The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia

Robert Ignatius Burns, S.J.


The Parish as a Frontier Institution

[54] Unhappily there would be elbowing and unseemly noise when the moment came to plant a Christian church. But there would be no uncertain movements, no need to experiment. The diocesan mechanism in all its functions -- financial, legal, social, spiritual, and liturgical -- could begin evolving in 1238 with a minimum of time and effort. Like a blueprint, evolved by generations of men in divers lands, it lay ready.


The parish network represented the combat front, from both a religious and a social point of view. It had to be set up in rudimentary form immediately, before the cathedral and diocesan mechanisms. Within the city of Valencia king and metropolitan would organize the parishes even before the municipal government. This was no accident but farsighted policy. The procedure constituted "an element of prime importance for transforming provisional occupation into definitive organization."(1)

By modern standards the parish system was primitive. It could not deliver to its people an educated clergy nor a decent supply of sermons. It could not always control the appointments of men to its service or, once appointed, command effective discipline. Quarrels and lawsuits shook it like a fever. Scandals frequently rocked it. The changing temper of the times wore irritably against it like a friction. Yet it was capable of surprising adaptation. And it could, after initial conflict, cooperate with those auxiliary institutions which had evolved to meet modern needs.

Above all, it was admirably suited to do the one essential: it could carry to every corner of the new realm the sacraments, the liturgy, and the whole range of para-liturgical ceremonies and customs. Each separate church of the far-flung system was thus able to create its own atmosphere, an added dimension of symbolism by which the ordinary was clothed with sacramental significance. The liturgy, pageantry, and customs transported to the frontier a religious world of sight and sound, the daily public office and sung Mass, the procession and the ceremony, the votive lamp and the wayside shrine. It was an Old Testament world of tithes and theocratic overtones. It was a world which somewhat neglected preaching (though this was now [55] changing) but which fed upon the chanted service and occasional confession, the blessing of crops, the solemnities of the current marriage, baptism, or funeral, and the recurrent feast days in the cycle of ecclesiastical seasons. These set the mood and temper of the people. It was an ecclesiastical world somehow Byzantine, in many ways prescholastic, and only incipiently Franciscan or Dominican in tone.

In remoter parishes where the appurtenances might be few and shabby, the caliber of appreciation in art and symbolism was correspondingly less discriminating; thus the impact of the ceremonies, while suffering a measure of diminution, might still be considerable. This complex of ceremony was so fused into the details of ordinary living as to be, to a degree, inescapable. In such a context experience and feeling managed somehow to convey considerable instruction. At the same time, they reinforced the convictions of the participants, joined the parishioners in the solidarity of a group, related them to a sweep of history, and emphasized for them both the objective and subjective dimensions which characterized the Christian way of life.

How deeply such roots would strike or how firmly hold against a hostile wind is another question. When suddenly cut off from them and immersed in the counteratmosphere of Islam, Spanish Christians too often gradually lost their spirit and eventually drifted as material advantage and environment urged.(2) The identifying of religious and social observances of a society into a communal whole, however beneficial it may temporarily be to purely religious values, may also compromise and even destroy those values. There is danger that a façade of conformity to the group may conceal a slowness to move from the external perception to a true engagement, and to a personal and individual commitment. But as a conditioner, an atmosphere, an auxiliary, this complex of ceremony and symbolism was invaluable.

The Roman liturgy had been well established for over a century among James's subjects.(3) Its direct, logical, restrained nature would commend itself even to the simple, in the more official acts of communal worship. The very calendar of the new realm was Christian. The conquered majority might retain their Moslem Friday as the most important day of the week; but, by Valencian law, they had to show open respect for the Christian minority's Sunday. By law all public baths and ovens in the Valencian kingdom closed on Sundays and on Good Friday, even for Moslems. When the priest carried the Host through the streets, the Moslem too must fall on his knees or else vacate the locality completely, under pain of heavy fine or whipping.(4) The liturgical feast days became the public holidays and festive seasons; each one seemed to gather about it an impressive corona of legend and fascinating local custom.

The muezzin would still call from the minaret. But now his sound was challenged and overborne by that clangor so hateful to the Valencian Moslems: the ringing of the church bells "by day and by night."(5) There are [56] bitter references by Moslem authors to the blasphemous din of the bells, which deafened pious Moslem ears in the conquered kingdom of Valencia.(6) In Segorbe the first ringing of the church bells had precipitated a serious anti-Christian riot.(7) There was reason for this. The bells spoke the language of the Christian conqueror. The parish bells tolled over the village for the dying, and for the dead; they marked the progress of the Mass; they rang out interminably in honor of a vigil, of a feast, of a marriage. The bells "do much to perpetuate the sense of community," remarks a modern observer of the Catalan scene; "it is incredible how many rhythms and sentiments two miserable bells can be made to express...; [they] impose emotions on you; thus the whole village hangs on their words and possesses a unity dictated by them."(8)

In the more important parishes of the realm, and especially at the cathedral, the round of plays and dramatic programs in church would have been a popular adjunct. At this date they were probably in the vernacular; and in this mobile time they would have been readily accessible to many Valencians. Unlike Castile, a modern authority on the medieval liturgical drama comments, Catalonia was "one of the great centers of the liturgical drama in the Middle Ages," with an ancient dramatic tradition and deep roots in the Roman-French rite. The plays here, he says, had an "extraordinary success." Gerona and Barcelona were important dramatic centers. "In few churches of Europe it seems were liturgical plays more popular" than in conquered Majorca, whose history so closely parallels that of Valencia.

Unfortunately, the lack of thirteenth-century Valencian records, in contrast to the richness of later documentation, has misled modern researchers. It has been all too easy to assume that King James found the Mozarabic rite in possession in Valencia, so that drama had no friendly soil. The argument from silence and the argument from a ghost community of Mozarabs might combine to persuade one that the liturgical drama was a late import, exploding "in triumphant fashion" in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.(9) But Valencian records have suffered wholesale destructions, and Mozarabism was insignificant and perhaps nonexistent at Valencia in 1238. Even had the Mozarabic rite flourished, the dominant Catalan religious groups which immediately flooded in from the north would have carried the liturgical play with them, just as they brought in their other religious forms.

Implicit in all these religious values and symbols was a specific set of additional secular and cultural forms. The very mood or measure in which expression was given to the former was native to the latter. Other secular forms comprised a context in which the religious or religious-social forms coexisted, so that to recall the one would be to invoke the other. The ringing of a village church bell could thus evoke -- in an instinctive, penumbral fashion -- the whole world of juristic ideas and usage, of ethic and moral, of [57] personal and social values, of artistic, political, and community activities. Heredity and immediate environment may seem decisive in setting the forms of a society, but even more important is this hidden environment: one's history and traditions, an inheritance tied intricately into particular sensile forms.

The clerics who surrounded King James -- the first Valencian canons were from his curia -- knew the parochial system. He had only to let these men go busily to work on the Moslem milieu, and in a trice his people would be breathing their native spiritual air, as at Barcelona, Zaragoza, or Montpellier. Part of the achievement loosely attributable to James therefore, the swift assimilation of people to country, should be credited to an institution, the parish.

It is in the perspective of parochial liturgical aims, which required a staff in each small parish, that one must view the plaint of the Valencian bishop and chapter, a plaint otherwise absurd, that the diocese was suffering from a lack of clergy. Outside help must be sought "because of the newness of the land and the scarcity of priests."(10) The patronage of a prebend was sold because the bishop and chapter desired "to afford, with respect to the ministers of Christ, more ample worship of the divine name, having weighed the need and utility of our church and the scarcity of clergy."(11) The same formula appears in a later transaction;(12) yet the cathedral alone had by this date long been able to support the services of fifteen canons with their assistants.(13)

In contemporary England (1238) the celebrated bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste, expected to find in each parish a priest, deacon, subdeacon, and helpers, and in the poorest parishes at least an assisting clerk. The Oxford council of 1222 would have liked, for the suitable service of the altar, two or three of the clerics in each parish to be priests. Out of three million population in England at this time, a modern authority estimates forty thousand clerics plus seventeen thousand monks or friars. He suggests an average of four or five clerics per parish, "something like one in twelve of the adult male population." Yearly "some thirteen hundred boys in England" became clerics.(14)

In the realms of King James of Aragon a general air of religious revival, stimulated especially by the appearance of the new Orders, was combining with the economic progress in town and countryside, to effect a large increase in endowed benefices in the thirteenth century. King James and his successors enthusiastically shared in this movement, but not necessarily from motives of purest piety. There were more immediate advantages for the founding patron, and for the heirs who inherited the rights of patronage to chantry or chapel. Consequently, Vincke can speak bluntly of the crown's "self-interest," and even of an ecclesiastical-political "Patronatspolitik," in founding such benefices in Valencia and elsewhere.(15)

[58] Parochial staffs are only infrequently glimpsed in records of Valencia. In 1277, for example, Bishop Jazpert admonished the rectors that they should provide legacies in their wills to servitors in their churches, throughout the diocese.(16) Such a staff supposedly would grow quite slowly during this period, the shortage of clergy making it probable that they would at first spread out widely. Near the end of the thirteenth century the basic staff at the parish church of Murviedro (Sagunto) would include no less than three priests and three "scholars," together with "the other personnel proper to the church," all in permanent residence. The number is not deemed excessive; in fact, the document containing this information is complaining that the church is thinly staffed.(17) The priests administering the parish of Segorbe for the bishop of Valencia and the dean, who was absentee rector, numbered by 1272 no less than four: Dominic Valls, Peter of Tárrega, Bernard Finestres, and Peter Zacapella.(18) In 1275 there were two priests at the church of St. Mary in Játiva besides the presumed lesser clerics.(19) The will of Peter of Barberá in 1258, leaving five solidi to the parish of St. Stephen in Valencia, adds two more for its "clerics."(20)

The seriousness of the liturgical idea represented by this multiple clergy is emphasized in one of the earliest disciplinary decrees for the diocese (1255); it warns the Valencian clerics that they imperil their souls by missing, for a few days in a month, the chanting of the office in their country churches. It insists that, even though the pastor visits the capital city and returns the same day to his parish, he is to see that his abandoned flock are provided with these usual ministries. This is hardly the picture of a diocese without clergy, unless we remember that liturgy is here paramount. In this context, too, it is clear why it was not necessary for the bulk of the clergy in Valencia to be priests. Other legislation of that year required the pastors of the diocese to conform the rubrics of their daily chant to those of the cathedral at Valencia; it imposed a fine for those who did not secure a copy of these customs within six months, or for country parishes within a year. This legislation indicates that the people attended the chant, though not how many did so nor how regularly. In 1273 the clergy of the diocese were admonished, when they come to the Pater and the Credo in the office, to chant them slowly and loudly for the instruction of the laity.(21)

In the same liturgical mood King James -- to whom gifts to the churches "do not seem loss of patrimony but gain"(22) -- made it one of his cares, after conquering Játiva, to endow a castle chaplain there who should chant the hours.

Since we James...have wrested from the hands of the infidels the castle of Játiva located in the kingdom of Valencia...the divine office ought always to be celebrated in it. Therefore...have we instituted one chaplaincy for the chapel of the Blessed Mary in the above castle of [59] Játiva, in which one priest will continually celebrate the divine office by day as also by night.(23)
In another Valencian document, James gave as his general purpose in endowing "religious places": "that the divine office be celebrated there unceasingly."(24) The general enthusiasm for endowing perpetual votive lamps, perpetual chantries, and the like, as seen in the gifts and last testaments of Valencians at the period, also reveals something of this liturgical and para-liturgical mood.

The significance of the parish becomes even clearer when one adds the moral ties, the aspect of a common meeting place, the parish council collecting and managing the tax of first fruits, and the role of the parish as a center of social life, of alms for the needy, of asylum for justice, and of gathering for associations and confraternities. The parish harnessed the strong, divisive localism of the period, elevating and universalizing it to help construct a cell of the common Christendom. This was more true of the country parish in King James's realms, where few competing institutions or distractions existed. Here, and much more so on the frontier, it was the major single unifying factor.(25)

External Structure

The parish network, insofar as it can be visualized, displayed a certain symmetry. A large number of units were scattered broadcast throughout the new realm, each performing similar functions, each apparently controlling subordinate nonparochial chapels like satellites. Except in the cities, this parish was a far different unit from its modern namesake. It was as Gratian had called it "a little diocese" in itself, whose dominant church among a group of chapels held a variety of ancient rights and jurisdictions, sole claim to the parochial revenues of this whole area, and sometimes even a court. Its rector, often surrounded by a pseudo-collegiate body of clerics, made the appointments to benefices in the area and conducted visitations. For baptism and for some big feasts like Palm Sunday the people had to attend this central church, receiving in return a visit by the rector and his retinue on the respective patronal feast of each church.

Although this was the hallowed outward form during the period, the modern parish was imperceptibly evolving within it. Spurred on sometimes by local repugnance to the tithes leaving the neighborhood, or to their vicar's being sent them from afar, and perhaps not hindered by bishops who saw the rector as an intermediate and rival, the lesser churches in the parish had been acquiring ever more autonomy, more and more of the functions proper to the central church. In law the hierarchical façade of the parish group remained; in fact, from the point of view of social and sacramental life, there were at this time two kinds of parish. The term parish indeed already [60] had been used by Gratian to denote the area served by one of the lesser churches.(26)

A significant case of this kind seems to have come to a head in the diocese and city of Vich in Catalonia in 1241, where the "rector" of the church of St. Mary's was fighting the "rector" of St. Columba's. There was only one parish, that of St. Columba's, and so it remained. But, with the help of the two lay patrons of the suffragan church of St. Mary's, the following concessions were forced from the parish of St. Columba's in an out-of-court settlement. The pastor was to leave the celebration of all services at the chapel, even on great feasts, to the chaplain; only twelve solidi of Barcelona yearly need be paid to the parish, nothing else; no St. Columba's people were to attend the chapel, but if they chose to be buried there with the St. Mary's people, a mere third of all they gave to the chapel was to go to the parish.(27) At Castellón in the northern part of the Valencian kingdom the pastor refers to his church in 1298 as the "matrix ecclesia" of the town; his was the only parish, and perhaps not too much should be read into the phrase. It is used again for the Murviedro church.(28)

The impetus to local autonomy could operate more freely on a frontier, where jealously guarded prerogatives and petrified traditions had not yet grown up, and where practical needs kept the institutional patterns fluid. The Valencian frontier showed a tendency to organize by a rapid proliferation of delegated authority. The first generation would create four autonomous archdeaconries, where the Barcelona diocese at this time could boast of only one and Tarazona of only two. One suspects therefore that the phenomenon would have its counterpart at the local level. Along this line of development, one charter of settlement in the Valencian diocese assures the pioneers "that your sons may always be rectors in the churches of the said places, on condition that they are suitable candidates."(29) This was obviously a lord yielding the right of presentation, but it shows the liking of the people for having local men serving them.(30)

It indicates too that the word "rectors," here applied to the incumbents of unimportant plural churches in a restricted country area,(31) was used, like Gratian's "parish," in connection with nonparochial churches. "Rector" is certainly employed in this sense in another document of the time.(32) Reversing this usage, Valencian documents not infrequently term a real rector a "chaplain." Sometimes the head of a nonparochial church held by religious (or even the resident priest of a tiny chapel such as the one at Eslida where there were neither parishioners nor parish) is called a "rector." The bishop of Tortosa in a settlement concerning his Valencian parishes correctly uses the term when ordering a patron to present "vicars or rectors, suitable secular clerics."(33) The lists for crusade taxes in Valencia called the priests in charge of churches attached to hospitals "chaplains" correctly in 1279, and "rectors" improperly in 1280. Since local notaries worked on this project,[61] the looseness of terminology was native as well as contemporary. It was probably influenced by the vernacular use of chaplain for pastor or clergyman, a term deriving from the Low Latin capellanu.

In view of this confusion in the documents themselves, historical comment must be similarly imprecise. Juridically, however, a "rector" should be the officially constituted head of a real parish. He was also called "pastor," a title emphasizing the more spiritual cura animarum.(34) (this usage has survived, for example, in the United States). A "chaplain" might be a cleric sharing jurisdiction in some lesser way, or acting as a chantry priest, or in charge of some outlying church or of some chapel in a home or institution. "Vicar" is the substitute appointee for any of these posts. The difficulties are not more than verbal, since most of what is said in this book applies mutatis mutandis to either kind of "parish"; but the clarification may afford a nicer appreciation of some of the documents quoted. On the Valencian scene, therefore, one need not expect to discern clearly a large number of parishes in the technical sense of the word, nor be surprised to find that lists give a fraction of the real chapels staffed by permanent clergy and serving the daily spiritual needs of their districts.

Valencian evidence is not clear on the parochial status of the churches. With the contemporary background in mind, however, some concrete cases of possibly multiple, and of scattered, parishes may be reviewed. It is not easy to distinguish the parish with multiple sub-churches from the parish serving a flock scattered among several settlements. The latter may in fact sometimes be a component of the former. Many "churches" appear in the documents for areas which seem too inconsequential to be central parishes even in expectation; and charters of settlement even for small areas sometimes look forward to several churches, as at Aras and at Villahermosa in 1243.(35)

An interesting pattern appears in the suburban parish of Roteros outside Valencia. It included Castellón near the Albufera, Raytor, Rafalaxat, and Ort.(36) The parish of Cullera included the dependent territory (terminus) of that town.(37) The Validigna, or Alfandech de Marignén, church of Rafol included the entire valley: Simat, Benifairó, Tabernes, Alcudiola, Zarra, Alfulell, Ombria, and Masalali -- as Christians arrived to settle these places; yet there was only a single church standing in the valley by 1298.(38) The royal grant to the Roncesvalles Order of "all the churches of Roteros," and to St. Peter's in Calatayud of "all the churches of Boatella," fit the contemporary parochial pattern.(39) Ternils is a late but illuminating example of the scattered parish. In 1316 its rector would petition to be allowed to reside at Cogullada, which was also in his parish, and which was both more populous and more central for visiting his far-flung flock. A document of 1317 reveals that the people of Carcagente also were under the parish of Ternils, and that their religious obligations were fulifiled there. Only in 1434 will [62] hey be allowed their own church, with bell and Mass, though still under Ternils.(40)

At Guadalest, the whole valley seems to have been the parish, with the church located in the castle even as late as 1574. Chiva included Cheste until the latter was separated from it in 1336. Adzaneta, which had a Christian settlement, may always have been dependent upon the parish of Albaida. The detached port of Gandía had its church of St. Nicholas under the parish of St. Mary in the city. Albalat deis Sorrells was similarly related to Foyos; only in 1426 will it attempt to become a parish, the lord of the place appealing to the pope. Confrides seems to have ministered to Christians in at least eleven other settlements. The castle of Madrona included in its parish Dos Aguas and the castle of Otanel. In King James's neighboring conquest of Majorca, where circumstances were analogous, the parish of Pollensa was conterminous with the municipal boundaries and comprised no less than thirteen geographical zones such as coast and valley; these zones surely held some dependent churches. The legal code devised especially for the kingdom of Valencia just after the capital city fell gave a privileged status to the one major church of each place (loch) of the realm of Valencia, probably referring to the central rural parochial church.(41)

This network of parishes had a varied origin and development. King, knight, and monk rushed to begin the work, their enthusiasm not damped by the consideration that a parish church brought a certain importance to the hamlet and kept at home the ecclesiastical fees it paid, but especially that a very large portion of the church's revenues would find its way into the pockets of the founder and his descendants.(42) More commendable motives predominated in all this, we trust, but the fact remains that it was far more advantageous for a lay or religious lord to found than to see founded. On the frontier the opportunity for doing so was everywhere present.

Economic Basis of the Parish on the Valencian Frontier

By feudal custom and by his promise at Lérida (1236) after the crusade parliament in Monzón,(43) and again by his formal transfer of title at Valencia in a document of October 1238, King James was obliged to endow the parish churches. This included transferring to the parish the Moslem religious properties: mosques, oratories, cemeteries, and the lands or rents which had supported them.(44) Involved were cemeteries large enough to hold more than a dozen bodies; but one great cemetery in the capital was retained by the crown for conversion into a market place for the city. Mosques held by private groups like the Templars or St. Vincent's were likewise excluded.(45) An interpretative decree retained for the crown mosques in the form of a fortification or tower, or those adjoining such a construction.(46) [63] The Moslems very often kept their mosques by treaty. The settlement charter of the Vall de Uxó, for example, left mosques and mosque properties to the Moslems, as seems to have been usual in fully Moslem areas.

At Murcia, to take an example recorded only because of the dispute over the mosques down there, King James took only the major mosque at first. He left to the Moors ten others, all apparently of fair size; "we Christians should have a great place for worship, since they themselves had so many." The episode seems to illustrate King James's general policy further north, in the kingdom of Valencia. At Valencia city, where the remaining Moslems had soon been thrust into a separate suburb, mosques in that suburb seem to have been plural; at any rate, the cathedral authorities had acquired at least one, possibly by purchase, which in 1277 they rented to a Christian.(47) In the city of Alcira only two mosques seem to have been required by the Christians at first: a secondary mosque which became St. Mary's by 1244, and the major mosque which became St. Catherine's by 1246.(48)

At Benigánim near Játiva, the church of St. Michael was a former mosque. This arrangement continued for a century, until in 1391 the mosque became a cemetery, and a church was built. At Chiva the Christians had their own church and chapel, while the Moslems retained the major mosque and presumably other secondary mosques. Carpesa, which has a rector in the crusade-tithe lists of 1279-1280, had a mosque for the Moslems too. Carlet seems to have been in the same situation, the mosque becoming a chapel in Morisco days. A document of 1251 speaks of the major mosque at Lombar near Calpe. At Mirambell near Valencia city the mosque remained, to become the church for the converted Moors in the sixteenth century.(49)

In much the same manner, the celebrated center for ceramics Manises seems to have retained its mosque until the middle fourteenth century, and then to have converted it to a church; only in the sixteenth century was it ordered replaced as compromising Christianity and keeping old loyalties alive.(50) In Navarrés, which had a church named on the 1279-1280 crusade-tithe list, a small mosque was also kept in use by the Moslems until Morisco times, when it became a church. At Pardines there was not only a church, and by 1316 a parish, but a mosque as well. Similarly, there was a mosque at Petrés besides the parish church; it later became a Morisco church and was replaced in 1603-1608.(51) One even finds small villages where there was only a mosque, so that the few Christians had to travel to a neighboring hamlet for Mass. In Valencia city, at least one new mosque was created for the Moors from a private building; but we do not know whether this was to replace all the others or, as is more probable, to supplement the small number still held by the diminished Moslem community there.(52) Where the Christians had not yet settled, the Moslems apparently kept all their mosques, as in early Segorbe. From extant documentation one has the impression that in general the Moslems retained more mosques than they lost.

[64] Knights, religious, and laymen managed to acquire mosques. One such property became the town hall of Valencia.(53) Another was the town hall of Játiva (1271). A mosque in Valencia city became someone's stable. Yet another was presented to the physician Guy.(54) Bonet Fuster took a perpetual lease on a mosque in St. Bartholomew's parish (1260).(55) What seems to be a separate mosque in the same parish was rented four years earlier by Bernard of Camarasa; the building was gone and its site was near other buildings he owned.(56) In St. John's parish a mosque, similarly dismantled by 1270, left a lot measuring just under 50 by 15 feet.(57) A Moslem oratory stood nearby. In 1240 the bishop, "at the urging of petitions from the Franciscans stationed in Valencia," gave Ramona Torpina, wife of Ponce of Soler, "a mosque with the cemetery belonging to it" and adjoining buildings.(58) In St. Lawrence's parish, besides the mosque used as a parish church there, a former mosque was converted into a complex of animal pens.(59)

In St. Andrew's parish and elsewhere still more mosques were in clerical hands.(60) The diocese rented out many mosques, to gain revenue; these are discussed, more appropriately, in the chapter on diocesan finances. Other mosques went unrecorded, their existence being betrayed only by late documentation, as at St. Martin's parish in 1303. A number of mosques, not designated as such, may be hidden in prosaic rentals of church property. In contemporary Huesca, an established diocese, such a "hidden" mosque was given to a priest as late as 1250, to be converted into a church, now that one was needed; the priest had the right to the revenues, but first had to bear personally the expenses of repair and conversion.(61)

The king apparently owned a mosque in Valencia city, as did the alcalde of Begís. Two men on Chepolella Street (modern Trinquete del Caballeros) lived in a mosque. A troop of soldiers remodeled a mosque for living quarters and were given the shops it had owned. Ten mosques in this city alone were converted to public housing.(62) In all, one way or another, the church seems to have acquired a good half of the city's mosques, including the ten converted to parish churches, the major mosque used as a cathedral, and those either in the possession of religious or subject to rental as a source of church revenue. King James could hardly have done less, even had he been initially reluctant to give the mosques, since the transfer of mosques had become traditional in Aragonese frontier warfare.(63)

In the Castilian city of Seville, also conquered at this time, it is possible to locate some seventy distinct mosques, even if one excludes others which may or not be the same buildings.(64) It is improbable that the Valencia or Seville mosques, including those which have escaped mention, really were mosques in the popularly accepted sense of the word. Many were certainly shrines and burial places of holy or notable men, designated by the Christians as mosques not out of ignorance but for convenience. One contract of exchange (1242) granted a mosque and its adjoining cemetery, which fronted immediately [65] upon "a similar mosque" and had along its side still another cemetery, in the city of Valencia.(65) Texts like these, especially when taken in the context of so many other "mosques" in the city, and of such a plethora of "cemeteries" both in city and diocese, suggest that the words are inclusive technical terms covering every sort of mosque property or open place.

This impression of varied religious establishments, inclusively tagged as mosques, is reinforced by an examination of the size and quality of the buildings involved, as indicated by the uses to which they would be put by the Christians both at Seville and Valencia. Some, for example, were substantial edifices capable of being converted into church, hospital, synagogue, or warehouse; others were small and poor affairs better suited for residence, shop, or stable. In general, however, the secondary mosques of the city seem to have been more numerous by far than the churches of a Christian town, and somewhat smaller.(66)

Did the parishes also acquire the accompanying mosque revenues? "All the buildings and estates belonging to the former mosques" were included in the 1238 gift to the church. This grant was applicable to churches "within and without the city walls," an ambiguous localization which in fact denotes the diocese as well as the city area.(67) These the king gave in free alod. As with King James's endowment of the Valencia diocese, the previous grant of Alphonse II gave to the bishop of Tortosa, in the large territories of Valencia belonging to him, unequivocally "the mosques of the entire diocese...with all their alods and holdings."(68) King James later confirmed this gift. In 1243 the Tortosa bishop claimed both the mosques and mosque properties of the town of Burriana.(69) In 1241 at Valencia city, cathedral authorities gave "a mosque and the houses of the said mosque" to a layman in exchange for an inn.(70)

The mosque properties may have been widely seized, however, both by the king and by others. The endowment document of 1241 has a concession by Bishop Ferrer, weakly turning over "to you [the king] and to all those who possess [them] all the estates, buildings, and farms which in Saracen times belonged, or ought to have belonged, to any of their mosques in the entire kingdom of Valencia." He went on to revoke and disallow any previous gift of these "possessions of the mosques" ever made to the diocese by the king.(71) But the successors of Bishop Ferrer refused to acquiesce in this. The city parishes also held houses from an early date, either as private grants or as the promised rectories.(72) The cemeteries -- all the plazas, patios, fields, or lots covered by that rather ambiguous term -- seem to have been numerous. They were regarded often as ordinary real estate. Just outside the capital city there had been four or five important Moslem cemeteries.(73) It is probable that at least a good many of the appurtenances of the mosques were kept; they would have helped supply property and capital used for the rapid initial expanse of the parochial system.

[66] For a number of rural parishes the outlook was bleak. In the castles and lands of Peter of Montagut, that lord had kept the mosques and their supporting possessions. He never surrendered the latter, though he finally offered the bishop a token jovate of land.(74) This procedure seems to have been adopted as a face-saving formula in such cases, as when the lord of Chiva castle presented to the bishop "for all the holdings formerly belonging to the mosques: one jovate...frank and free in the aforesaid castle territory, on the marginal lands."(75)

James was a sincerely religious man according to his lights. But the lights never shone dimmer than when revenues were in question. He was as industrious in seizing a full third to a half of the frontier's tithes as he was nimble in everlastingly dodging the full burden of endowment. The Valencia clergy put up a stubborn, even a rowdy, fight. They clung to their principle of no altar unless first a minister,(76) and no minister unless first an endowment.(77) In agreements with individual lords they gave what they had to, and seized what they could. For example, they reclaimed mosques and cemeteries from the lord of Carlet and Alfarp and from the powerful lord of Chiva and Turís,(78) and insisted on retention of the first fruits.(79)

In areas where the bishops of Segorbe and Valencia disputed wide districts, the barons had slyly seized the local mosques. This situation could only be remedied after the diocesan dispute had reached a tentative settlement (1275-1277). In the course of recovering mosques in Segorbe, the crown intervened to support the bishop of that diocese:

We are informed by the bishop-elect of Segorbe that certain men of Segorbe persist in holding some places on which in Saracen times mosques and cemeteries stood. Wherefore we order that you [the justiciar at Segorbe], on reception of this document, cause them to be restored to the said bishop-elect or else to be answered for properly at law.(80)
At any rate, a widespread movement of mosques into diocesan possession in the kingdom of Valencia was taking place, whatever the exact proportions of this movement. Even so soon as a year after the surrender of the capital, the metropolitan could speak of "all the parochial mosques of the diocese of Valencia" which he held.(81)

The usual endowment on this frontier comprised the necessary living quarters, probably a small house and farm building, together with a grant of land "for the support of the pastors there."(82) King James early issued such a concession for the parish of Corbera: "...that hill which stands before the castle of Corbera, for erecting a church, and buildings,...and a garden four fanecates in size adjoining the aforesaid houses, and two jovates of land alongside the said hill, with entrance rights and appurtenances."(83) Or again: "We command that you assign to Ferdinand of Ort, pastor of the church of Pego, buildings and a farm in the valley of Pego for the establishing [67] of that church, just as is usual when planting other churches in the kingdom of Valencia." The date 1280 on the document indicates that the closing generalization is based on past policy and is not merely a pious wish for the future.(84) In 1241 the landlord Peter of Montagut set aside on his estate "a house and its farm for the support of the chaplain in active service there."(85) This was the usual grant here from a local lord, or from the king on crown lands. It appears as formula in a number of documents and also in the Valencia privileges.

In the cathedral and diocesan endowment of 1241 this very principle was confirmed by the king: "to assign an individual residence, and a garden belonging to it, to every chaplain serving in the parish church to which be has been appointed."(86) And, as early as 1225 at the abortive first siege of Peñíscola, King James had provided buildings and properties, belonging to the Moslem Zuleima Bolahan, for the future church and pastor in the town.(87) Probably similar pre-grants of parish properties had been assigned in other regions. The Tortosa diocese took care to endow its Valencian parishes properly. In yielding patronal rights over potential parishes on Hospitaller lands here, for example, the bishop of Tortosa instructed the Order to provide every parish church with the usual "parish house, farms, buildings, and cemetery."(88)

Within twenty years of the fall of Valencia, the original sources of endowment seem to have been exhausted. In the year 1268 the king decreed that purchase or gifts of land might be allowed for future churches up to a limit of twenty-five parishes; he specified a total of one hundred and twenty jovates, but only four to a parish. It would seem that a preliminary period of diocesan construction had passed, and that plans were going forward for orderly expansion. The implications as to energy, application, and able executive direction are impressive, considering the magnitude of the task these pioneers had to face.(89)

Besides this basic support, the pastor was entitled to a complex of small service fees and the tax of first fruits. Allowing for local differences, this latter revenue in the kingdom of Valencia consisted of a thirty-ninth portion of many crops.(90) The first fruits bulked fairly large and attracted the greed both of some civil authorities and of the cathedral churchmen. The diocesan endowment by the crown (1241) had reserved the first fruits of every parish for the support of the pastor and for his church.(91) The archbishop of Tarragona early took a stand on this point and laid it down firmly for the diocese of Valencia that these first fruits were to be left to the individual parishes, "so that their pastors may be properly supported."(92) This ruling was not always respected by the cathedral chapter.(93)

Some first fruits in Valencia were with difficulty prized from the strong fists of local nobles.(94) King James himself successfully attached the first fruits of some places, a privilege his successor Peter was careful to preserve.(95)[68] Most often, however, they were respected. The lord of Ladrón writes them into his charter of settlement, "for use of your churches."(96) So do William of Anglesola,(97) Blaise of Alagón ("the first fruits to your [parish] council"),(98) and others,(99) even when the tithes are retained. A tithe contract of 1242 has the bishop of Valencia stipulating that "the parish chaplain, to be installed by us [after presentation by the lord], is to get the first fruits and other [revenues] just as the other chaplains get them in the diocese of Valencia."(100)

On the other hand, the claimant to the diocese of Segorbe, who was having special difficulties with that small section of the kingdom of Valencia, made a long-term lease of the first fruits of the Segorbe region for 30,000 solidi (1280).(101) He had previously been unable to collect some of the first fruits; probably he meant to keep at least a good part of them. The bishop of Tortosa received the right to first fruits in his Valencian sector from the king (1258). When the parishioners resisted, King James effected a compromise (1263) by which two-thirds went to the diocese, the parishioners retaining one-third for the necessities of their churches. The Knights Hospitallers, after a long dispute with the diocese, retained much of the tithe and first fruits on their holdings.(102)

In many cases, first fruits went under the administration of the local council. One might take this to indicate the lack of a cleric; yet the tithe was set aside for "the church." As will be seen later, the parishioners through an elected council regulated the financial affairs of their parish, and the first fruits were generally received by them.(103) An illuminating document in this connection is the list of taxes or crusade tithes in 1279-1280. Nothing pertinent appears in the lists for the diocese of Valencia itself; but, for those parishes of the kingdom of Valencia which fell under the jurisdiction of Tortosa, the collector has jotted down some valuable notes. A long series of taxes upon the first fruits of the diocese is given, and in each the usual wording "from the chaplain" has been changed to "from the people" (hominibus).(104) Even in the mixed list of this collector, the title of the payee is changed to "the people" when first fruits are in question.

The impression one gets from the documents is that, where a church does not exist, the first fruits went to finance its construction. Sometimes the obligation of building by the settlers is openly stated, as at Pulpis and Alfandech.(105) But the normal purpose seems to have been maintenance, parish expenditure, and charity. Thus, the Morella first fruits in 1263 were designated "for work done on the church or for other needs of the men of Morella."(106) One charter stipulates the repair of the town walls as an item covered by first-fruit revenues.(107) The responsibility for actual collection of the first fruits seems to have rested upon the local pastor.(108)

An irregular stream of small windfalls also came to the pastor from free will offerings or on the occasion of such a sacrament as baptism or marriage, or during the Mass, or most of all in connection with a parishioner's death.(109) [69] From this sort of minute revenue -- candles and lamp oil and pennies, bread and wine, small legacies, novena dues, anniversary "fees," a funeral coverlet, or a pig taken by way of death duty -- the Knights Hospitallers alone gleaned in fifteen years, from their clients among the early pioneers resident in and around Valencia city, a resounding 4,000 solidi. This, complained the local pastors in a state of considerable agitation over the situation, did not include legacies, horses, and armament.(110)

From all these parochial revenues came the salaries of domestics and possibly of the liturgical assistants. A sixth of the first fruits throughout the diocese of Valencia was to be applied to the furnishings of the parish church.(111) Complete neglect of the kind of church then built, for a period of forty years, would have resulted in its ruin.(112) Linens, vestments, service books, bells, instruments for processions, images, banners, and similar appurtenances prescribed by the statutes had to be acquired and kept in repair. Taxes had to be paid on the occasion of visitations by the bishop and archdeacon, at synods of diocese and archdeaconry, for poor relief, and so on.

That important revenue the tithe was only rarely seen by any pastor of the diocese of Valencia. In this respect Valencia fell behind contemporaries in the Seville conquest, who reserved a third of the tithe for parish upkeep and a third for the clergy, a final third going to the bishop.(113) For a brief time during the diocesan organization, the pastors of churches in the Játiva archdeaconry, on the far southern border, seem to have been supported from a small share of the tithe.(114) The endowment document of 1241 significantly gave the pastors only the first fruits. The first bishop of Valencia and his chapter, with the approval of the metropolitan of Tarragona, decreed that the ecclesiastical two-thirds of the tithe should go to themselves. What began apparently as an emergency measure was soon consolidated under the second bishop. Arnold and his chapter petitioned Innocent IV for papal confirmation of this statute. This the pope conceded in a bull of October 1245 from Lyons.(115)

On the local scene a lord is found yielding a fourth of the tithe to the rectors of a number of churches he has founded. This was a case of the Valencian bishop intruding into the Segorbe diocesan claims, and so the canonical model is cautiously being followed: a fourth to the bishop and the chapter, a fourth to the rectors, and a generous half to the patron. The bishop's share of this, 200 solidi, was justified as visitation fees, the rest going to the chapter.(116) Another lord agreed to add a lump sum of 35 besants annually to the parish income.(117)

There seems to have been some confusion between personal and parochial ownership, perhaps somewhat as there was in civil society between the kinds of ownership exercised by a king. For many years throughout the diocese, the property of deceased rectors was simply seized -- whether by the patron or [70] by the parish council, we do not know. To put a stop to this, Bishop Jazpert finally promulgated a condemnatory statute in 1277. Removing even the occasion of such confiscation, he and the chapter decreed that the rectors could each make a will, and that personal income could include even gifts given to the rector precisely in his capacity as rector.(118)

Once the local church was endowed, the bishop or the patron (perhaps a religious Order or even the village community(119)) would assign a cleric and such staff as could be managed. The new pastor would be fortified in true feudal style by yet another contractual charter:

We give and grant you, John Gutiérres, relative of our faithful secretary Bartholomew Thomas, all the days of your life the church of Villarreal near Burriana. In such wise that you hold the said church with all its rights and serve it day and night at all hours just as a chaplain or rector of a church is obliged to do. Ordering bailiffs....(120)
A feudal due might be required. Sixty solidi were paid each year by the pastor "of the town and district" of Cullera to the Hospitaller castellan of Amposta.(121) And from Arnold, the chaplain of St. Julian, to the bishop every Christmas went "a pair of capons by way of recognizing our lordship, and as rent."(122)

Many of the Valencian parishes belonged to (or -- if one prefers -- were under the patronage of) "religious, nobles, [or] knights."(123) Perhaps most of the churches were held to some extent in this manner; but there is no way of assessing the proportion. A bull of Pope Urban II, today usually considered a forgery, gave to crusaders of Aragon a right of patronage (ius patronatus) over the churches they would found or endow or even liberate.(124) This complex of patronage enjoyed by crown and nobles was an amplification of similar powers supposed to have been conferred by Alexander II and Gregory VII. In former times, a lay guardianship of the local church had been a desirable thing in frontier regions, if only to ward off bandits. Defense, and the privilege of presenting a candidate, easily slipped into domination over church and revenue, into spoliation and investiture. The bulls had previously been useful, both to founder and to church; their utility to the church was now somewhat more dubious. The science of canon law was already well developed, and canonists were attacking the document with heavy juridical artillery. Legists in turn defended them. The bulls were especially useful to the latter in arguments over lay ownership of tithes.

Obviously such claims would have a remarkable repercussion in the newly liberated realm of Valencia. The bishop did not think of denying these bulls. In fact they formed a most important argument in equity, offered before a papal commission, for the gift of the diocese by the king of Aragon to Tarragona rather than to the Toledo metropolitanate.(125) But the bishop did strive to limit the right of patronage severely in Valencia, at least in its theory. He [71] clung to the position that the churches of his diocese belonged to him alone, and "pleno iure" -- a phrase applied to all the churches of his diocese.(126) He insisted that no part of the church tithe could be alienated, permanently and as a matter of law, to laymen for their private purposes;(127) all concessions were merely for ad hoc reasons and without violation of the bishop's sweeping ownership.(128)

Sometimes the bishop retained for himself the right of appointment involved in lay patronage. The Tortosa bishop claimed this right for all the parishes in the Valencian part of his diocese.(129) In general, the Valencian bishops strove to interpret patronage, not too successfully, as allowing only a right to present to these churches suitable candidates.(130)

Here is the confirmation of one such privilege by the bishop and chapter in 1260, giving "as to the proper lord of the place and the founder of its churches, the right of patronage in all the churches of the Mijares river territory, existing or yet to be built, and in the church of the town of Andilla, whenever these or anyone of the aforesaid shall chance to lack a pastor."(131) The perpetual beneficiary or patron Simon of Arenós had to defend these churches, help them in their needs, and do "homage" for them as "vassal" of the Valencian "church." The financial returns were particularly favorable, apparently because of the dubious status of a region still vigorously claimed by the diocese of Segorbe. Already this pattern had been established for the area, and for the Segorbe diocese, in the original grant of Sacîd to Segorbe. Sacîd kept the patronage and half the tithe, did homage as a vassal of the diocese of Segorbe, could present candidates (except at Tibi), and gave a fourth of the tithe to the rectors. At the time, these churches were only claims, since few Christians had settled here yet.(132)

Early in 1246 the bishop made a like concession to the Knights of Calatrava for their parishes "in all these churches and in others of other places which the said brothers shall, please God, acquire, wrest, and free by themselves from the hands of the Saracens, or elsewhere even, with or without fighting."(133) Elsewhere the bishop defines an apt candidate:

By aptitude or suitability we understand that the man be of upright life and acquainted with the divine office, that he be a priest or such as can be shortly (or at least within a year) advanced to priestly orders. Nor do we wish or intend that he be permitted to be ignorant of the arts of grammar.(134)
Since this is not the hopeful promulgation of a general statute, but rather a specific directive to a canon enjoying a ius patronatus, such candidates may have been less scarce than one might expect. On balance, however, it seems probable that priest candidates were rare enough.(135) Certain clerics functioning as pastors seem never to have been candidates at all. Adventurers, wandering in to establish their own churches, they had set themselves up as spiritual guides; this abuse was sharply attacked.(136)

[72] King James took his own rights of patronage seriously (and realized from it no little profit).(137) Immediately after the fall of Valencia he took care to secure from Pope Gregory IX the confirmation of his patronage over "certain churches and monasteries of the realm of Valencia."(138) There is a passage in the royal endowment of the diocese where James formally hands over all the churches inside and outside the city walls; this is an action stemming from the crusading king's right of patronage.

All these problems of lay control are a mark and effect of the frontier. They remained in the social and economic structure of the kingdom of Valencia, just as they remained in the structure of the older provinces, as a permanent souvenir of former frontier status.

Notes for Chapter Four

1. Repartimiento de Sevilla, I, 354-355. See my "The Parish as a Frontier Institution in Thirteenth-Century Valencia," Speculum, XXXVII (1962), 244-251.

2. See the strong letter to the pope by James II of Aragon in 1311, complaining of this fact in the kingdom of Granada (Manuel Mariano Ribera, Centuria primera del real y militar instituto de la ínclita religión de Nuestra Señora de la Merced redempción de cautivos cristianos [Barcelona, 1726], p. 3).

3. Antonio Ubieto Arteta, "La introducción del rito romano en Aragón y Navarra," HS, I (1948), 299-324.

4. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 19, fol. 162 (Aug. 20, 1274): "non solum Christiani set iudei etiam et sarraceni quilibet."

5. Document quoted in Chapter V, note 1.

6. Al-Himyarî, Kitâb ar-Rawd, pp. 64, 66.

7. Aguilar, Noticias de Segorbe, I, 84; the details emerge in a trial of 1323, where the witnesses recalled hearing this local history from their fathers. See above, Chapter III, note 57 and text.

8. John Langdon-Davies, Gatherings from Catalonia (London, 1953), pp. 111-112; an Englishman is describing the impression made today by parish bells of the Catalan village where he is resident. The primate of Toledo at the period of the Valencia crusade, Roderick Simon of Rada, speaks fondly of the introduction of the bells, "bene sonantibus," into conquered Cordova (De rebus Hispaniae, p. 206, and see p. 137).

9. R. B. Donovan in his The Liturgical Drama in Medieval Spain (Toronto, 1958) is a victim of these arguments in the case of Valencia, a minor flaw in an excellent monograph. For the quotes above, and background, see especially pp. 29, 74, 98, 120, 139, and 168-169. Chabás and Sanchís Sivera regrettably contributed to the Mozarabic thesis the support of their authority and ingenuity.

10. Arch. Cath., James I, perg. 1, 316 (Nov. 17, 1243): "propter terre novitatem et sacerdotum raritatem."

11. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,320 (Feb. 10, 1250): "cupientes circa ministros Christi cultum divini nominis ampliare, Ecclesie nostre utilitate et necessitate et servitorum raritate pensatis."

12. Arch. Cath., perg. 3,104 (Aug. 8, 1267).

13. Arch. Cath., perg 1,325 (Jan. 29, 1257), a confirmation by the pope: "cum itaque sicut ex parte vestra fuit propositum coram nobis in Ecclesia vestra pensatis ipsius facultatibus diligenter Quindenarium Canonicorum numerum dixeritis statuendum, Nos...confirmamus." Also perg. 1,356 (Feb. 22, 1279) raising the number to twenty. Both documents show that the number is equated to the revenues; one must remember that the canons had numerous assistants also at the services. In 1259 the bishop was planning to increase the liturgical splendor, the daily payment to the canons, the number of canons, or the number of the "ecclesie servitorium," as revenues grow (legajo 661, fasc. 1, fol. 3r).

14. Moorman, Church Life, pp. 52-53, 55-56, 67, 69, 198.

15. Johannes Vincke, "Das Patronatsrecht der aragonischen Krone," Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft, vol. X (Münster, 1955), pp. 57-58, 69 ff. "Die Krone nahm nur ihre eigenen Interessen wahr, wenn sie diese Entwicklung tatkräftig förderte" (p. 57); examples follow from the reign of James I. In Valencia the royal generosity in this respect will be noted for St. Vincent's (below, Chapter XV); James I also had chaplaincies at the Valencia cathedral, at his Valencia palace or residence, at the castle chapel of Játiva, and so on. Somewhat over a hundred years later, the total of crown chantries in the kingdom of Valencia would be considerable; besides those at St. Vincent's and the half dozen or so at the palace, there was one each at Játiva, Liria, and Segorbe; and one each in the capital at St. John of Jerusalem, St. Clare's, the Zaidia, St. Stephen's, St. John of Boatella, and the cathedral. In the royal chapel at Valencia by 1346 there were "sechs Kaplaneien und zwei Sängerstellen" (p. 66); at the Perpignan chapel, about this time, there were twenty priests, twelve canons, and eight clerics.

16. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,374 (Nov. 11, 1277): "ut sic servitores condecentem remunerationem maiorem habeant vel minorem."

17. Constitutiones sive ordinationes insignis metropolitanae ecclesiae valentinae ab eius primaeva fundatione et origine, ed. Miguel Pérez de Miedes (Valencia, 1546), fols. 50v-51. There would sometimes be a kind of religious congregation also to support at a parish church, pious men and women who took vows and dedicated themselves to the parish church in residence there. We have no documentation on this for Valencia, but a contemporary example at Vich may be seen in the Diplomatari de Sant Bernat Calvó, abat de Santes Creus, bisbe de Vich, ed. E. Junyent (Reus, 1956), doc. 93 (Aug. 20, 1236).

18. Viage literario, III, 57-58n.; these were ejected in that year by the claimant of Segorbe.

19. Ibid., IV, doc. on pp. 265-266. The vicar was Ferrer Dareys; there was a priest, Berengar Ferrer, and apparently two lesser clerics. At St. Felix's in the Játiva castle, Raymond of Montblanch is chaplain.

20. Arch. Crown, James I, perg. 1,556 (1258).

21. "Constitutiones synodales valentinae diocesis," Collectio maxima conciliorum omnis Hispaniae et novi orbis, ed. José Sáenz de Aguirre and Giuseppe Catalani, 6 vols. (Rome, 1753-1755), V, 197, 209. It is interesting to note that, within the restricted limits of what has become modern Belgium, there were some ninety fully organized chapters around 1125; only five were cathedral and fifteen religious, the others being secular. Every town of importance had one and sometimes two chapters; they could be found in lesser places too. (Cf. Moreau, Église en Belgique, III, 346.) Daily Mass in all churches and chapels, with matins beforehand, seems to have been the usual thing in England; parishioners attended the office frequently (Moorman, Church Life, pp. 69, 73, 74n.); one English decree even had to remind priests that absence of a congregation did not excuse them from recitation of the office for that day (p. 229).

22. Colección diplomática, doc. 1,051 (Jan. 28, 1246): "hi qui sua largiuntur ecclesiis non videntur suum patrimonium diminuere sed augere."

23. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 22, fol. 43 (June 15, 1276). "Noverint universi cum nos Jacobus...a manibus infidelium eripuerimus castrum Xative in Regno eo debeant divina semper officia celebrari. Idcirco...instituimus unam cappellaniam pro capella beate Marie castri Xative memorati. In quo unus presbyter semper celebret divina officia tam de die quam de nocte." See also Viage literario, IV, 265-267.

24. Colección diplomática, doc. 1,033 (Dec. 11, 1234): "loca religiosa," "divinum officium ibi semper indessinenter celebretur."

25. See the emphasis on the parish along these lines in J. M. Font y Rius, "Origenes del régimen municipal de Cataluña," AHDE, XVII (1946), 284 ff., and cf. pp. 291, 239.

26. Luigi Nanni carefully traces the development of the sub-parish in his La parrocchia studiata nei documenti lucchesi dei secoli viii-xiii, Analecta gregoriana, no. 47 (Rome, 1948); see esp. pp. 56-59, 145 ff., 188-190. One can distinguish from the strict sub-parish the situation where one priest served or held two parishes. The "substantial transformation" from chapel to semi-parochial status began from the end of the twelfth century (p. 182); the process was faster in the city than in the country (pp. 157-158); the Lucca diocese had 59 original parishes in the country areas, but 611 churches parochial or quasi-parochial in 1260 (p. 188). C. Boyd, Tithes and Parishes in Medieval Italy, the Historical Roots of a Modern Problem (Ithaca, N.Y., 1952), gives details of the parish in the twelfth and thirteenth century, illustrating with examples from northern Italy; she sees all this as a part of the general movement to local autonomy (p. 158). On the evolution of Belgian parishes see Moreau, Église en Belgique, II, 1-22. Moorman has synthesized a large amount of information available on English parishes, especially in his first chapter. There is nothing comparable for the parishes of thirteenth-century Aragon. Some peculiarities of the Spanish Visigothic background are detailed in G. Martínez Díez, El patrimonio eclesiástico en la España visigoda, estudio histórico-jurídico, (Miscelánea Comillas, no. 32 [Palencia, 1959]); the author's theses are still being discussed, but deepen understanding of the later, thirteenth-century situation.

27. Diplomatari de Sant Bernat Calvó, doc. 226 (Dec. 17, 1241). Another case at Vich (1239) seems to have involved a parish and its emancipated chapel. The "parishioners" of St. Julian's and the "parishioners" of St. Felix's conducted an extensive dispute over their common "cleric," a priest named William. William was vicar for a cathedral dignitary; he celebrated daily and Sunday Mass at St. Julian's and would conduct all parochial duties there; but at the St. Felix's sub-church he would offer no more than the Sunday Mass and a Mass on each of three weekdays. The bishop presided over an arbitration, by which each church received a permanent "chaplain" in residence; each was to be a curate, sharing William's cure of souls under his jurisdiction and giving him two-thirds of the revenues (doc. 142, June 20, 1239).

28. Document cited in Chapter XI, note 98. See note 38 for Murviedro.

29. "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. XV (Villahermosa, Mar. 9, 1243), BSCC, IX (1928), 166-168: "concedimus quod filii vestri sint semper rectores in ecclesiis dictorum locorum dum sint tamen sufficientes in predictis."

30. This is called a patronato colletivo by Nanni, who says that many Italian churches at this time were thus controlled, having been rebuilt or enlarged by them (Parrocchia, p. 190). Possibly this was not uncommon in the rural hinterland of Valencia. The community would name and present the candidate; and diocesan authorities then confirmed, invested, and led him into possession (ibid.).

31. The document expresses uncertainty whether the land can hold 150 families.

32. Manuel Betí, "Primeros señores de Castellón," BSCC, VII (1926), appendix of documents, doc. 7 (Feb. 22, 1252), pp. 187-188, where James calls the director of the monastery church of St. Vincent's "priori vel Rectoni eiusdem ecclesie." Resident clerics in charge of outlying churches were "often styled rector" in thirteenth-century England (Moorman, Church Life, p. 14). About half of the English parishes had rectors, the others being vicarages (p. 24). Vicarages spread rapidly in England from the year 1200 (pp. 44-45, with figures); the Lateran council drew the "Magna Carta of the parish priest," by insisting upon a proper salary and perpetual incumbency for vicars. Moorman offers some interesting conjecture on the word "chaplain" (p. 35). Nanni views the sub-parishes as "vere e proprie parrocchie," even though he underscores their dependence (Parrocchia, p. 188).

33. See Chapter V, note 35 (no parishioners). The Tortosa document is in Hipólito Samper, Montesa ilustrada, 2 vols. (Valencia, 1669), part 4, art. 4. In a corresponding settlement of 1243 with the Hospitallers the Valencia bishop refers to the "capellani parochiales." In the feudal vocabulary, a capellania was a church, church revenue, or church appointment (especially a pastorate) belonging to a lord.

34. Nanni, Parrocchia, p. 57. After the conquest of Majorca, there were rectors at Pollensa from 1252 to 1257, vicars from then on.

35. "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. III (Aras, Jan. 23, 1243), BSCC, I (1920), 187-188; and no. XV, ibid. Aras had already had one priest for many years. One document tells us that "rectors" were shortly to be put in charge in the churches "de Domenyo, de Andilla, de Canalibus, de Altoponte, de Anis et de Arcubus" (Lioréns, "Deanato de Valencia," pp. 16-17, doc. of Sept. 22, 1277).

36. Arch. Cath., peng. 1,316 (Nov. 17, 1243). Cf. Chapter XIII, note 31.

37. Arch. Cath., perg. 4,639 (Dec. 23, 1256): "rectorem ecclesie ville et termini de cuyllera."

38. J. Toledo Girau, El casteil i la vall d'Alfandech de Marinyèn des de sa reconquesta per Jaume I, fins la fundació del monestir de Valldigna perJaume II (Castellón de la Plana, 1936), pp. 56, 63. Would contributory sub-churches help explain the surprisingly large income of "the major church" at Murviedro, which paid a crusade assessment of 1,200 solidi (600 each year)? Even in the unlikely event of the sum's covering all five years of crusade tax, this would be the wealthiest pastorate in all Valencia, unless part of the income is nonparochial (Rationes dccimarum, I, 256, 263; the rector of St. John's in Murviedro gives 76 plus 131 in 1279, and 155 in 1280 -- both goodly sums also).

39. Repartimiento p. 325: "omnes ecclesias de Roteros," "omnes ecclesias de Boatella" (an. 1242); Rallones decimarum, I, 262-263. A crusade tax for the six years 1275-1280 was paid "a Petro Lupi, rectore ecclesiarum Rivi de Milariis," in 1280. The holdings on the upper Mijares at this time must have been poor enough, yet a tax of over 150 solidi per annum was returned, much more than the average pastor in the kingdom gave. How many were these plural "churches," under the one rector, is unknown. (Rationes, I, 266). But allowance was earlier made for future expansion and for the provision then of rectors in this area (1260): see document in note 131.

40. Nomenclátor geográfico-eclesiástico de los pueblos de la diócesis de Valencia con los nombres antiguos y modernos de los que existen o han existido, comp. J. Sanchís Sivera (Valencia, 1922), pp. 174, 192, 399. An interesting Valencian illustration of the system may be drawn from the sixteenth century. The parish of Beniardá was separated from Guadalest and made independent in 1535; the rector was to say a Mass on feast days both here and at Benifato. To these places were joined the populations of Adzaneta, Benihalet, Benichays, Maurar, Benimuça, Benicácin, and Morescas -- yet the total census of the parish amounts to only eighty-three households. Morescas had fifteen households, so the average village here averaged ten or less. By this date of course Morisco villages are probably in question (ibid., p. 105).

41. Ibid., pp. 250 (Guadalest), 211 (Chiva), 14 (Adzaneta), 249 (Gandía), 23 (Albalat), 196 (Confides), 219 (Madrona). Mateo Rotger y Caplionch, Historia de Pollensa, 3 vols. (Palma de Mallorca, 1897-1906), I, 26.

42. See notes 94 ff., 123 ff., and in Chapter VIII, notes 145 ff., with text.

43. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,301 (Oct. 28, 1236): "primo et ante omnia dotemus ibi cathedralem Ecclesiam et alias Suffraganeas." See also Aureum opus, doc. I, fol.1; Collectio conciliorum Hispaniae, V, 188; Itinerari, p. 125; and the king's agreement with Bishop-elect Ferrer in Arch. Cath., perg. 1,304, an. 1240. The manner of endowment was to be decided by five arbiters: the archbishop of Tarragona, the masters of the Hospital and Temple, Prince Ferdinand, and the viscount of Cardona.

44. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,302 (Oct. 18, 1238); Colección diplomática, doc. 184; Aureum opus,doc. 3, fol. 1v, cf. doc. 12, fol. 4r, v (1241). A Repartimiento note sums this: "ecclesia Cathedralis Valencie: omnes mezquitas sive ecclesias infra et extra muros Valencie constitutas et constituendas et omnes domos et hereditates supradictis ecclesiis pertinentes" (p. 291). The 1236 and 1238 documents are also in Vicente Branchát, Tratado de los derechos y regalías que corresponden al real patrimonio en el reyno de Valencia..., 3 vols. (Valencia, 1784-1786), II, ch. 1, doc. 1; III, ch. 10, doc. 1. The gift gave "ciminteria ultra duodecim vasa continentia." González perhaps unwisely concludes that in Seville the supporting properties of the mosques were not given to the church at the conquest of that city (Repartimiento de Sevilla, I, 351).

45. See, for example, Chapter X, note 158; and Chapter XV, note 164.

46. Aureum opus, doc. 2, fol. lv; Colección diplomática, doc. 185 (Oct. 22, 1238).

47. Llibre dels feyts, chs. 445, 448-449. Valencia city mosque below, in Chapter VIII, note 92.

48. Vicente Pelufo, "Topografía de Alcira árabe," ACCV, VII (1934), 26.

49. Nomenclátor de Valencia, pp. 122 (Benigánim), 213 (Chiva), 178 (Carpesa), 177 (Carlet; it is not known whether this is the thirteenth-century church or a subsequent one), 273 (Calpe), 295 (Mirambell).

50. Ibid., p. 285: "cum mali exemplum sit, et preteriti sceleris recordationem habeat, videtur averti prorsus debere, ut nullum eius supersit vestigium."

51. Ibid., pp. 312 (Navarrés), 341 (Petrés), 334 (Pardines). A Morisco parish was added at Pardines in the fourteenth century, served by this ex-mosque; however, Mass was rarely said here, and it remained a Moslem symbol, so that it was ordered destroyed and the Moriscos sent to the original parish.

52. Ibid., p. 568.

53. Aureum opus, doc. 12, fol. 4r, v (an. 1261): "excepto ciminterio in quo assignavimus generale forum Valencie fieri," apparently a building, in which eminent men may have been interred.

54. Repartimiento, pp. 530 (stable), 24 ("Guido").

55. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,820 (Dec. 18, 1260): "stabilimus vobis Boneto Fusterio et vestris imperpetuum ad censum et ameliorandum quandam mezquitam sive oratorium quam habemus [the bishop and chapter] in civitate valencie in parrochia sancti bartholomei." His alodial property fronts it on three sides; a neighbor's inn closes the fourth side.

56. See perg. of 1256 transcribed in Chapter VIII, note 123.

57. Arch. Cath., perg. 4,653 (Mar. 28, 1270): "quoddam spacium terre in quo fuit mesquita tempore sarracenorum quod debet continere in se octo braxias regales in longitudine et duas et dimidium in latitudine." We do not know if this was a usual size, or just what kind of building stood here; perhaps it was a single-room oratory. For the oratory see document in Chapter VIII, note 86.

58. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,308 (Oct. 21, 1240); published in Chabás, Episcopologio valentino, pp. 69-70.

59. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,912 (May 5, 1265) as transcribed in Chapter VIII, note 93.

60. See Chapter VIII, e.g., in notes 95, 104, 109.

61. Arco, "Vidal de Cañellas obispo de Huesca," pp. 516-517, doc. 8 (July 15, 1250).

62. Repartimiento, p. 516: "mezquita domini regis." See pp. 536-537, 606. "G. de Seger miles et homines de archiepiscopo: de X meçquitis ad opus domorum statice cum illa domo sive domibus quae pertinebant ad illam meçquitam" (p. 299). In 1244 four men acquire as many mosques, which have names: "Metalponti," "Magi Celili," "Dalabidi," and in the Jewish sector "Xopelela" (pp. 300-301). "Dalabidi" may be the "Dalgalcha" of p. 240. There is a Moslem monastic stronghold near the sea: "turrim sive rapitam sitam iuxta mare et Guadalaviar et dicitur Rapita orationis" (pp. 195, 203).

63. See, for example, the analogous situations at Huesca and at Zaragoza in Zurita, Anales, I, lib. I, c. 44.

64. Repartimiento de Sevilla, I, 534-542. Mosques were fairly numerous in these Moslem cities of Spain, there being a central one in the medina and others in each suburb and section of the city. See Leopoldo Torres Balbás, "Estructura de las ciudades hispano-musulmanas: la medina, los arrabales y los barrios," Al-Andalus, XVIII (1953), 149-177.

65. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,327, and Colección diplomática, doc. 1,044 (May 15, 1242): "quoddam fosarium sarracenicum et Mezquitam que cum ipso continetur in civitate Valencie"; "mezchita simili"; "in alio fossario."

66. But see Chapter V, notes 31, 167 with text; the English urban parishes were tiny and numerous.

67. The 1241 confirmation and interpretation shows that this is to be understood of the whole diocese (Arch. Cath., perg. 2,303; Colección diplomática, doc. 224).

68. "Colleción de cartas pueblas," no. LVII, BSCC, XVI (1935), 386: "meschidam maiorem cum omnibus alodiis et possessionibus suis, necnon et meschidas exteriores tocius episcopatus, tam edificatas quam desertas, cum omnibus alodiis et possessionibus suis," as well as "omnia cimiteria." Cf. documents above, note 44, and Chapter III, notes 34, 35 with text.

69. Samper, Montesa ilustrada, part 4, art. 4, Hospitaller agreement.

70. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,331, quoted in Chapter VIII, note 67.

71. See document cited in note 86.

72. Repartimiento, for example pp. 601 (St. Bartholomew's), 524 (St. Andrew's), 598 (St. Lawrence's), 543 (St. Thecla's). See pp. 577, 536, 547.

73. Julián Ribera Tarragó, "Enterramientos moros en Valencia," El archivo, I (1886), 209-212. Cf. also F. A. Roca Traver, "Un siglo de vida mudéjar en la Valencia medieval (1238-1338)," EEMCA, V (1952), 134-135.

74. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,341 (Feb. 7, 1241). Is Peter the brother of the bishop of Zaragoza (see Itinerari, p. 70)?

75. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,368 (Dec. 5, 1241): "pro omnibus possessionibus quondam ad mezchitas pertinentibus unam iovatam...francham et liberam in predicto Castro in secano."

76. Arch. Cath., legajo LX, fasc. 1: "attendentes quod periculosum sit altaria erigi nisi ministros habeant."

77. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,304, where the bishop-elect lays down the principle that no church of the diocese is to be without an endowment (June 1240). Ferrer was bishop-elect also in the May 1240 provincial council at Valencia.

78. Arch. Cath., pergs. 2,341 (Feb. 7, 1241); 2,368 (Dec. 5, 1241); unnumbered, following perg. 2,368 (same date). Is "Toris" Torás near Segorbe, or perhaps Torres, or Turís?

79. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,431, for example (Jan. 19, 1263).

80. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 41, fol. 98 (June 29, 1279). "Intelleximus per venerabilem electum Segorbicensem quod aliqui homines de Segorbio detinent occupata aliqua loca in quibus ipso tempore Sarracenorum fuerunt mezquite et cimiteria. Quare mandamus vobis quatenus dicta loca faciatis restitui visis presentibus dicto electo vel inde sibi respondere ut de iure...fuerit faciendum."

81. Ordinatio ecclesiae valentinae, p. 233: "omnes parrochiales meçquitas episcopatus Valentie."

82. Arch. Cath., perg. 5,960 (July 1240): "ad opus Capellanorum ibidem." Again in perg. 2,351 (April 1242), with house and garden.

83. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 22, fol. 50v: "illud podium quod est ante castrum de corbaria ad construendum ibi ecclesiam, et unum ortum quattuor fanecatarum contiguum domibus predictis et duas iovatas terre contiguas dicto podio, cum introitibus et...suis pertinenciis..." The document is a renewal of his grant to the present pastor's predecessors, and this is the original document incorporated in it; hence the late date, July 12, 1276.

84. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Canc. 44, fol. 180v (May 10, 1280): "mandamus vobis quatenus assignetis ferrando de orto rectori ecclesie de pego domos et ortum in valle de pego ad opus eiusdem ecclesie prout in aliis plantationibus Regni Valencie est sic consuetum." Moorman says that the English pastor got a similar land grant; ancient law called for twice as much as a villein's holdings; in some places in thirteenth-century England a pastor (though hardly a vicar) would have as much as forty-nine or a hundred acres in land of all kinds, such as arable, meadow, waste, forest, etc. (Church Life, pp. 112-115).

85. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,341 (Feb. 7, 1241): "et ad opus capellani ibidem pro tempore servientis donum [for domum] et ortum competens."

86. Collectia concilorum Hispaniae, V, 189-190. Arch. Cath., legajo XXII, no. 3 (perg.), (Nov. 9, 1241): "donamus et promittimus assignare singulis cappellanis in singulis ecclesiis paroquialibus, in quibus ordinati fuerint deservientibus, singulas domos et singulos hortos competentes."

87. Colección diplomática, doc. 1,017 (Sept. 10, 1225): "tradimus domino Deo et ecclesie beate Marie de Peniscola que adhuc, auxiliante Domino, est edificanda et construenda, et...dertusensi episcopo, et capellano prefate ecclesie de Peniscola, domos et possessiones quas Zuleima Bolahan sarracenus [habet] in Peniscola et in terminis ejus."

88. Samper, Montesa ilustrada, pt. 4, art. 4, p. 17: "mansum, et hortum, et domos, et cimiterium."

89. Colección diplomática, doc. 942 (May 7, 1268): "indulgemus ecclesiis parochilibus civitatis et diocesis Valencie, quas vos...episcopus et successores vestri simul vel successive duxeritis erigendas, quod possint adquirere et habere per empcionem, legatum, donacionem, vel alium quencumque titulum sive modum a quibuscunque personis, parrochianis suis vel aliis centum viginti jovatas terre franchas et liberas..."

90. Thus the first fruits at Tales, paid by the Moors to the church of Onda, were fraction less: "primiciam videlicet de XXX barchillas unam et sic de universis rebus quod consuetum est dare primiciam" ("Colección de cartas pueblas," no. LXXXIV, BSCC, XXVIII, 1952, 137-138). See the Aureum opus, fol. 14r, v, an. 1261; and Furs, lib. IV, rub. XXIV c. 1. See tithe and first-fruits settlement, below, in Chapter IX.

91. Arch. Cath., doc. cited in note 86.

92. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,310 (June 14, 1242): "Ut rectores earundem inde valeant comode sustentan."

93. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,418 (Mar. 16, 1279), for example. The first fruits of the cathedral parish and of other parishes helped support the sacristan of the chapter (e.g. perg. 4,616, June 4, 1271). Even in the constitution cited, some first fruits were reserved to the precentor by way of a vicarship. The Játiva churches would similarly lose their first fruits to a dignitary. After a prolonged struggle, the people of Morella lost two-thirds of their first fruits to the bishop and chapter of Tortosa (Colección diplomática, doc. 1,173; June 16, 1263). The Valencia dean took the first fruits, tithe, and patronage of two churches in 1260, but six of the churches later assigned him kept the first fruits (Lloréns, "Deanato de Valencia," pp. 16-17).

94. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,432 (June 14, 1257). Artal of Luna finally yielded the first fruits of Paterna and Manises; past nonpayment was indulgently remitted. A compromise over the ecclesiastical revenues on the domains of Maria Ferrandis (February 1263) retained the first fruits for the rector there, but allowed that lady to keep those on flocks wintering or transient (perg. 2,431). First fruits were also retained, by an arbitration, in the wide domains of Simon Pérez of Arenós for the rectors (perg. 2,413; cf. the case in perg. 2,418); and indeed this is the universal rule.

95. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 59, fol. 100 (Aug. 25, 1282). Peter insists on collecting them in one set of places as James had also done ("exceptis tamen locis in quibus dictus dominus Rex pater noster ipsas primicias recipit [sic] et recipere debet"). And see Peter III, Reg. Canc. 40, fol. 155 (Sept. 1, 1278). Cf. Chapter IX, notes 66-68.

96. "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. III (of Ares, above): "et supradictam primiciam concedo vobis concilio ego Dompnus latrone quod mittatis ad oppus de illas ecclesias [sic]" (an.1243). Is this the Latron near Morella, or a form of Ladrón? Opus here is construction or, more properly, upkeep and improvement (see p. 190).

97. Ibid., no. XXXI (Vistabella, April 1251), BSCC, XIII (1932), 132-134.

98. Ibid., no. XVIII (Catí, Jan. 25, 1239), BSCC, X (1929), 85-87: "dando scilicet decimam fideliter Sancte ecclesie et primiciam vestro concilio." And see the phrase nearly identical in his charter to Viliafranca (no. XXXVIII; Villafranca, Feb. 7, 1239, BSCC, XIII [1932], 190-192). Blaise has the same phrase in his charter for Corachar and Peña de Arononal (ibid., XXXVII [1961], 268-269).

99. E.g. no. XV (of Villahermosa) March 9, 1253, BSCC, IX (1928), 166-168; and no. XLVII (Villanueva, area of Castell de Cabres), February 1237, BSCC, XIV (1933), 200-201.

100. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,351 (April 1, 1242): "recipiat Capellanus parochialis a nobis instituendus primicias et alia sicut in Episcopatu Valentie recipient ceteri capellani."

101. Anastasio López, "Confesores de la familia real de Aragón," Archivo ibero-americano, XVI (1929), 152-153.

102. Juan Puig, "Senyors de Morella durant el segle xiiiè," BSCC, XXXI (1955), pp. 100-101. See Colección diplomática, doc. 1,173 (June 16, 1263).

103. But at Ballestar we find "primiciam rectori ecclesie loci predicti"; this is because the diocese of Tortosa means to insist that the monastery of Benifasá is not to have it ("Colleción de cartas pueblas," no. L, Mar. 9, 1278, BSCC, XIV [1933], 433-436). At Calatayud in 1315 in Aragon proper, the "usum antiquum," which the town "ab antiquo consueverunt," and which previous bishops had always respected, was that the people sent out their own collectors without reference to the bishop. The funds "consueverunt converti in ornamentis, luminariis, hedificacionibus et aliis apparatibus ecclesiarum ipsarum" (Documenta selecta, doc. 262, Nov. 16, 1315). This has some application to Valencia, not only by analogy and because settlers came also from the Tarazona diocese bringing their local customs for private law, but also because in the tithe controversy the customs of Tarazona and other dioceses would be used to stabilize those of Valencia (see below, Chapter IX).

104. Rationes decimarum I, 177-178: "ab hominibus de Burriana," etc. Cf. p. 174. The same pattern is seen in the 1279 lists, p. 170.

105. A. Sánchez Gozalbo, "El castillo de Polpis," BSCC, XIV (1933), 459: "et vos populatores teneamini facere in dicto loco ecclesiam."

106. Arch. Cath. Tortosa, cajón Donaciones y Privilegios, doc. 5: "pro operibus ecclesie vel aliis necessariis hominum de Morella."

107. "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. XX (Culla, Mar. 23, 1244), BSCC, XI (1930), 36-38: "etiam volumus et concedimus vobis...quod habeatis et percipiatis semper et in secula seculorum pnimiciam dicti loci et terminorum suorum ad reparacionem eclesiam [for ecclesiarum?] et murorum dicti loci." The repair of walls was an object of the first fruits elsewhere in James's kingdoms too (see Vincke, preface to Documenta selecta, p. xvii).

108. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,341 (Feb. 7, 1241); but the sentence is not altogether free of ambiguity.

109. Servicia seems to be a generic name for many of these (Arch. Cath., perg. 2,413); defunciones and oblaciones seem to be equally wide (e.g. perg. 1,317). The latter two revenues along with candles are surrendered to the religious Knights of Mercy, to be collected from the resident parishioners ("abitancium ibidem," "hominum ibi comarancium") in perg. 2,363 and perg. 2,364. "Luminaria cotidiana" are an expected free-will offering (perg. 1,317), also oil for the church lamps; a distinction is made between different offerings of oil and candles, depending upon the intention of the donor (perg. 1,216). See too a typical enumeration in perg. 2,391. Ramón Bidagor discusses offerings in his La "iglesia propia" en España, estudio histórico-canónico (Analecta gregoriana, no. 4 [Rome, 1933], pp. 131-132). English fees as described by Moorman (Church Life, pp. 127-130) are similar, allowing for local differences; there was a Martinmas tax on grain, a mortuary of the second best piece of property from deceased parishioners owning three or more animals, bread for the altar (not for Mass, but to be blessed and distributed after Mass as a symbol; the cleric kept the surplus for domestic use), offerings when the ill were visited, etc.

110. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,391 (Sept. 18, 1255).

111. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,310 (June 14, 1242); the bishop's wishes were to be respected in the spending of this.

112. Moorman, Church Life, p. 137.

113. Repartimiento de Sevilla, I, 360. On the tithe see below, Chapters VIII and IX.

114. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,309 (June 23, 1240).

115. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,311 (Oct. 21, 1245), where this information is summed up.

116. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,413 (Aug. 29, 1260). The division of the tithes between bishop and chapter of the Segorbe diocese is described in a document of late 1232 (Viage literario, III, 225-226); this would surely have applied to the Valencian regions then being added.

117. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,432 (June 14, 1257). After a careful consideration of necessary expenditures as balanced against known income, in the plentiful English records, Moorman concludes that an ordinary vicar or pastor was just making ends meet and had "little more than the average wage of a working man" -- yet the English clergy had the tithe for themselves (Church Life, pp. 137-138).

118. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,374 (Nov. 11, 1277); the last are goods given "intuitu sue parrochie."

119. The case in note 29 may amount to this.

120. Arch. Crown, James I, Reg. Canc. 19, fol. 106v (Feb. 22, 1273). "Damus et concedimus tibi Johanni Gutierres consanguineo fidelis scriptonis nostri porcionis [?]bartholomei thome diebus omnibus vite tue ecclesiam de villa regali prope burrianam. Ita quod tu habeas dictam ecclesiam cum omnibus iuribus, et deservias eam die ac nocte in omnibus horis prout capellanus vel Rector ecclesie facere tenetur. Mandantes baiulis..."

121. Arch. Cath., perg. 4,639 (Dec. 23, 1256): "sit notum cunctis quod nos Frater Geraldus Amici castellanus emposte...elegimus et instituimus te Iohannem Capellanum et rectorem ecclesie ville et termini de cuyllera, dando...te dictam ecclesiam cum omnibus rebus et iuribus suis habitis et habendis." William Thomas was his successor, sometime before 1279 (see Chapter V, note 16).

122. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,381 (July 19, 1250). "Et quidquid beneficii redditus et proventus sollicitudine tua studio vel labore aut pia devocione fidelium ibidem advenerit seu accreverit, in usus tuos cedat et convertatur. Ita quod non tenearis nobis vel successoribus nostris aliquam reddere rationem. Salvo hoc nobis tantummodo et retento quod racione predicte comande tibi vel Ecclesie [priori]...ius aliquod vel dominium in predictam Ecclesiam nullatenus acquiratur. Et quod in festo Nativitatis domini nobis unum par caponum propter dominii recognicionem nomine census annuatim persolvas." A promise was given by the new chaplain (ibid.): "iuxta possibilitatem meam fideliter deservire et meliorare sine preiudicio tamen prefate Ecclesie [priori]..." St. Julian's was not parochial.

123. Arch. Crown, Peter III, Reg. Canc. 49, fol. 48v (Mar. 3, 1280): "visis presentibus inquiratis numerum et nomina Ecclesiarum parochialium omnium villarum et locorum tam nostrorum quam Ecclesiarum Religiosorum, nobilium militum.. ." The document is of the year 1280, but is making inquiry into charters published in Valencian parishes "ab antiquo."

124. Arch. Crown, Bulas, legajo I (Gregory VII), no. 3 and (Urban II), nos. 5-6. Sanchís Sivera defends the authenticity of the bulls (Diócesis valentina, II, 113). See especially Bidagor's Iglesia propia (e.g. p. 144); in ch. 8 he traces the evolution of the feudal proprietary rights over the iglesia propia into personal patronage over the material aspects, half tolerated and half conceded to founders by our period. Bidagor challenges a number of Stutz's conclusions (cf. the latter's "Eigenkirche, Eigenkloster," Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed., XXIII, 371). Vincke has pertinent general remarks in his "Patronatsrecht der aragonischen Krone," though he is specifically concerned with chantry benefices. See too Manuel Torres López, largely on the subsequent period, "La doctrina de las 'iglesias propias' en los autores españoles," AHDE, 11(1925), 402- 461. Mansilla Reoyo, Iglesia castellano-leonesa, p. 88.

125. See Chapter XIV.

126. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,310 (June 14, 1242).

127. Arch. Cath., perg. 5,960, for example (June 28, 1240).

128. Arch. Cath., perg. 787 (Feb. 1, 1246).

129. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,432 (June 14, 1257); and the sweeping claim in the "Colección de cartas pueblas," no. LVII (cited in note 68).

130. Vincke, "Patronatsrecht," p. 57.

131. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,413 (Aug. 29, 1260): "tamquam vero loci domino et fundatori ecclesiarum ius patronatus in omnibus ecclesiis terre rivi de Millares factis et in posterum faciendis in ecclesia ville de Andilla Ut cum ipsas vel aliquam de predictis vacare rectore contigerit." See Aguilar, Noticias de Segorbe, I, 147- 148, similar document in Segorbe capitular archives.

132. Chabás, "Çeid Abu Çeid," p. 164.

133. Arch. Cath., perg. 1,317: "in omnibus istis ecclesiis et aliis aliorum locorum quas dicti fratres dante domino per se adquirent eripient et liberabunt de manibus Sarracenorum vel et aliunde cum armis vel sine armis..."

134. Arch. Cath., perg. 3,104 (Aug. 8, 1267) where a cathedral chantry is in question. "Ydoneitatem quidem vel suficienciam intelligimus si sit honestus et noverit officium Ecclesiasticum, si sacerdos sit vel taus qui possit infra tempus modicum vel ad minus infra annum ad sacerdotalem ordinem promoveri. Nolumus eciam nec intendimus quod potest [haberel ignoranciam artis gramatice..." In the interval between presentation and appointment, the bishop promises to pay the candidate every day: "interim quidem videlicet dum presentatus in promovendo fuerit promitimus dare cotidie duodecim denarios sicut superius est expressum scilicet sex denarios presentato..."

135. The situation in England shortly before this time may persuade one that clerics who were priests would not be common on the Valencian frontier either. The bishop of Lincoln instituted (1209-1325) in the archdeaconry of Oxford one hundred and four rectors of whom one was definitely a priest, nineteen may very well have been, ten are undesignated, but five were deacons, forty-five were subdeacons, five acolytes, and fifteen "clerics" (Moorman, Church Life, p. 34); such incumbents could chant the office but of course not say Mass nor hear confessions. Even if "chaplain" always means a priest, Hugh of Wells would have installed as rectors in three Lincoln archdeaconries only sixty-one priests out of two hundred and forty-eight chosen (i.e., less than a fourth) and his successor Grosseteste only one in five, out of two hundred and twenty-nine in the archdeaconry of Northampton (p. 36). Some would probably be ordained later in their careers.

136. Diócesis valentina, II, 419-420n. This practice was perhaps connected, at least for some of its clerics, with the attempt by Toledo to establish jurisdiction here, a point suggested by the context of this legislation but overlooked by Sanchís Sivera.

137. See below, Chapter IX. See also Vincke, "Patronatsrecht," p. 55; the chantries founded by James and his successors, eighteen at Valencia city alone by the early fifteenth century, are listed and discussed there.

138. Documenta selecta, doc. 6 (Jan. 9, 1239): "quibuslibet...ecclesiis et monasteriis regni Valencie."