in the Tortosa diocese. It affords a view of the major properties of the Hospital in northern Valencia.

The agreement awarded to the knights the right of presentation to the churches of the Cervera and Oropesa districts. Revenues due to the rectors were carefully assigned along with the fees expected by bishop and archdeacon. The other churches, Burriana, and Traiguera fell completely to the diocese, the latter church going to the support of its archdeacon. In a Hospitaller patronate, wherever parish churches were as yet unbuilt, the bishop was to have the privilege of designating their locations, while the Order was to construct and endow them. The knights' share of the tithe varied: three-fourths in the Traiguera and Cervera districts, two-thirds at Ulldecona, and elsewhere half. All tithes on animals for Hospital lands anywhere in the diocese went to the bishop and chapter. The Order retained its privilege of tithe-exemption for lands worked by its own members at its own expense.⁽⁹²⁾ A separate agreement was signed that same year for Rafalguazir, and in 1259 for Cervera again.⁽⁹³⁾

The Hospitaller church was located in the parish of St. Andrew in Valencia city. One of the first in the city to be opened to worship, it had been erected on a small plot of ground close to the gate blocked by the Hospitaller forces during the siege; this gate led to the sea, near the center of the eastern wall. Perhaps the Order had cared for soldiers wounded in the siege and had conducted the first hospital of the city.⁽⁹⁴⁾ But church and cemetery left little space for a permanent hospital. The residence, housing a prior with his lieutenant and four beneficed clerics (comensales), was perhaps already under a commander for the castle of Torrente. Non-Hospitaller priests cared for the church.⁽⁹⁵⁾ Though an object of jealous attention from other city churches, it seems to have been highly popular from the first, especially with the warrior class. The revenues connected with the death and burial of Hospitaller clients had alone in fifteen years mounted to over 4,000 solidi, exclusive of horses and weapons given.⁽⁹⁶⁾

The public baths owned by Count Nuño Sancho of Roussillon, adjacent to the church of the Santiago knights, was given to the Hospitallers in 1241.⁽⁹⁷⁾ The knight William of Espailargas left to the Valencian residence in 1245 all his properties including six jovates at Campanar, given to him by the king in [189]1237, and houses in the city given immediately after its fall. The knights were to build an altar to the Blessed Virgin and support a priest to chant daily Mass and the office for the souls of his family and himself.⁽⁹⁸⁾ Another knight of the conquest, Bernard Dalmau, designated their church as his place of burial, transferring to them an estate sufficient to support an altar to St. Catherine, with a chaplaincy and perpetual lamp (1273).⁽⁹⁹⁾ Sometime before 1264 Simon of Luesia gave the Order a fishing ship in the Albufera lagoon.⁽¹⁰⁰⁾

The greatest name among the Hospitaller church's clients was that of the empress of Byzantium, the Lady Constance of Swabia who fled to the protection of James I after the battle of Benevento. The daughter of Emperor Frederick II, she had been married at the age of eleven, over the opposition of Innocent IV, to the aging lecher John III, Emperor of Nicaea. Her subsequent widowhood was as unhappy as her marriage, and she had sought the protection of her brother Manfred of Sicily. After his death in 1266 her relative Prince Peter of Aragon supplied her with ample rents in the new kingdom of Valencia. She took up residence in the city of Valencia, where she lived and died (1306). Cured of "leprosy" -- whatever disease may have been meant by the term -- in Valencia after prayers to St. Barbara, she arranged to endow a chapel of St. Barbara in the Hospital church. She gave that church also the column of the saint, which she had carried as a relic to her new home, and a suitable tomb for herself.⁽¹⁰¹⁾

Few benefactions to the Hospital church are recorded, but one comes across items now and again. Thus, Peter Abrafim in 1274 left 10 solidi, with 5 more for current expenditure, and asked to be buried in a fine tomb in the cemetery of their church.⁽¹⁰²⁾ In 1276 the wife of Blaise Peter of Fuentes left them 10 solidi.⁽¹⁰³⁾ By the turn of the century a larger establishment would be needed; permission came in January 1307, and not long afterward a Gothic church was built.⁽¹⁰⁴⁾ By the end of the century, the Knights Hospitallers had achieved an enviable reputation in the new realm not only as landlords and military establishment, but also as colonizers. The Hospitallers were experienced at bringing in settlement. In the area around Toulouse in Languedoc, for example, they founded over fifty planned villages; to the southwest of that city, in an area only 25 miles by 12, they established forty villages during the decade 1100-1110.⁽¹⁰⁵⁾ To fill up the Tortosa frontier they had accomplished "an intense" work of repopulation especially along the lower bank of the Ebro during the years of the Valencia crusade, founding new places and moving old ones.⁽¹⁰⁶⁾ Now that these holdings extended into the kingdom of Valencia, they continued that same program here.

They inaugurated populating movements in or near Cálig (1234), Cervera (1235), San Mateo and Rossell (1237), Carrascal (1239), Sueca (1244), Picaña in the estate of Torrente (1248), Silla (1238, 1243, and 1248), Cullera and eight villages near it (1244 and 1250), Cervera again (1250), and so on.⁽¹⁰⁷⁾ [190] In 1248 the commander at Valencia city gave a settlement charter to fifty Christians.⁽¹⁰⁸⁾ When Rome suppressed the Templars in 1312, King James II was to petition the pope to transfer their property to a proposed military Order of Montesa in Valencia rather than to the Hospitallers. The Hospital had become so powerful an element in the new kingdom of Valencia, James told the pope, that it would be prudent not to magnify their power.⁽¹⁰⁹⁾ And, indeed, just after the death of James the Conqueror in 1276, the Order in Valencia and the other realms of Aragon was able to contribute to King Peter, for his wars, 8,000 Tours solidi, 5,000 Barcelona solidi, and 2,000 Jaca solidi.⁽¹¹⁰⁾

Was all this only the power of richly endowed landowners? It has been suggested recently that such Hospitallers were mostly peaceful clerics with very few warrior members. But the crown of Aragon, in petitioning for the creation of a new military Order to defend Valencia and desiring the transference to it of Hospitaller holdings in Valencia, does not adduce this reason. If the Hospitallers were not of great military importance, this argument above all others would have won the pope. Whether there were armies of Hospitaller knights, however, or armies of Hospitaller vassals led by only a few knights, the Order was an important military force, a shield for the frontier kingdom.

The efforts of James II to curtail the economic power of this international brotherhood in his realms, while continuing their military work, bore fruit in 1317; the new Order of Montesa, local and Valencian, took over not only the properties of the suppressed Templars but also the Valencian encomiendas of the Hospitallers. Eighty years after their entry into the realm of Valencia, the Hospital retained only Torrente castle and the Valencia city church, with the attached local properties. Even with their forces so diminished, the Hospitallers continued to aid in defending the kingdom of Valencia.⁽¹¹¹⁾

The military and economic power so freely heaped upon the knights in Valencia by King James and King Peter in the thirteenth century is a measure of their effectiveness and prestige.

It also reflects, to some extent, an aspect of their history less accessible to documentation: the influence of their churches and ministry in the new kingdom. Their physical and economic advance underlines their importance on this frontier, even as it provided them with the tools of defense: in Valencia the Knights Hospitallers were still the watchdogs of Christendom, a living example of Christian chivalry to any who might be tempted to forget their military responsibilities. They were the spirit of the Christian crusade incarnate.

Knights Templars

"Lions in war, lambs in the cloister," as the contemporary bishop of Acre called them, the Knights Templars were perhaps the classic type of the [191] cosmopolitan and purely military religious Order. Over their military harness they wore the white tunic of the monk, emblazoned with the red cross of martyrdom. Organized in the early twelfth century, they received their uncompromisingly severe rule from the great St. Bernard, founder of the Cistercians. In eleven provinces, divided into forty-two commanderies, they held influential positions and impressive properties from Ireland to the Holy Land. Matthew Paris in 1244 estimated that the Templars drew revenues from nine thousand manors in Christendom. There was a grand master at Acre, a European headquarters just outside Paris, a master over each province, and a preceptor or commander for the local residence. Their numbers were never large, but their courage was spectacular.

They were solidly established in Aragon and Catalonia by the mid-twelfth century. Monzón was their stronghold. King Peter the Catholic, the father of James, could write in 1208 of "the loyalty, dedication, and devotion with which the Knights Templars strive to defend and spread the Christian faith," and of "how valuable, how faithful, and how necessary in all things they have been to my predecessors, and how much they have been solicitous to help me too."⁽¹¹²⁾ King James was to have occasion (1238) to "recall the welcome services you rendered me, and do render every day, and have rendered especially now in winning the city and realm of Valencia."⁽¹¹³⁾

When the boy king James I needed a protector and tutor, Pope Innocent III in 1214 chose the Catalan William of Monredon (or Montrodón), master of the Temple for Aragon, Catalonia, and Provence. From that early moment on, throughout the king's life, the Templars were James's faithful counselors, advisers, and companions-in-arms. Their master was at his side during the Valencian campaigns and sieges. In the great Moslem rebellion in Valencia just before James died, the master was captured while fighting in the disastrous battle of Luchente in Valencia but soon escaped from his prison at Biar.⁽¹¹⁴⁾

Provincial masters of the Temple for the realms of King James are: William Cadell (1231);⁽¹¹⁵⁾ Raymond Patot (1233), at the Burriana siege;⁽¹¹⁶⁾ Hugh of Montllor (1235-1237), in the Cullera raid;⁽¹¹⁷⁾ Astrug of Belmonte (1238-1239), one of the five rulers of Valencia city for the king in the year after its fall;⁽¹¹⁸⁾ William of Cardona (1244-1252), with James at the treaty of Almizra;⁽¹¹⁹⁾ William of Montañans (1258);⁽¹²⁰⁾ William of Pontons (1260); Peter of Queralt, at least as representing the Temple master, in 1266;⁽¹²¹⁾ Arnold of Castellnou (1267-1274);⁽¹²²⁾ and Peter of Moncada (1276), captured at Luchente.⁽¹²³⁾ Higher dignitaries occasionally appear -- such as Martin Martinez, master of the three realms of Spain (1244), who was at the Almizra treaty with Cardona; or Lope Sánchez, master for the three realms of Spain and visitor in the five realms of Spain (1266).⁽¹²⁴⁾

The Temple does not seem to have reached an accord with the bishop [192] until 1262.⁽¹²⁵⁾ In the intervening twenty-five years they had accumulated a mass of privileges, properties, and possessions. They showed a marked predilection for public ovens, even substituting an oven in the spot they had been using as their cemetery in the city of Valencia, reflecting that an oven would be "more advantageous and fruitful for the house" there.⁽¹²⁶⁾ Their profit was to be one loaf out of every twenty baked for their neighbors.

The Templar pre-grants included the castles and townships of Oropesa and Chivert from Alphonse in 1169.⁽¹²⁷⁾ The Oropesa claims clashed with Hospitaller claims later, leading to litigation.⁽¹²⁸⁾ Montornés was assigned to them in 1181;⁽¹²⁹⁾ but King James later gave this to a vassal and eventually to the shrine and hospital of St. Vincent. Peter II in 1211 gave them the village and fort of Ruzafa,⁽¹³⁰⁾ and Cantavieja village (1212).⁽¹³¹⁾ He also conferred on them the castle and country of Culla (1213),⁽¹³²⁾ property they actually acquired only in 1303 when they bought it for 50,000 solidi from William of Anglesola.⁽¹³³⁾ James promised them Pulpis castle but gave it instead to Calatrava; the Templars however did acquire it sometime before 1286.

For Templar help "to us in the conquering of Burriana" King James handed over Chivert (1233).⁽¹³⁴⁾ He also granted the villages of Mantella and Benahamet (Benejama) in the Burriana zone (June 1233);⁽¹³⁵⁾ a third of the "recently acquired" city of Burriana, including six towers and defenses;⁽¹³⁶⁾ the village of Seca near Burriana (1237);⁽¹³⁷⁾ half the shipyards of Denia (1244);⁽¹³⁸⁾ the fortified villages of Moncada and Carpesa, in return for their pre-grant of Ruzafa (1246);⁽¹³⁹⁾ a section of the town of Liria, with three towers of the defensive wall and a jovate of land (1248);⁽¹⁴⁰⁾ a huge estate near Burriana, running from the Bechí or Seco River to the mountains, with 8,000 solidi thrown in for good measure, given in return for the castle and town of Oropesa (1249);⁽¹⁴¹⁾ Benitachell near Denia (at least briefly);⁽¹⁴²⁾ buildings and property below the kingdom of Valencia, in Murcia (1266);⁽¹⁴³⁾ and half the mintage tax paid by vassals of the Order to the crown.⁽¹⁴⁴⁾ Escolano says they held the castle of Almedíjar near Segorbe.⁽¹⁴⁵⁾

Peñíscola was early promised to the Templars, but the crown did not concede it until 1294. Commanders are found here only from 1304.⁽¹⁴⁶⁾ In exchange for their castle and town of Alventosa, in 1251 Simon Pérez of Tarazona, the baron of Arenós, gave them his estate of Masarrojos and his town of Benifaraig.⁽¹⁴⁷⁾ In 1294, in exchange for Tortosa, King James II was to cede Albocácer, Ares, Benicarló, Cuevas de Vinromá, Peñíscola, Serratella, Tírig, Torre de Endomenech, Villanueva de Alcolea, and Viñaroz.⁽¹⁴⁸⁾ Lesser or transitory properties appearing in the records indicate a number of companion holdings. Before 1250 the Templars forcefully ousted the monks of Benifasá from possession of Refalgari.⁽¹⁴⁹⁾ The salt monopoly at Peñíscola was theirs.

Extensive tax exemptions were accorded to areas under Templar control.⁽¹⁵⁰⁾[193] In Gandía, even before its conquest, they won the privilege of a public market for the region every Tuesday.⁽¹⁵¹⁾ In their capacity as bankers they controlled a large number of places from time to time. Against the loan of 1,000 silver marks to the king, for example, they assumed the management in 1248 of the castles and towns of Onda, Burriana, Peñíscola, Veo, Ahín, Tales, Liria, and Eslida. Ten years later, they still remained securely in control of these places plus the revenues of Tortosa and the profits of the coinage of Valencia. Similarly, in 1250 the knights held in pawn the castles of Morella and Almenara.⁽¹⁵²⁾ Taken as a whole, the prizes won by the Templars in the new kingdom were extensive enough but by no means extravagantly so. At Majorca where the rival Hospitallers arrived too tardily for a large share of the loot, the Templars amassed no less than one hundred and twenty-two rural townships, including almost all of one of the eight divisions of the island.

The Temple did not come out as well as the Hospital in Valencia, though it is difficult to balance total gifts and privileges satisfactorily. Omitting late acquisitions like Pulpis and abortive claims like Oropesa, and then putting aside the block of territory given only in 1294 from Ares down to Cuevas and Villanueva, the essential holdings stand out clearly. They are basically a group of towns and properties at Valencia and just north of the city, an enviable estate in and near Burriana, and the Chivert estate. The Liria rents and their many privileges enhanced this basic possession. The Templars are hardly present south of the city of Valencia; but until late in the century their northern holdings are well balanced by their central and urban properties.

At Valencia city itself the Templars received the key tower of the defenses, with a long section of wall and barbican, as well as a portion of the city in the parish of St. Stephen -- including fifty buildings. This was specifically for the aid "you daily give and gave especially in the taking of the city." There were lands involved in this also, such as twenty jovates near the city wall.⁽¹⁵³⁾ Their residence adjoined the tower which stood on the north or river-front wall, tallest of the towers, where the flag of surrender had been raised. Here a community was established before 1246.

The Order may have delayed in organizing commanderies (or preceptories) -- the Catalan commanders seem to have handled Valencia affairs -- but in 1246 there was a commandery at Cantavieja or Cantavella southwest of Morella and apparently one at Valencia city.⁽¹⁵⁴⁾ Commanders from Templar communities at Burriana, Cantavieja, Chivert, and Valencia city attended a meeting in 1252. By the end of the century commanderies for Castielfabib, Cuevas de Vinromá, and Culla had probably been added.⁽¹⁵⁵⁾ The names of a number of commanders are known. Commanders, or preceptors, at Valencia city include Peter of Ager (1251), Bernard of Miravet (1255), Raymond of Bach (1263), Peter of Albanell (1270), Peter of Montpalau (1271), and Gerald Ça Corbella. At Cantavieja were Walter (1252), Raymond of [194]Villalba (1261), Peter of Montpalau (1270), and Galart of Josa (1271). At Chivert there were G. of Prades (1252) and Lope Sánchez of Bergua (1284). At Burriana there were Gonza (1252), and Peter Peyronet at least from 1273 to 1277. Peyronet served King James in several important capacities, as almoner, land distributor, and as crown agent in 1276 to treat with the Moslems of Eslida.⁽¹⁵⁶⁾

Hostilities with the bishop began immediately. One mosque lay hard by the Templar tower;⁽¹⁵⁷⁾ others were probably in the villages and countryside held by them elsewhere in the realm. These they could keep, in accordance with King James's clarification of 1238, which excepted privately held mosques from his previous grant of all mosques to the diocese.⁽¹⁵⁸⁾ A number of royal grants assured the Templars control of tithes, a share of the tithes, and all the first fruits and parish revenues; these too they meant to keep. Even when trading Ruzafa for Moncada, they reserved their rights over two-thirds of the tithe there, announcing their intention to vindicate this claim (1246).⁽¹⁵⁹⁾

It is not unreasonable to suppose that a general solution was reached concerning revenues, not differing greatly from the Hospitaller agreement -- that is, half of the tithe going to the knights, along with three-fourths of the defunctions and most of the other revenues. For Borbotó and Campo de la Portella, two villages in the country of Beniferri, an agreement does exist, signed in 1262.⁽¹⁶⁰⁾ For Burriana and its area where the Temple held much land, the knights resisted an attempt by crown officials to take the Templar share of the tithe.⁽¹⁶¹⁾ The king's bailiff in 1280 "seized the third part" of the Ademuz tithe; but the invasion of rights was promptly repulsed.⁽¹⁶²⁾

Templar holdings were strong in the northern part of the kingdom. Here the knights located all but one of the early commanderies. Consequently, skirmishes broke out with the bishop of Tortosa. As early as 1243 the differences were brought to a general settlement, covering the large properties at Burriana and elsewhere. This did not settle matters. In 1260 the bishop of Tortosa advanced claims to the tithes of Chivert, an early acquisition which included villages like Alcalá de Chivert, Castelnovo, and Pulpis. Here the Templars held both secular lordship and ecclesiastical patronage. Under the arbitration of the abbot of Poblet and the archdeacon of Vich, an agreement was reached in 1263 which applied to Chivert, the Burriana holdings, Algar, and Seca. The Order came out with half the tithes of Chivert and Algar and two-thirds at Burriana.⁽¹⁶³⁾

Among the important properties left to the Temple by their benefactors in the city were those of a knightly layman later judged to have been secretly heretical. The posthumous confiscation of his goods left a Temple chaplaincy without support. The affair drew from the Order loud outcries and eventually an investigation (1280), without which we should never have been aware of the gift.⁽¹⁶⁴⁾ As early as 1238 another baron, William of Çaportella, [195] gave the Templars the village of Borbotó which he had just received at the siege of Valencia city.⁽¹⁶⁵⁾ Peter of Barberá, buried in, the Templars' cemetery at Valencia city in 1258, left money for his tomb there and 20 solidi for the work on their church.⁽¹⁶⁶⁾ The wife of Blaise Peter of Fuentes left them a small legacy in 1276.⁽¹⁶⁷⁾ Gilabert of Zanoguera, an important knight in the realm, who died in 1296 and was buried in their church, seems to have been a benefactor.⁽¹⁶⁸⁾ Another noble, Jazpert the viscount of Castellnou, left a great deal of discretion to the three executors of his will in 1268 -- his brother the bishop of Gerona, the count of Ampurias, and the bishop of Valencia; he specifically favored by name as beneficiaries only the Temple.⁽¹⁶⁹⁾ Since Jazpert left orders to sell all his castles and goods except Castellnou, and gave the Temple such priority among the beneficiaries, one may suppose he enriched them substantially. Several inventories of Templar movable possessions also survive, but it is not easy to draw conclusions from them.⁽¹⁷⁰⁾

The Templars controlled and developed their Valencian lands themselves, probably through the usual mechanism of bailiffs and estate management. This procedure could develop and organize holdings more thoroughly, but it involved a drain of men and capital. An occasional business document of the Order in this region survives, such as the contract for the purchase of wine and wheat in 1242 by the Burriana commandery.⁽¹⁷¹⁾

Eventually, when these properties had been transferred to the new Order of Montesa after the Templars were suppressed, the pope in 1326 was to allow the easier system of sub-infeudation. This applied to all their former:

houses and possessions in the city of Valencia; those in the castle jurisdictions of Cervera, Peñíscola, Chivert, Pulpis, Cuevas de Vinromá, Culla, Ares, Onda, Villafamés, and Perpunchent; those in the places of Castielfabib, and of Ademuz; those in the towns of Burriana and of Sueca, and in the territories belonging to them; [all these] in the dioceses of Tortosa, Valencia, and Segorbe, along with the other possessions...in the kingdom of Valencia.⁽¹⁷²⁾

Like the Hospitallers, the Templars had spread widely in the new kingdom and had sent down deep roots. Their white tunic with its red cross could be seen in the capital, in the countryside, and on the southern frontier. In peacetime they were a pledge of security; in time of danger they were among the first troops to stand to arms. In their daily monastic career and ministry they [196] were symbol and spirit the Christian immigrants of Valencia. In their warrior experience and in their settlement projects they represented a persistence of the original crusade spirit. In Valencia their chivalric traditions did not tarnish throughout this century. "More pure in ideals and less ambitious" than religious knights elsewhere, they owed their influence here "not to their political cunning but to the excellent military spirit of their warriors."⁽¹⁷⁴⁾

The French project for their suppression therefore was to arouse dismay and indignation in the realms of Aragon. James II would write of the "scandal" of the French charges, and would vigorously defend the knights' "very good reputation" and way of life (1307).⁽¹⁷⁵⁾ Even after the crown weakly acquiesced in the persecution of the Temple in Aragon, the minute inquiries into their past led only to a resounding exoneration by the Council of Tarragona (1312), followed by a freeing of the prisoners.⁽¹⁷⁶⁾ One of the major actions of the reign of James II indeed was the prompt replacement of the Templars with an equivalent Order, that of Montesa, on the Valencian border. The papal bull of 1317 establishing this new Order made it clear that their principal function was to defend the frontiers of the kingdom of Valencia against the Moslems. This was the reason they received the properties of the Temple and Hospital. Nothing could illuminate better the military importance of the Temple throughout the previous period and, by implication, of the Hospital and other military Orders. Valencia had needed them, and had needed them precisely as organized religio-military frontier institutions.

1. The Pedro Sucías Aparicio manuscript tomes at the municipal archives of Valencia (Los monasterios del reino de Valencia, 3 vols., 1907; and Los conventos del reino de Valencia, 3 vols., 1906) are uneven and incomplete but furnish useful data. Sucías lists and totals the houses in Monasterios, pp. 9-18. Escolano figured one hundred and fifty houses; Sarthou Carreres from the background of his own researches is sure this is no exaggeration (Monasterios valencianos, su historia y su arte [Valencia, 1943], p. 14). Américo Castro has seventeenth-century quotations on this general subject which help make the figures credible (Structure of Spanish History, pp. 645-646). Sanchís Sivera lists the establishments by date for Valencia city from 1238 to 1800 (Nomenclátor de Valencia, pp. 421-423), and for the diocese (pp. 429-431). On each of the Orders about to be considered, see the encyclopedic Dictionnaire des ordres religieux ou histoire des ordres monastiques, religieux, et miitaires by Pierre (Hippolyt) Hélyot (1660-1716), ed. M. L. Badiche, 4 vols. (1847-1859), in the massive series Encyclopédie théologique ou série de dictionnaires, ed. J. P. Migne, 168 vols. in 170 in 3 sets (Paris, 1844-1866), set 1, vols. XX-XXI. This may be supplemented by the Dictionnaire historique, géographique et biographique des croisades by M. D'Ault-Dumesnil in the same Encyclopédie, set 2, vol. XVIII (1852), and by such leisurely older works as Giuseppe Francesco Fontana, Storia degli ordini monastici, religiosi e militari, 8 vols. (Lucca, 1738-1739). An introduction to the extensive modem bibliography on each Order is supplied in Max Heimbucher's exhaustive Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche, 3rd ed. revised, 2 vols. (Paderborn, 1933-1934). The important rules, including those of the Templars, Hospitallers, Cistercians, Carthusians, Carmelites, Trinitarians, Augustinians, Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercedarians, are conveniently available in the recent reprint of Codex regularum monasticarum et canonicarum, ed. Lucas Holstenius [Holstein], 6 vols. in 3 (Graz, [1759] 1957-1958).

2. Documents in Agustín Sales, Memorias históricas del antiguo santuario del santo sepulcro de Valencia (Valencia, 1746), pp. 88n., 89-90. On the Order in general see Heimbucher, Orden und Kongregationen, I, 411-412; DHGE, XI, cols. 345-348: N. J. Cinnamond, Contribución al estudio de la orden del santo sepulcro (Vich, n.d.), passim; and Georges Tessier, "Les débuts de l'ordre de saint sépulcre en Espagne," Bibliotheque de l'école des charter, CXVI (1958), 5-28. The Villafranca corts put all religious under the king's protection but specified especially the Temple, Hospital, and the Holy Sepulchre (Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragón y de Valencia, I, 96).

3. Antigüedades de Valencia, I, 212-214.

4. Sales, Memorias, p. 91 (docs. of Nov. 2, 1251 and Aug. 7, 1279), p. 95.

5. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,334 (Aug. 4, 1261): "fratrum sancti sepulcri," and perg. 1,354 (Sept. 30, 1276).

6. Sebastián Puig y Puig, Episcopologio de la sede barcinonense, apuntes para la historia de la iglesia de Barcelona y de sus prelados (Barcelona, 1929), p. 447. On the nine bishops, see Zurita, Anales, I, lib. III, c. 33.

7. Galia christiana novissima, histoire des archevêchés, évêchés et abbayes de France d'après les documents authentiques, ed. J. H. Albanès and U. Chevalier, 7 vols. (Montbéliard and Valence, 1899-1920), 111, 510, doc. of June 18, 1277.

8. Humbert de Romans O. P. (d. 1272), quoted by Joaquín Miret y Sans, Les cases de templers y hospitalers en Catalunya, aplech de noves y documents històrichs (Barcelona, 1910), p. 365.

9. Desclot, Crônica, ch. 67.

10. Arch. Crown, Bulas, legajo X (Innocent IV), nos. 43, 44, 45, 50, 54 (1248-1249): "per Hispaniam et Cathaloniam constitutis."

11. The Latin text from his De rebus Hispaniae (VII, 26) is conveniently accessible in Castro, along with a translation of the somewhat different Spanish version of the Crónica general (Structure of Spanish History, pp. 212, 214). Translation from the Latin is my own.

12. Llibre dels feyts, ch. 128.

13. Francisco de Rades y Andrada, Chrónica de las tres órdenes y cavallerías de Sanctiago, Calatraua y Alcántara (Toledo, 1572), fol. 24v.

14. Llibre dels feyts, chs. 153-154, 156, 423-425; their presence at Biar is probable (see Itinerani, p. 170; cf. p. 112). The "Roderic Boso" in Miret y Sans's transcription of a 1235 document (p. 118) is this same commander Buesa.

15. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Santiago: Uclés, caj. 221, no. 3 (both the papal document and the earlier royal grant): "provide pensans labores multiplices gravesque sumptus quos pro tuenda fide catholica et cultu ampliando divino continue sustinetis." For the settlement see Antigüedades de Valencia, II, 252.

16. Antigüedades, II, 253 (April 9, 1239).

17. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,319 (Feb. 1, 1246) for Anna, Orcheta, and Torres. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Santiago: Uclés, caj. 115, no. 1 (Mar. 25, 1244) for Engriera "castrum et villam"; see too Colección diplomática, doc. 336, and Itinerani, pp. 167-168. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 16, fol. 258 (April 9, 1271) for Serra, Orcheta, and Mola. Anna ("Yanna") was given on September 24, 1244 (Itinerani, p. 170). Very few of their grants appear in the Bullarium equestris ordinis S. Iacobi de Spatha (ed. A. F. Aguado de Córdova and J. López Agurleta; Madrid, 1719); the Engriera gift is on p. 138 (1244), gifts from Sa^cîd on pp. 138-139; and the pact between James and Sa^cîd on p. 199 (1262). Mola may be Murla, south of Sagra, or Muela northwest of Enguerra; Torres could be any number of places, context indicating the south.

18. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Santiago: Uclés, caj. 207, no. 40 (June 5, 1260).

19. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 20, fol. 216 (Feb. 12, 1274): William "dedit in excambium cum carta nostra." Also in Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., no. 1. The master of Uclés, Pelayo Pérez de Correa, appears in this transaction of 1274 as he does in earlier grants of 1244.

20. Perhaps an early gift; the document of July 7, 1270 grants to García Pérez of Loriz, "de ordine," freedom from royal and regional taxes, including host and cavalcade (Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., caj. 208, no. 2; cf. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 16, fol. 199).

21. They had rights in the Carmogente area ("in quacumque parte volueritis infra terminos Castri de Carmuxen," apparently to raise rabbits, "conegrillorum"), as early as April 3, 1257; see Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., caj. 207, no. 36. Wider interests are discerned in documents of Peter III for 1276 and 1282 (Arch. Crown, Reg. Canc. 38, fol. 95v; and Reg. Canc. 46, fol. 75). Their previous ownership of the castle is demonstrated by their having partially dismantled it on their own authority before 1301: "noveritis nos ordinare, quod si Fratres Ordinis Uclesii destruxerint seu destrui fecerint, Castrum seu opus, quod est constructum in Castro vocato Carmuxen sito in regno Valencie, quod non compellantur ad construendum seu reparandum Castrum predictum" (James II, in Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., no. 65, Feb. 24, 1301).

22. Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 383.

23. Ibid., p. 376 (fourteenth century; perhaps a late acquisition).

24. Arch. Nac. Madrid, will cited in Chapter VII, note 62.

25. Arch. Cath., perg. 5,009 (Feb. 1, 1246); see also pergs. 787, 463, 2,319 (same date). Perg. 787 reads: "quod cum questio sive controversia esset diucius agitata inter venerabilem Arnaldum dei gracia Episcopum et Capitulum valencie ex una parte et dilectos in Christo fratrem Garciam Garcez comendatorem de Montem albano et fratres domus sue in Valencia et eius diocesi constitutos ex altera super ecclesiis de museros et de engera de anna de orcheta et de torres et eorum iuribus scilicet decimis et primiciis et omnibus aliis que ad episcopum et Capitulum lege diocesana vel iurisdiccionis aut privilegiorum optentu spectare poterant, tandem pro bono pacis et concordie...ad composicionem amicabilem et concordiam devenitur."

26. Santiago Vidiella, "Cartulario de Monroyo (Aragón)," Congrés I, p. 182. On Calatrava see Francis Gutton, L'ordre de Calatrava, la chevalerie militaire en Espagne (Paris, 1955), e.g., appendix 1 on relations with the Cistercians and on their daily life. Cf. Hélyot, Dictionnaire des ordres, VI, 34-54.

27. Itinerari, p. 155; the mastership was in dispute at the time, 1240-1243 (see Gutton, Calatrava, p. 60).

28. See collection of documents in Vidiella, "Cartulario," pp. 172-189.

29. Llibre dels feyts, ch. 127. Cf. Gutton, Calatrava, p. 42.

30. Llibre dels feyts, chs. 153-157, 255, 315, 343. Gutton, Calatrava, p. 66, for their help in 1275.

31. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 61, fol. 108 (April 27, 1283); and Reg. Canc. 46, fol. 180 (April 14, 1284).

32. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 16, fol. 237 (Oct. 27, 1233). "Unde [concedimusj rafal Hauadaiub et rafal Arais et rafal Abinsalmo et rafal Algebeli sicut affrontat in cimiterio Maurorum....Damus item vobis unum ortum ad portam Valencie...et damus vobis domos in villa Burriane...cum aliis domibus...[et] illud alfondicum." This is a later copy made by James more formally, and properly sealed ("redigi faceremus...in forma propria et bullari plumbea bulla nostra"). There is almost nothing for us in the Bullarium ordinis miitiae de Calatrava, ed. I. J. de Ortega y Cotes (Madrid, 1761) except a tithe settlement of 1242 (p. 74) and a transcription of the 1233 gift which names the estates as Huaradajub, Amiz, Algebeli, and Abinsalmo. A manuscript copy in the Arch. Nac. Madrid has "Raphal Huabadajub et Raphal Arayz et Raphal Abinsalmo et Raphal Algobali" (Ords. Milits., Calatrava, docs, reales, R265). Cf. Itinerari, p. 108.

33. Antigüedades de Valencia, II, 254-255. It was just south of St. Nicholas'. Cf. the Repartimiento, pp. 160, 246, 371. There would soon be a lawsuit with the Hospitallers over property lines near the Calatrava church (see below, n. 97). Pérez doc. in Escolano, Décadas, II, 513.

34. Lupo Martin the commander of Alcañiz received Bétera on July 13 (Nomenclátor de Valencia, pp. 146-147). The nearby Bufila (or Boylla, Bulla) surrendered to the king on April 10, and was also given to Lupo Martin on July 13 (p. 157); this is not the Bolulla, near Callosa de Ensarriá, owned by the diocese (p. 154; cf. above, Chapter VIII, note 52). See also Arch. Cath. perg. 2,317 (Jan. 27, 1246): "Boilla." Escolano gives them "Bosilla," explaining that only a tower remained there in his day; he puts it at a crossbow-shot from Bétera (Décadas, I, 513).

35. Nomenclátor, p. 212. The father of Na Valençona (Muntaner's future wife) must have bought the place before 1279; its church by then was diocesan (Rationes decimarum, I, 262).

36. Frey Matthew and the Order received the hamlet of Maçelnazar on May 15, 1238 (ibid., p. 283). On Masanasa see Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 20, fol. 286v (Sept. 11, 1275); Escolano, Décadas, II, 538; Arch. Cath., perg. 2,317 (Jan. 27, 1246).

37. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Miits., Calatrava, does. parties., no. 106 (May 17, 1246), a Calatrava chaplaincy commission, where reference is made to the "comendatori Xilvela" and the "comendatori Betera." If Chilvella is really Chirivella, it can only have been a minor defensive outwork of Valencia city.

38. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., docs. reales, R273-274 (April 27, 1273). An earlier copy is in Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 14, fol. 3 (Nov. 10, 1262). The town was Begís near Jérica and Segorbe, not Bechí (Betxí) near Nules in Castellón. In 1281, Roderick Pérez Pons (again master of Alcañiz, or a successor of the same name) received permission from the king to exchange this with James of Jérica, the king's brother, fon other holdings (Reg. Canc. 44, fol. 202, Oct. 17; and see Reg. Canc. 61, fol. 144 [May 25, 1283]).

39. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 14, fol. 3 (Nov. 10, 1262).

40. Aurea L. Javierre Mur, Privilegios reales de la orden de Montesa en la edad media, catálogo de la serie existente en el archivo histórico nacional (Madrid, 1956), pp. 72-73.

41. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 9, fol. 27 (Mar. 15, 1258): "confirmamus vobis...concambium quod fecit vobiscum Eximinus Petri de Pina de domibus et hereditate sua quas habebat in Valencia et suis terminis, quas dedit vobis pro castro et villa de Favara que vos dedistis." The commander appears in a general chapter at Alcañiz in 1307 (Vidiella, "Cartulario de Monroyo," pp. 185-186). See too Itinerari, pp. 272-273; Peten Alphonse, son of the former king of Portugal, was commander of Alcañiz in 1258. Favara was in the Cullera district and perhaps should be assimilated to modern Favareta.

42. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 40, fol. 21 (Sept. 18, 1277). Cf. the Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 289. Zorita was an earlier possession; there is a commandery here in 1263 (Vidiella, "Cartulario de Monroyo," p. 181).

43. Nomenclátor, p. 182. Escolano, Décadas, I, 514.

44. Arch. Cath., pergs. 787, 5,010, 2,318, 1,317, 2,317 (Jan. 27, 1246); "quod cum quaestio sive controversia esset diutius agitata"; "aliis aliorum locorum quos dicti fratres dante domino per se adquirent, eripient et liberabunt de manibus Sarracenorum vel et aliunde cum armis vel sine armis."

45. Ibid. (perg. 1,317): "cum in dictis locis ecclesie fundate fuerint et clerici instituti populo Christiano ... procurationes ... debentur."

46. Document in Chapter VII, note 62.

47. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Poblet cartulary (B-1220), pp. 28-34, doc. 12.

48. Samper, Montesa ilustrada, II, docs. on pp. 825 ff. A. Sánchez Gozalbo, "Castillo de Cuevas de Avinromá," BSCC, XIV (1933), 294 (Dec. 6, 1248). Bayerri, Tortosa, VII, 457, misdates this as 1238.

49. Colección diplomática, doc. 111 (June 5, 1233); Itinerari, p. 104. "Repartiment" de Burriana, pp. 172-173 (Mar. 26, 1307), a confirmation of the grants of Carabona and Benaquite, by James II. On the "Cavalleria del Benaventurat Sent Jordi," see Antigüedades de Valencia, II, 100; Bayerri, Historia de Tortosa, VII, 521-525; Samper, Montesa ilustrada, I, 200 ff., II, 794 ff.; and M. R. Zapater, Cister militante (Zaragoza, 1662), p. 581.

50. See the principle as given by King James in Arch. Cath., perg. 1,307 (July 15, 1240).

51. Repartimiento, p. 206: "Fr. Geraldus de Prato commendator de Alfama." This becomes "Sancius Georgius," and the "in via de Daroca Sanctus Georgius parva" of pp. 593, 645.

52. The Murviedro properties do not appear until 1370, in an exemption from taxation; so these may have been much later acquisitions. Another document not quite so late (1303), shows them acquiring estates in Valencia, which occasions difficulties with local officials. Samper says in general only that they received "algunos lugares, alquerias, y tierras en esta ciudad y reyno" (Samper, Montesa ilustrada, II, 794 ff.).

53. Luis Más y Gil, "La orden de San Jorge de Alfama, sus maestres, y la cofradía de Mossén Sent Jordi," Hidalguía, X (1963), 247-256.

54. The confusion between the residence of the Order and the chapel of the brotherhood is cleared up in Antigüedades de Valencia (I, 358-359n., and II, 96-101).

55. Rationes decimarum, I, 256, 263.

56. In Arch. Nac. Madrid, the Montesa documents (R13) have the Bujaraloz grant (Borialaroç) on alms of daily prayer for the king plus defense and settlement, to "Hospitali Sancti Georgii Dalfama et Fratribus eiusdem Hospitalis."

57. Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, pp. 365-366.

58. Colección diplomática, doc. 1,013 (Dec. 23, 1221): "nullam questiam vel peytam, nullam toltam vel forciam, nullam hostem vel cavalcatam, vel eorum redemptionem aliquam, nullumque malum servicium vel demandam, nullum bovaticum vel monetaticum,...herbaticum,...censum vel usaticum, nullam lezdam vel portaticum...nullamque aliam exaccionem regalem vel vicinalem." See also for privileges to the two Orders in Valencia the Itinerari, pp. 104, 105 and the Hospital cartularies cited there; also a number of specific documents of exemption for one or both Orders in Valencia during this period (e.g. pp. 104, 105, 472). A general privilege, based upon their defense and propagation of Christianity and upon their "extending of Christendom" ("ampliationem Chnistianitatis"), given by King James's father, is in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R14-15 (Jan. 27, 1208). At the Burriana siege the Hospitallers and Templars elicited from King James a confirmation of all previous privileges, somewhat against his will (Llibre dels feyts, ch. 165).

59. Zurita, Anales, I, lib. iii, c. 36.

60. Llibre dels feyts, ch. 95.

61. These are William Hugh in 1235, Peter of Exea in 1238 (cf. Antigüedades de Valencia, I, 296), Peter of Alcalá in 1250 and 1252 (Sanchís Sivera has him here in 1233 in the Nomenclátor, p. 392), Peter of Granyen in 1253, Gerard Amich in !257, Guy or Hugh de la Vespa in 1264, Simon of Luna in 1267 (Itinerari, p. 400), Berengar of Almenara in 1273 (ibid., p. 489), and Raymond of Ribelles in 1283. The master "in the five realms of Spain" was Roderick Gil in 1240, receiving the Denia grants in Valencia, and Ferdinand Ruiz or Roderick in 1253 and 1265.

62. Bernard of Miravalls in 1290, and Peter of Soler in 1304 (Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, p. 251).

63. Llibre dels feyts, chs. 127-128.

64. Ibid., ch. 97.

65. Escolano was much puzzled by this; unable to solve it by documentation, he suggested the untenable theory that they were a parish church in the early years (Décadas, I, 515). The rather discredited Trobes of James Febrèr speaks of a particular Hospitaller contingent when considering the Hospitaller knight Peter Matoses, "cap dels demés de sa Religió," a man who "en armes è en lletres fonch molt erudit" (troba 318, p. 171).

66. S. García Larragueta, in his El gran priorado de Navarra de la orden de San Juan de Jerusalén, siglos xii-xiii, 2 vols. (Pamplona, 1957); restated again in his "El carácter de los primeros establecimientos de la orden de San Juan en el reino de Navarra," Annales de l'ordre souverain miitaire de Maite, XIX (1961), 18-23. On the Order at this period see also Anthony Luttrell, "The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1291-1310," English Historical Review, LXXVI (1961), 1-19.

67. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R4 (April 1171): "castella in hyspania...cerveria scilicet et chulleria"; and R18 (Sept. 6, 1210) for the rights "in Villa de Burriana et infra omnes terminos suos." For Olocau see Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, pp. 126, 251. On Oropesa see the grant in "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. LXXI, BSCC, XXIII (1947), 279-280; and Ramón de María, "Oropesa, por donación y cambio, para la orden de San Juan del Hospital," ibid., pp. 283-286. See also Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 40, fol. 150v (Aug. 30, 1278); and in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R98 (Sept. 3, 1250); and notes 80, 127.

68. Cartulaire général de l'ordre des hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem (1100-1310), ed. J. Delaville Le Roulx, 4 vols. (Paris, 1894-1901), II, doc. 2,201 (June 12, 1238). The estate "Damocrem" refers to the previous holder "Amocres."

69. Colección diplomática, doc. 105 (Jan. 15, 1233) for Torrente, Silla. Possession was taken of both, in April 1238 (Fernando Liorea, Una fundación del siglo xiii, San Juan del Hospital de Valencia [Valencia, 1930], p. 46; document also given on pp. 46-47n.). See Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 389. Samper has the Hospital holding Sueca still at the end of the century (Samper, Montesa ilustrada, I, 14n.); and King James has the Amposta commander ill here in 1273: "in quodam loco ipsius ordinis nomine Zuecha qui est in Termino de Cuyllera" (Itinerari, p. 489).

70. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R28, and copies on R29-30 (June 28, 1233): "que fuerunt et tenebant Abdezalem Sarracenus...cum tota illa hereditate her[e]ma et populata que pertinebat eidem Sarraceno." For a different version of this grant, see R39-40 (Nov. 9).

71. Ibid., R33; copies in R34-36 (July 25, 1233): "et universis."

72. "Repartiment" de Burriana, p. 35 (June 11, 1234).

73. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, Rio, copies on 51-53 (Dec. 23, 1235): an alod "per puram concessionem, donationem et confirmationem nostram." Copy in Bibl. Univ. Val., codex 145, no. 10.

74. Aguilar, Noticias de Segorbe, I, 77. Pope Gregory IX set up a commission of inquiry on the dispute on December 7, 1236. Cf. Privilegios reales, p. 79. They won the churches and church revenues of Castielfabib. The Temple too has rents here.

75. Cartulaire de l'ordre des hospitaliers, II, doc. 2,220, on February 5, before the city's fall. See also Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 49, and Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, p. 251.

76. Colección diplomática, doc. 1,046 (an. 1243), for San Mateo. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 41, fol. 102 (July 5, 1279) for Cálig, a royal order to Peñíscola officials: "restituatis et tradatis Comendatori Cervanie ordinis hospitalis possessionem loci de Calix et omnibus fructibus..." See also the dispute involving Cálig in James I, perg. 1,451.

77. The story of the Hospitallers in Cullera is told by A. Piles Ibars, Historia de Culera (Sueca, 1893), esp. ch. 12. A 1241 arbitration gave the castle and half the countryside to the Order, half to the king; Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 15; Arch. Cath., perg. 1,307; Itinerari, p. 143; published in Hospital Cartulaire, II, doc. 2,254; cf. also doc. 2,363 where the Order settles a Cullera farm on a widow. A privilege in Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 1,456, allows them to have a Cullera justiciar elected with all civil and criminal justice. On Sueca see Privilegios reales, p. 68.

78. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R71 (July 18, 1240): "quasdam bonas domos in Denia et decem iovatas." Cartulaire, II, 2,255. See also Arch. Crown, Real Patrimonio, Real Casa, extra series (James I), doc. no. 68.

79. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., R100, copies on 101-102 (April 5, 1252): "quoddam Alfondicum in Xativa...ad opus faciendi domos."

80. "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. LXXIII, BSCC, XXIII (1947), 280-282. See also the Llibre dels feyts, ch. 230, for their holding Burriana early. At the siege of Foyos, to cite an example of small but important gifts, King James gave the provincial master of the Hospitallers the fifth-share of a Burriana mill he had acquired (Itinerari, p. 118; Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R49, June 25, 1235). On the Traiguera and similar holdings in dispute, see below, p. 188.

81. Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 283.

82. Its secular settlement document of 1241 which later came into Montesa hands is in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa codex Poblaciones, fol. 37v. On Hospitaller possession see Privilegios reales, p. 81; Nomenclátor, p. 340.

83. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 41, fol. 91 (June 3, 1279): "dummodo domus hospitalis Burriane solvat vobis illos denarios cene...non petatis ab ipsis hominibus de Vilaphameç ipsam cenam, cum dictis locus sit...sub dicta domo..." There is a statement of tithe customs for Villafamés, drawn by the Hospital in 1283, close to the rules of James in 1268; cf. "Declaración de costumbres de Villafamés," BSCC, III (1922), 390-393; it is in the series "Colección de cartas pueblas," though the settlement charter had already been given in 1241 and may be found here on pp. 264-265. The Hospital undertook settlement projects at Villafamés in 1283 and Perpunchent in 1289; they bought the mero et mixto imperio jurisdiction over Villafamés from the crown in 1312 for 35,000 solidi of Barcelona.

84. Samper, Montesa ilustrada, I, 14n. See Privilegios reales, p. 79.

85. Cartulaire, III, doc. 3,735 (Dec. 2, 1280). Arch. Crown, Peter III, perg. 222 (idem). See also E. Bayerri, Llibre de privilegis de la vila de Ulldecona, cartulario de la militar y soberana orden de San Juan de Jerusalén (ahora de Malta) en su comendadoría de Ulldecona...(Tortosa, 1951), p. 13. Cf. Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, p. 251 ; Privilegios reales, pp. 77, 81; Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 340. See too the Onda documents and settlement in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa codex Poblaciones i privilegios, index ("de la vila i moreries donda"); and Ords. Milits., Montesa, R87-90 (April 28, 1248), description in non-Hospitaller license.

86. Torrente should be the key commandery for the Valencia kingdom (see note 95 with text), but Miret y Sans found no commander before the fourteenth century. Miret believes there was a residence at Morella. For Roslain (Roscelin?) see Momblanch, Historia de la Albufera, documentary appendix, doc. 1 (Oct. 20, 1242); for Guerard and Sila's William see Antigüedades, I, 296-297; for Granyen or Grañana see Llorca, San Juan, p. 47; for John of Paris, Arch. Cath., perg. 2,391, Sept. 18; cf. also Miret, Cases de templers, pp. 126, 251. Miravalls is commander "bajulie Valencie." Samper puts a commandery at Perpunchent at least at the beginning of the next century (Montesa ilustrada, I, 14n.). Raymond of "Ciri" commands in 1235 at Oropesa. The 1237 Rossell settlement charter gives "Valleforti" and "Bellovicino." Sanchís Sivera has Peter of Queralt at Valencia city in 1244 (Nomenclátor, p. 392); this seems unlikely: cf. note 121. "Valfort" is conjectural for "de Valleforti", perhaps in Languedoc.

87. Arch. Cath., pergs. 1,315, 2,313 (both Oct. 28, 1243); 2,411, 2,314, 4,104 (all Oct. 29, 1243); and 2,315 (Aug. 31, 1244). Cullera received the attention of a separate document. The day after the accord was signed, Amposta issued a settlement charter to Silla, in which the castellan noted: "decimam et primiciam quam nobis et domui Hospitalis de omnibus fructibus prebeatis" ("Colección de cartas pueblas," no. IV, BSCC, II [1921], 23-24). Later one finds them (1283) receiving only a third of the tithe at Castielfabib; but this may refer merely to the portion credited to the account of the non-Valencian commandery at Aliaga. Were Montroy and Macastre under direct Hospitaller control in the thirteenth century? It is likely; but perhaps only the patronage of the church was theirs. Both places were givento Roderick of Lizana in 1238, and their subsequent ownership is obscure; in 1319 Bernard of Boxadós held Macastre, and later the count of Buñol; in 1436 the order of Montesa secured the lordship of Montroy.

88. Arch. Cath., perg. 4,104 (Oct. 29, 1243); and perg. 2,391 (Sept. 28, 1255).

89. See, for example, the notice of appeal to Rome, in Arch. Cath., perg. 4,647 (July 16, 1263). This argument concerned injuries the knights claimed to have suffered from the chapter in the latter's capacity as lord of Albal. The chapter protests: "non concedimus dictas injurias esse illatas per nos nec dicta dampna esse data....Item quia ospitalarii nullum Iudicem habent supra se nisi Romanum pontificem...ad eundem tanquam ad specialem iudicem nostrum incontinenti nunc ut tunc appeilamus." On their litigation with the Calatrava knights, see note 97.

90. Cartulaire, III, doc. 3,091 (April 8, 1264).

91. See Chapter XII, note 15 and text.

92. Samper, Montesa ilustrada, part 4, art. 4.

93. Arch. Cath. Tortosa, cartulary no. VIII, fols. 90-92 (1243). On the Hospitallers in the Tortosa diocese, especially outside the kingdom of Valencia, see Bayerri, Historia de Tortosa, VII, 499 ff., 513-521.

94. The conjecture of Llorca, based upon their usual custom; he also says flatly that theirs was the first church opened to worship after the cathedral (San Juan del Hospital, pp. 31, 22). The castellan of Amposta Peter of Egea had received a sizable pre-grant of buildings here on April 26, 1238 (Antigüedades de Valencia, I, 296). Teixidor offers a more solid evidence for hospital work in Valencia city, from the unusual extent of their cemetery and the supply of oils for the last sacraments.

95. Llorca, San Juan del Hospital, pp. 44-45; but see above, note 86. The comensales are beneficed chaplains who are not really brothers (p. 45); there were other beneficed "outside" priests attached to the house. On non-Hospitaller care of the church see the reference, to past custom, in Lettres communes de Jean XXII, VII, 118-119, no. 30,882 (Dec. 30, 1327).

96. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,391 (Sept. 28, 1255).

97. Antigüedades de Valencia, II, 254-255 (Jan. 20, 1241). They proceeded to carry on extensive litigation with Calatrava over the intervening space, until 1273 (ibid.).

98. Llorca, San Juan del Hospital, p. 51; Antigüedades de Valencia, I, 296-297. On William, see above, Chapter IX, note 99.

99. Llorca, San Juan, p. 52; Antigüedades, I, 299-300. On Dalmau, see above, p. 127 with note 99.

100. Cartulaire, II, doc. 3,091; Simon of Luesia is the Roderick Ximèn de Luesia below, in note 134. He was at the king's side in many important affairs between 1221 and 1237, giving James Chivert in 1237 for Foyos (Itinerari, pp. 38, 45, 49, 51, 56, 57, 79, 86, 89, 91, 94, 96, 105, 108, 109, 112, 114, 115, 117, 118, 122, 128).

101. I was unable to see her tomb in Valencia, but was assured by the caretaker that it had been all but destroyed during the bombings of the recent civil war. See Llorca, San Juan del Hospital, pp. 52 ff.; Antigüedades de Valencia, I, 300-301; also D. J. Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258-1282: A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), pp. 48, 60, 144-145; and Gustave Schlumberger, "Le tombeau d'une imperatrice Byzantine a Valence en Espagne," Byzance et croisades, pages médiévales (Paris, 1927), pp. 57-86, with plates.

102. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,351 (June 24, 1274): "eligo sepulturam meam in cimiterio hospitalis sancti Iohannis Ierosolomitani"; three hundred solidi are to be used to pay his debts "et pro ornamentis sepulture mee."

103. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,354 (Sept. 30, 1276): "et dimitto hospitali sancti Iohanis decem sol."

104. Llorca, San Juan del Hospital, p. 32. This monograph furnishes interesting photographs of the elements remaining from the Gothic church, as well as a map exactly situating it in the streets of modern Valencia.

105. Mundy, Toulouse, pp. 4-5.

106. Bayerri, Historia de Tortosa, VII, 143-145; e.g. Ulldecona 1222, Amposta 1226, Godall 1228, Pauls 1228 and 1239, Mas de Barberáns 1235, Caries 1237, Alfara 1237, Alcanar 1238, La Vall 1238.

107. Some of these are published in the series "Colección de cartas pueblas," in BSCC. No. IV is for Silla (1243; see above, note 87). No. LXXIV is for Cervera (1235; XXIII [1947], 389-390). No. LXXXVII is for Rossell (1237; XXXVII [1961], 127-129). The charter for Sueca, and other places of the Cullera district, has been edited by Roque Chabás in El archivo (1244; II [1888-1889], 386-390, and see 205-208). A license to settle Cullera is in Arch. Nac. Madrid (Ords. Milits., Montesa, R98; Sept. 3, 1250), by which both the king and the Amposta castellan allow John of Paris, preceptor of the Valencia house, "plenariam potestatem stabiliendi et populandi ad octavum omnes alquerias et terminum Castri de Cuylera." The Cervera, San Mateo, and Carrascal charters are in copy at Bibl. Univ. Val., codex 145. Many of the settlements are indicated in Privilegios reales, section III, passim; see too the Montesa codex in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Poblaciones (index sub "Cervera"), and also the Nomenclátor de Valencia, pp. 341, 392-394, and passim.

108. Nomenclátor, p. 406.

109. Privilegios, pp. 11-12. See Luttrell, "Aragonese Crown and Hospitallers," p.6 and passim for background and details.

110. Soldevila, Pere el Gran, IV, [pt. 2, I], 100, doc. 87.

111. For example, in 1332 King Alphonse reminded Montesa and the Hospital that they were obliged to defend the Valencia frontier as long as the current war lasted, and not only for the king's lands but for those of the barons (Arch. Crown, Liber patrimonii regni Valentiae, fol. 185r).

112. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R14-15 (Jan. 27, 1208): "attendentes quam fideliter, quam solicite, quamque devote Fratres militie templi, ubicumque christiane fidei religio viget, eius propagationi et defensioni intendunt; considerantes etiam quam utiles, quam fideles, et quam necessarii fuerunt predecessoribus nostris in omnibus, que ad ampliationem christianitatis visa sunt expedire, et quantum nos ipsos in nostris necessitatibus curaverunt adiuvare..." Background information and bibliography on the Order may conveniently be found in Thomas W. Parker, The Knights Templars in England (Tucson, Ariz., 1963); the Order's knights, of noble lineage, may not have numbered more than four or five hundred; the dark-robed sergeants, often serving as light-armed troops, and the menial brothers, were numerous (pp. 7, 135-136).

113. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., R70-74 (Oct. 18, 1238): "reducentes ad memoriam grata servitia que vos...nobis fecistis et facitis cotidie et fecistis specialiter nune in adquisicione Civitatis et Regni Valentie."

114. Llibre dels feyts, ch. 559. The Trobes, for what it is worth, has "Donis Sent Feliu, frances de nació" as one Templar on the crusade (troba 465, p. 245); and a Peter Boix from Pau in Languedoc ("entre los Templaris assisti en la guerra," troba 202, p. 63); and the Templar John Matoses (perhaps related to the Hospitaller Peter Matoses of troba 318; troba 317, p. 170). In the Llibre dels feyts James several times speaks of their military service in the war, as in ch. 235 where the contingents of the Hospital, Temple, Calatrava, and Santiago appear.

115. Itinerari, p. 93.

116. Llibre, ch. 165; Itinerari, pp. 104-105.

117. Llibre, ch. 192; Itinerari, pp. 118, 129.

118. Llibre, ch. 295.

119. Itinerari, pp. 167, 218.

120. Ibid., p. 276.

121. Samper, Montesa ilustrada, doc, on II, 822 (Pontons); Llibre dels feyts, ch. 446, gives Queralt as one "who held the place of the master of the Temple." On Queralt, who may not have been a Templar himself, see Itinerari, pp. 63, 133, 134, 174, 219, 228, 244, 459, 467, 489, 505, 515, 578.

122. Itinerari, pp. 400, 473, 480, 496-497.

123. Llibre dels feyts, ch. 559; Itinerari, p. 536. Berengar of St. Just was master for Aragon and Catalonia in 1283.

124. Itinerari, pp. 167, 385. Though the citations for all the men in this paragraph are to the printed sources, names of other provincial masters do not stand out in the Barcelona and Madrid registers. Zapater in his Cister militante gives Astrug of "Claramont" in 1239, Bartholomew of Belvis (lt.) in 1276 (p. 110). In Majorca, a situation analogous to that of Valencia, it is interesting to know that there was a series of seventeen commanders from 1234 to 1300, of terms varying from two to ten years, a series of four lieutenants for them (1239-1300) resident for Pollensa, six rectors and vicars in a series from 1252 to 1300 at the church of Pollensa, and four bailiffs (Rotger y Capllonch, Historia de Pollensa, I, 44-46).

125. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,441, a local agreement; one cannot be sure that there is nothing earlier. The care with which similar general agreements were preserved, both at the cathedral and in the records of the Orders, inclines one to believe that none was made, though the suppression of the Temple may have led to neglect about documents whose subjects were already covered in other agreements held by the group taking over the properties. The time lapse was similar to that in Majorca a few years earlier; after a rough working agreement had led to difficulties, an arbitration had been arranged in 1240; some of its provisions being ill-defined, renewed quarrels led to a definitive arbitration in 1257 (Rotger y Capllonch, Pollensa, I, 35).

126. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R113, copy on 114; and also in Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 11, fol. 167v (June 21, 1259): "magis utile et fructuosum domui"; there had been an oven here in the first place, and its concession was meant to allow room for a cemetery; instead, the Templars after some reflection rebuilt the oven and obtained from the king a confirmation and a monopoly on baking for their section of the city. Their preoccupation with ovens was also noticed by Miret y Sans (Cases de templers, p. 257).

127. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., R1 (November 1169): "illud castrum de Xivert, et illud castrum quod vulgo dicitur Or[o]pesa." See too Colección diplomática, doc. 112 (July 22, 1233); and "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. XLII, BSCC, XIV (1933), 169-170.

128. On Oropesa see notes 67, 80, 127.

129. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., R7 (July 18, 1181): "castrum de Mont-Tornes, quandocumque Deus...pervenire concesserit."

130. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., R19 (Nov. 5, 1211): "cum turre...et cum omnibus terminis."

131. Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, p. 254.

132. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R20 (May 22, 1213): "de Qullar, quam cito deus illud deus [sic] dederit." And see the copy in "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. XXIX, BSCC, XI (1930), 355-357; it was given "cum omnibus ecclesiis que ibi et infra termino[s] supradictos construentur et fient vel forte facte sunt, cum hereditatibus et iuribus omnibus mesquitarum et primiciis, oblacionibus et defuncionibus et aliis ecclesiarum iuribus universis...salvo tamen iure episcopali."

133. The Order bought it on March 27, 1303 ("Colección de cartas pueblas," no. XXXII; see above, Chapter IX, note 167 and text). In 1274 Santiago had negotiated for Culla and may briefly have held it. The Hospitallers appear to have had it, or to have claimed it, toward the end of the century.

134. The royal grant of Chivert to Roderick Simon of Luesia (or Llucia, perhaps Lluça castle) is in the "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. XLII (see above, notes 100, 127). The grant to the Temple is in no. XLIV (July 22, 1233), ibid., pp. 172-173. See too Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R54, where James defends their holding of the "Castrum illud et Villam" against Roderick (Mar. 15, 1236). On Pulpis see below, note 173.

135. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R25, copies in 26-27 (June 17, 1233): "Alqueriam que dicitur Benahamet, et Alqueriam que dicitur Mantella, que sunt in termino Burriane." The Arch. Crown cartulary has "Benaham" (reg. 310, fol. 46r).

136. Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 495 ("quandam partem ville noviter acquisite"); Colección diplomática, doc. 114 (July 25, 1233). "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. LII, BSCC, XV (1934), 68-69. Copies too in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R37-38.

137. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R57, and copies on 58-59 (Sept. 15, 1237): "alqueriam nostram que dicitur Cecha que est in Burriana cum terminis et pertinenciis suis, cum introitibus et exitibus, cum melioramentis ibi factis et faciendis, cum pratis, pascuis, herbis, aquis, et lignis." The Arch. Crown cartulary has "Sera," i.e. Serra (Reg. 310, fol. 47).

138. Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 960; cf. Colección diplomática, doc. 273; El archivo, II (1887-1888), 350.

139. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R80, copy on 81 (May 29, 1246): "per alodium proprium, franchum et liberum, turrim et Alcheriam que vocatur Moncada sitam in orta sive termino Civitatis Valencie quam emimus a Petro de Montecatano et Alcheriam que vocatur Carpesa, quam emimus a Bernardo Vitalis notario nostro, et undecim iovatas terre, quas emimus a Guialmono Scriba nostro." See also Colección diplomática, docs. 293, 299. Carpesa had been given to Bernard Vidal of Besalú on May 28, 1238; the king recovered it and gave it to the Templars in 1246; they and their successors of Montesa would keep it.

140. Arch. Nac. Madrid, ibid., R92, copy on 93 (Oct. 13, 1248): "quasdam domos infra muros Ville de Liria...de una turre ad aliam et continet in se tres Turres duorum murorum."

141. "Repartiment" de Burriana, p. 63 (Oct. 24, 1249).

142. Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 142.

143. Miret y Sans, Cases de tempiers, p. 341. Colección diplomática, doc. 925 (June 23, 1266): "domos...et algorfam ipsarum domorum....Quae quidem domos sunt in Murcia in parte Christianorum, secundum quod eas assignavimus et dedimus ordini supradicto, quando in civitate Murcie eramus personaliter constituti....Damus eciam...ortum."

144. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R141 (Aug. 1, 1283): "inde medietatem nobis pertinentem, et collector Templi aliam medietatem."

145. Escolano, Décadas, I, 588. The church here belonged to the Segorbe bishop who yielded it to the Valencia diocese in 1277.

146. The Templars have Peñíscola in the Repartimiento (see Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, pp. 256-257). The castle and town were actually given by a grant of September 15, 1294 (see below, note 148).

147. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R99 (Sept. 10, 1251): "de hereditate vestra de Maçaroyos et de hereditate...subtus cequiam de Moncada," from Simon Peter of Arenós to the Temple, here confirmed. Nomenclátor, p. 118, for Benifaraig.

148. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R274-276 (Sept. 15, 1294) and R159-160 (Sept. 18, 1294). See Bayerri, Llibre de privilegis de Ulldecona, pp. 13, 76-79.

149. Colección diplomática, doc. 1064 (Aug. 27, 1250): "quia nobis constat quod fratres templi eiecerunt violenter vos...monachos monasterii de Beniffaçano de possessione de Raffalgari quam vos tenebatis...restituimus vobis..." This is not the Rafelguaraf near Játiva, but a town just across the Tortosa border (no longer existing; see the story below, in Chapter XII, notes 47-48, 60, and text).

150. For Moncada folk, for example, from "leudas, pedagia, vel portagia, seu passagia" (Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R120-121 [Mar. 19, 1268]). Or see the general privilege of James I, extended in 1294, in R156-157.

151. Arch. Crown, Canc., Cart., Reg. 310, fol. 47 (1235).

152. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 10, fol. 82v (July 1, 1258); cartulary, Reg. 310, fol. 54). For the earlier documents, see "Repartiment" de Burriana, p. 62; Colección diplomática, doc. 329 (July 21, 1247). For Almenara and Morella see Col. dip., doc. 380; May 19. On the Templars as bankers and money lenders, cf. the English experience in Parker, Knights Templars, pp. 58-80.

153. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R68 (Oct. 18, 1238): "illam turrim magnam in Valentia, que est ad portam que dicitur Bebaxachaç cum mure et barbacana et cum omnibus domibus."

154. Colección diplomática, doc. 299 (May 29, 1246): "frater Gauterius" signs as commander of "Valencia and Villela"; Miret y Sans argues that the actual commandery perhaps did not exist.

155. See Miret y Sans, Cases de templers, p. 156.

156. Bach is in Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 1,787; Ça Corbella is ibid., Peter III, perg. 183. Bergua is ibid., perg. 468. Peyronet is "comendatori Burriane et elemosinario nostro" in Arch. Nac. Mad., Montesa, R132 (1276). See also Cartoral dels templers de les comandes de Gardeny y Barbens, ed. J. Miret y Sans (Barcelona, 1899), p. 21.

157. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 16, fol. 249v (June 26, 1271): "patuum ad opus domorum ad portam civitatis domus templi Valencie, [quod: margin cut] affrontat in mesquita que ibi est"; and James I, perg. 2,077.

158. A copy of this clarification of October 22, 1238 is among the Order's papers (Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R69-70: "Cimitaria, Meschite omnes, magne et parve").

159. Colección diplomática, doc. 299 (May 29, 1246): "retento nobis iure nostro in duabus partibus decime quam episcopus et capitulum percipit in Ruçafa...immo contra episcopum et dictum capitulum...ius nostrum libere intentare possimus."

160. Arch. Cath., pergs. 2,437, 2,433 (Jan. 19, 1262: xiv kals. February 1262 an. inc.).

161. In May of 1282 Peter ordered a farmer of revenues to stop molesting the Burriana Templars for a tithe of their lands or else to take the case before a royal judge (Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 61, fol. 187).

162. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 50, fol. 162v (July 18, 1281): "quam tertiam partem baiulus anni preteriti emparavit."

163. Arch. Cath. Tortosa, cajón Subtesorería, no.95 (1251); cajón Diezmos, no. 17 (1243); eartulary II, fols. 127 ff. (1263). Samper, Montesa ilustrada, II, 822 ff."Repartiment" de Burriana, pp. 48-55 (May 14).

164. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 42, fol. 230 (Mar. 7, 1280): "instituit unum presbiterim in capella domus Templi in Valencia." See also the documents in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R134 (Mar. 7, and May 12, 1280).

165. The original grant to William was on April 30, 1238; a copy bearing the date of the transfer to the Temple (Oct. 30) is in Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa, R63: "Alqueriam de Barbatur, et domos in Valencia." See also the Nomenclátor, p. 155 (May 2, 1238); and Privilegios reales, p. 67 (Oct. 30, 1238). On William of (Ça) Portella see Itinerari, pp. 44, 54, 131, 174.

166. Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 1,556 (Jan. 29, 1258).

167. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,354 (Sept. 30, 1276).

168. Escolano tells of the tomb and of a chapel from the family (Décadas, I, 514). Zanoguera (Sa Noguera) is among the knights summoned by name in 1275 to help the king fight the Valencian Moslems (Itinerari, p. 526).

169. See will in Chapter VII, note 59. His knights and esquires are to receive something, and much is to be divided "inter Templarios et alios religiosos."

170. A series of thirteen inventories of movable properties in the Templar houses of Aragon and Catalonia, in 1289-1299, unfortunately include only one Valencian commandery; and they date from the more peaceful last decade of the century ("Inventaris de les cases del temple de la corona d'Aragó en 1289," ed. J. Miret y Sans, BRABL, VI [1911], 61-75). Later inventories (1308 ff.) made by order of the king may be seen in "Inventaris inèdits de l'ordre del temple a Catalunya" (ed. J. Rubió et alii, Institut d'estudis catalans, Anuari, I [1907], 385-407). There is an inventory of liturgical books and objects of Peñíscola castle (pp. 391, 393-396, 405-406), and for Játiva castle (p. 399); they indicate a good amount of revenue but not great wealth.

171. Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 881 (1242).

172. Lettres communes de Jean XXII, VI, 264, no. 26,053 (July 23, 1326): "domos et possessiones in civitate Valentina, ac in de Cervaria, de Peniscola, de Xivert, de Polpiz, de Lescoves, de Cuylla, de Ares, de Onda, de Villafamez et de Perpuxen castris, et in locis de Castrofabib et de Adamiis, ac in de Burriana et de Cuecha villis et in eorum territoriis consistentes, Dertusen., Valentin., et Segobricen....cum caeteris bonis...in regno Valentie." The list refers also to Hospitaller lands acquired, but in the main concerns Templar holdings. Cf. with it no. 64,315 (in XIII, 228) of March 30, 1323: "per earum infeudationem" with a yearly rental and share in profits. For Hospitaller ownership of Perpunchent and Villafamés in the thirteenth century see above, notes 82, 83.

173. Arch. Nac. Madrid, Montesa codex, Poblaciones, index and fols. 16-17 (1245); cf. Nomenclátor de Valencia, p. 155. The Order gets a third of the produce. See also Privilegios reales, pp. 67, 75-76 (where Forcalquier is erroneously made a Templar), 143-144. As an example of Templar settlement policy the later (1287) charter for settling Pulpis is conveniently published in the "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. LXXV, BSCC, XXIV (1948), 65-66.

174. Privilegios, pp. 9-11, editorial comment. There is a useful Temple cartulary in the Arch. Nac. Madrid (codices, sig. mod. 1,3,2). No. 50 is a confirmation by Innocent IV of all the castles and properties given them by James I (Jan. 4, 1245): "tots castels, les possessions e los altres bens los cals lo car encrist fiyl nostre Rey Darago noble avos ab piadosa endiscreta voluntat dona axi con les letres..." There are formidable privileges (e.g. no. 114), Valencian pre-grants (no. 125), and tax exemptions such as "dalcun logar del regne d[e] Valencia...pagar alcunys leudes peatges portages o passatges en alcun logar" (no. 180; Mar. 19, 1267). See also the codex, sig. mod. 1,032. In Arch. Crown see the cartulary in reg. 309 (Liber privilegiorum templariorum); and especially that in reg. 310 (Privilegia templariorum), fols. 43-54, for such acquisitions as Chivert, the Gandía market, the Valencia tower, and Carpesa. See also Manuel Magallón, "Los templarios de la corona de Aragón, índice de su