[101] In fitting Christian institutions to their frontier home, diocesan authorities early gave attention to the problem of education. This was the age of the universities. It was also heir to a long development in secondary schooling. And it was a period which, for all its faith and its violence, placed emphasis upon rationalization and legalism to the point of naïveté. Faced with a massive program of parish organization and of church building, and immersed in countless struggles over revenue and jurisdiction, the Valencian church nonetheless boasted a precentorship and a municipal school by the summer of 1240, a cathedral school in 1259, and even the beginnings of a university by 1245.

A University

Because the university ultimately proved abortive, its practical influence on the frontier state might seem nil. Yet its charter demonstrates that higher education was considered a need with priority. It shows once again how thoroughly and swiftly these people tried to carry their blueprint for a social order into the realm of fact. For, though the enterprise failed, it had nevertheless been conceived and in a legal sense born. It is one more note of enterprise and expansion, of assertion by a few settlers in creating their environment, of unity and self-importance in the new kingdom.

The kingdom of Valencia was conquered and reorganized during the golden age of the universities, those autonomous and mobile corporations by which the medieval European discovered how to institutionalize higher learning. From its small origins in the last decades of the twelfth century, the university movement was running broad and deep throughout the first half of the thirteenth century. Of the two archetypal universities, Paris had received its first code of laws in 1215, when James I was already king in Aragon; it had rallied after its critical great dispersion (1231), when King James was about to attack Valencia. The university of Bologna had been developing at about the same time and pace as her sister in Paris. By mid-century a dozen other universities had also sprung up over Europe from Oxford to Salerno, and the movement would swiftly spread. The speed and impact of the movement are reflected by Roger Bacon (1214-1294) in an enthusiastic outburst:

[102]Never has there been so great a display of learning nor so much dedication to study, in so many [university] faculties, in so many regions, as there has been these past forty years. Professors are scattered everywhere, particularly for theology, in every city and in every fortified or commercial town -- especially because of the scholars of the two [mendicant] Orders. Nor did this happen [before] but only during about the past forty years.⁽¹⁾

But the university of Bologna was an even stronger force in King James's realms. Raymond of Penyafort, one of its most celebrated professors, and any number of brilliant graduates like James Sarroca and Vidal of Cañellas, were intimate advisors to the king. King James, more than any other monarch of his time, surrounded himself with legists and promoted the Roman law enthusiasm. Even the Barcelona cathedral at this time was a center of legal studies. It is possible that the king's bishop of Zaragoza during the first years of organizing the conquered city of Valencia was the great Bologna professor Vincent of Spain. At any rate, the Catalan "nation" established at the university of Bologna was sending a steady stream of university men back to the homeland.⁽⁶⁾

There was, then, a strong university tradition among the Valencian crusaders. There was also a definite tendency in this general region toward princely foundation of a university. Besides, King James's neighbors and rivals had recently increased their prestige by opening universities of their own. Toulouse had begun its lectures in three faculties with fourteen professors in 1229; by the time Valencia fell, it had survived its time of troubles and was making steady progress. In Castile the same primate of Toledo who was soon to clash with King James in a court fight over the metropolitan jurisdiction of conquered Valencia, had already brought professors from Italy and France to remote Palencia; here under the aegis of Ferdinand III a moribund study center was changed into a national university (1220). Castile had begun a second university at Valladolid (1228) and a third at Salamanca (1243), and had pioneered with the first code of university [103] legislation.⁽⁷⁾ It is not surprising therefore that James of Aragon projected a second university.

That King James should plan to install his new university on the partially settled frontier, however, is surprising, until two factors are considered. To begin with, Toulouse, "the first university that can properly be said to have been founded at all,"⁽⁸⁾ had just set a successful precedent of a center of higher learning established as an intellectual and spiritual garrison, a deliberate, artificial bulwark against unfriendly and unorthodox currents. It received fuller privileges from Innocent IV in 1245, the same year the pope issued the Valencia university charter. Secondly, King James was deliberately fashioning a separate entity out of his southern conquest, a special kingdom with its own money, its own procurator and administration, its own parliament, its own progressive law code, its own "knights of the conquest" -- in short, an artificial creation which could add luster to his name and serve to balance the power of his other realms. A university, simply by its existence, would strengthen the new kingdom. If it prospered, attracting a large student population and encouraging settlement, so much the better.

On July 10, 1245, in answer to an appeal from the king, Pope Innocent IV issued a charter for a studium generale at Valencia. It was to serve the subjects of the realms of Aragon, as well as any others who might come from abroad.⁽⁹⁾ This document has been casually noted by historians of the university movement, who assume that it represented a paper university.⁽¹⁰⁾ Rashdall even refuses to grant it this dignity or existence -- it was merely a document. This is by no means certain. Paper universities were rare in the thirteenth century, and papal confirmations were not bestowed lightly.⁽¹¹⁾ In deciding whether a university existed, what should we look for during these early years at Valencia?

A university did not as yet require buildings and libraries; it was largely a juridical status, a complex of privileges and intentions. As for physical evidences, the total professorate of a new university might run from one up to ten masters, and these mostly in legal science. Thus, four years after its charter (1358) Huesca university was to have only one faculty member, and he had been there long before the charter. According to the Siete partidas in thirteenth-century Castile, a studium generale should have a master for civil law, one for canon law, and one each for at least the three most important of the seven arts. At Salamanca, Alphonse X had three canonists, one legist, two logicians, two grammarians, and two masters in physics -- though the last six together had a salary total not much bigger than the individual salary of any canonist or legist. Lérida was to have four masters in law, one in medicine, one in philosophy, and one in grammar. Toulouse began grandly with fourteen masters. Salamanca had two salaried chairs in civil law, three more in canon law, two in medicine, two in logic, two in grammar, one in music, one in pharmacy; local Dominicans taught some [104] theology. Law was the leading faculty "in by far the greater number of medieval universities"; in Spain and in southern Europe generally "law was driving theology out of fashion."⁽¹²⁾

The most sanguine settler in the newly Christian city would not have expected the necessary faculties to emerge at once. The best that might be hoped for some time was to attract scholars to the new land, develop university men among the clergy, cultivate the growth of preparatory schools, and set attractive conditions for the university lecturer. And that was precisely what was achieved during the early years at Valencia city. This had been the manner in which the university at Montpellier had been encouraged. Even in a settled prosperous community the process might be expected to last some time, as the faculties grew slowly toward the day when they might hope to amount to a true university.

There would be Montpellier and Bologna graduates among the crusaders to advise the king on this. There was a plentiful supply of "masters" in Valencia from which to draw lecturers. Over twenty appear in the Repartimiento of land grants; three were in the pioneer cathedral chapter of the early forties; and others appear in the records from time to time.⁽¹³⁾ In individual cases the title might carry no academic meaning, but during the thirteenth century it commonly designated a degree, often legal or medical. Did these men take up residence and become available as professors? In any case, the goodly supply of masters, in what are meager and scattered records, suggests an academic stratum among the colonists generally. Men trained in the university Roman law were particularly common in Valencia, so that their activities and fees had to be curbed by a series of Valencian statutes.

Others could more easily be brought in by King James than they had been by the king of Castile for Palencia. Or the king and bishop might have hoped that the cathedral school would develop eventually into the university, as had happened in so many other places. If so, the academic legislation by the bishops in 1240, 1242, 1254, 1258, 1259, and 1345 should be linked to the university project. Or, finally, certain masters organized as a studium particulare may have been installed here on salary, as had been done elsewhere, with the hope that eventually the institution would grow larger.

What evidence is there that these were the general lines along which the project had been planned? The very grant indicates things were so. It would otherwise be an absurdity to confer such a privilege for a far corner of Christendom, upon a motley crowd of crusaders, while fighting was still going forward, and before revenues, churches, town governments, or the probability of a large permanent immigration had been finally and properly settled. But if we see the charter as an academic call to arms, as a practical stimulus and a vote of confidence, as a reflection of the optimistic gaudium which rang through the western Mediterranean when Valencia fell, then the [105] document assumes intelligibility. The "great exaltation" of all Christendom at the capture of "the kingdom of Valencia" is expressed in this university chartering; and the spread of the faith on the frontier is adduced in it as the motive for placing a university in Valencia.

The wording of the charter clearly establishes the Valencian institution canonically as a studium generale, intended for students from all over Christendom.⁽¹⁴⁾ It includes a practical privilege giving to clerical masters, coming from any place in James's dominions to teach in Valencia city, their full benefices just as if they were still resident in their home dioceses. Yet another privilege, separately issued, broadens this: "the scholars of your realms and of every other land subject to your rule" who study at Valencia may also keep their benefice revenues, "as do other scholars in Spain giving themselves to study elsewhere."⁽¹⁵⁾ A further document appeals to Valencian scholars to preserve the privilege and not allow anyone to impede it.⁽¹⁶⁾ All this adds up to a very practical encouragement both to prospective teachers and to prospective students. It would be surprising if no one took advantage of it.

In the original charter Pope Innocent made special reference to James's enthusiasm for this university enterprise. This is pertinent, since James was not a flighty man, nor was he inexperienced in university affairs. Besides, was not a Valencian university clearly what the educational statute in the Furs prepared the way for? In the statute, the legal cornerstone for educational development in Valencia, the king decreed (1245): "I grant that any cleric or layman may, freely and without any service or tribute, conduct a school of letters, and of all the other arts, and of medicine, and of civil and canon law, in any place throughout the whole city."⁽¹⁷⁾ Villanueva conjectured that the strong language of this law must have indicated serious opposition to be overcome. But the wording was more likely another indication of the strength of King James's determination to lure teachers to Valencia.⁽¹⁸⁾

Why then, after these promising beginnings, is no more heard about the university of Valencia? Surviving documentation on thirteenth-century Valencia being as scanty as it is, there is nothing remarkable in a lack of records for the embryo institution during its first decade or so. After that brief time -- not having fulfilled its early promise, for reasons which became more obvious with the passing years -- authorities probably ceased to hope much for it. A clue to these reasons may be found in the manner in which the crown of Aragon next established a university, fifty-five years later (1300), this time at Lérida.

First, Lérida was endowed with tax funds; previous artificial universities, when unendowed, had not survived. Secondly it was placed at Lérida, central to the populations of both Aragon and Catalonia; settlers had refused to come to the kingdom of Valencia in great numbers, as King James complained in 1276. Finally, a full monopoly on higher teaching was given to [106] the new university (Montpellier by then being under the king of Majorca); it is possible that those pioneer Valencian clerics who did take up university studies had preferred the prestige and adventure of Montpellier. In founding Lérida, moreover, nothing was left to the chance of natural development; the university was put into full operation that very year, with statutes drawn and promulgated -- all with unprecedented efficiency. "No university, indeed, was more entirely the creation of a monarch's will."⁽¹⁹⁾ It is reasonable to look for at least a partial explanation of all this in the failure at Valencia of an existent, but very disappointing, embryo university.

By this time there may have been no lecturers left in the barren academic groves of the south, or at best a few unimportant clerical hacks who kept up the pretense of a university. The decree of 1300 establishing Lérida university destroyed whatever ambiguous remnants of the earlier Valencian university remained. This may even have been the main purpose of the decree of monopoly. In the next century, however, the Valencians were to erect a studium particulare (1374); they countered the Lérida monopoly by citing the laws of James I from pioneer days. The people of Valencia had not forgotten their university beginnings.⁽²⁰⁾
 

Secondary, Elementary, Professional, and Clerical Education in the Realm

In June 1240 a genuine municipal program was founded, quite distinct from the later cathedral school, or from whatever purely private tutoring there might have been in the city, and distinct also from the education of the clergy or choirboys. This was almost immediately after the conquest. The cathedral precentor Dominic superintended this "school of the city."⁽²¹⁾ He also gave teaching licences, and apparently examined the masters. This is to be expected, since the office was equivalent in academic matters to that of chancellor in northern Europe.⁽²²⁾

In 1242 a statute of the metropolitan ordered some changes. His decree was in force at Valencia and a copy was filed away in the cathedral archives: "Anybody who wants to teach children the psalms and chant and grammar may do this without a license from the precentor. But the examination of these masters belongs to the bishop, as has become the custom in some churches already."⁽²³⁾ It would seem that, as was quite common in the Middle Ages, clerics and seculars in Valencia were teaching for a small fee the elements of Latin, reading, and writing. The Decretals of Gregory IX had ordered every priest to have a clerk to teach parish boys; these papal laws were not remote and foreign, but had been compiled at this very time by the ecclesiastic of Barcelona and adviser of King James, Raymond of Penyafort.

The Valencian diocesan synod of 1258 ordered a permanent fund to be [107] set aside for a master of grammar. His primary function was to train candidates so that they might be successfully examined as to "whether they chant, or read, or can pronounce Latin words...and how they ought to bear themselves in the house of God." This is probably the choir school to provide choristers and to instruct potential clerics. Sanchís Sivera reads this, and the prohibition against promoting anyone "unless he knows how to speak Latin," as implying a "very complete" education, including the ability to "converse" in Latin. But the statutes really only require the ability to pronounce the words properly and to have the rudiments of grammar; conversari means to conduct one's self or to behave.⁽²⁴⁾

More ambitious plans were afoot. In 1179, sixty years before Valencia fell, when secondary education was popular but expensive, the Third Lateran ecumenical council had ordered each cathedral to set aside funds to support free teaching for the young clerics and, as a charity, for the local poor boys. In 1215 the Fourth Lateran council had extended this to all other churches which could support a master. Raymond of Penyafort explained this obligation for contemporaries as involving "separate masters of the liberal arts -- at the least, of grammar." It would be simony to charge a fee of "clerics and other poor students" who attend, "because knowledge is the gift of God and therefore cannot be sold"; but offerings could be demanded to supplement an insufficient salary.⁽²⁵⁾ In 1219 at Lérida the provincial council formally put the conciliar legislation into local effect, though this amounted to no more than a strengthening of older traditions here.

The diocesan synod of Valencia decreed, in the Easter season of 1259, that a cathedral school would be formed along these lines. It was to consist at first of "one master who is to conduct the grammar classes in the church" at the expense of bishop and chapter.⁽²⁶⁾ In the crusade-tax lists of 1279 and 1280 the chapter functionary Master Vincent appears, in charge of the Valencian students, with a modestly substantial income. Vincent may have been the teacher, or a liaison officer between chapter and school, or a combined administrator and teacher of advanced subjects.⁽²⁷⁾ At contemporary Vich the magister scolarium in the chapter assigned teaching duties to another master, along with control of the school, at a yearly salary of 60 Barcelona solidi.⁽²⁸⁾ Vincent did not bear this title at Valencia, and licensing here belonged to the precentor. But just after the end of the century (1308) one Raymond Algarra, doctor scolarum,⁽²⁹⁾ is found at Valencia. His job may be analogous to that of the magister scolarium or scholasticus. If so, supervisory functions at Valencia had already passed from the hands of the precentor to that of a special capitular functionary. In 1317 William Cortés will resign the Valencia cathedral school to become vicar of Liria; a Master John will succeed him.

What of the numbers of smaller schools, those conducted by laymen or clerics in the city and diocese? Such lower schools were common enough in [108] other cities. The legislation at Valencia points to their existence here, though legislation may be wishful. The provision that teachers be free from civil fees or from the precentor's licenses may be meant to regulate, though the laws are from rather too early a date for this. On the other hand, they may be meant only to stimulate. That there were such schools is probable; but their beginnings would be so informal that documentation cannot be expected. One can only say: here is a zeal for schools under difficult circumstances; here are attractive concessions to teachers; and because many documents show evidence of a class of men with university degrees, here presumably was also a proportionate body of educated men without these formal titles.

Having viewed the problem from the terminus a quo, it will be useful to approach it now from the terminus ad quem, gaining from the later results some understanding of the previous evolution. In the early fourteenth century, the Játiva city fathers complained to the king about his prohibition against teaching philosophy, law, or medicine anywhere in his realm except at Lérida; they said this hurt the teaching even of "grammatical and logical subjects" at Játiva far to the south of Valencia city. The king assured them that he had in mind only the professional subjects, and that grammar and logic may be "taught and studied" at Játiva or elsewhere.⁽³⁰⁾ These subjects must have been taught on a fairly advanced basis, to have been so shaken by the university decree. If at Játiva, surely there was similar activity at the capital, with its longer history of secondary schooling and its university privilege.

Very early in the fourteenth century, schools run by laymen and clerics were numerous in the realm of Valencia and stood in need of reorganization. In the town of Murviedro, just above the city of Valencia, two doctors had to be appointed to examine masters wishing to teach in that town, because the situation was getting out of hand.⁽³¹⁾ Besides a salaried episcopal lecturer in grammar and logic, "some scholars both clerical and lay" were teaching there, not always with sufficient knowledge (1336); two years later the official lecturer, John, was given a rival, Peter, so that scholars had a choice even of these.⁽³²⁾ A town as small as Jérica had two schools by 1334, when the vicar of the church there was licensed to begin the second one.⁽³³⁾ In all, eight important secondary schools outside the city of Valencia are documented for the fourteenth century. Rashdall even lists as studia particularia at this time the schools at Murviedro (Sagunto), Morella, Sueca, and Játiva.⁽³⁴⁾ By 1329 the city of Valencia had set up at royal command an examining board for practitioners of medicine or surgery in the kingdom and had forbidden nonlicensed physicians to practice.⁽³⁵⁾ Such early fourteenth-century evidence involves an uncomfortable time-lapse from the period discussed in this book. However, this is a difficulty native to investigations from a terminus ad quem. In the absence of documentation for the intervening [109] period, these somewhat later evidences of a wide cultivation of schools may not be irrelevant to a knowledge of the situation during the preceding generation.

Mere literacy, as distinguished from education, may have been rather easier to achieve than one might imagine. Raymond Lull, a contemporary courtier in the Catalan regions (and eventually a philosopher and mystic of note), was an enthusiastic composer and writer of troubadour poetry, but, because he knew Latin grammar only a little (un poc), he considered himself "illiterate."⁽³⁶⁾ Notaries who composed in Latin were very common in the city and realm of Valencia, the names of many being known. One of them, a Berengar of Ripoll, notary of Valencia city, received a license from King James to train assistants: "that you may install under your care a student [discipulum] or students, whomever you may wish, who may draft and copy wills for you from memory."⁽³⁷⁾ Scattered evidence of a professional and artistic leaven in the population glints in the records from the start: physicians, painters, silversmiths, troubadours, a plethora of legal men, interpreters, notaries, makers of manuscript books, and so forth.⁽³⁸⁾

Clerical education at the universities of Europe was encouraged also by a constitution introduced into the Valencian church in 1254, providing for dispensation from residence for benefice holders who attended universities.⁽³⁹⁾ That this was not an idle gesture can be seen from a subsequent statute which protests that, though learning be an excellent thing, Valencian canons must not quickly rush off into it; a residence of six months is demanded after acceptance as a canon.⁽⁴⁰⁾ The canons always included among their number some masters; most of these would have taken the arts course or the legal training.⁽⁴¹⁾ The country clergy had fewer opportunities as boys or as clerics; they probably had only that minimum, spoken of above, required of the parish priest. To his even more ignorant peasant parishioners, however, the local cleric must have seemed erudite as he performed his liturgy or returned from the synod with new theological gleanings.

There was no chair of theology in the cathedral until 1345,⁽⁴²⁾ though Escolano and Beuter attempt without evidence to install a theology master here in 1275. But from the beginning (to speak again of antecedent probabilities) the Dominicans would have had lectures open to the clergy and laity of the city. The Dominicans deliberately fixed their headquarters at the university world-centers, and their main houses "from the first assumed the form of colleges."⁽⁴³⁾ Their activities at Oxford and elsewhere during this period, like that of the other Mendicants, are well known; it was an essential part of their vocation to bring Christian scholarship from the universities out to the provinces. They commonly erected an informal studium of theology in the big towns. Barcelona, which was behind Valencia in a number of innovations at this time, before 1299 had such a Dominican faculty with two chairs.

[110] At least one of the Dominicans present at the fall of Valencia, and forming part of its first Dominican community, was a professionally trained theology teacher.⁽⁴⁴⁾ Within a decade after the conquest, in fact, the Dominicans were operating a studium of oriental languages in Valencia city and assigning teachers there from other localities. True, this was with missionary purposes in mind, for the converting of the Valencia Moslems, but it shows how quickly the Order could act.⁽⁴⁵⁾ It seems probable that their normal theological preoccupation would similarly have found expression.

The archivist Sanchís Sivera proposed, mainly by way of conjecture, that the hospitals of the thirteenth-century city of Valencia furnished an informal apprenticeship to beginners in medicine, that similarly informal schools in nonecciesiastical music existed, and that convents of nuns and religious houses were generally centers of instruction in letters and science.⁽⁴⁶⁾ Some religious houses probably did give instruction. A land document reveals an interesting example of this elsewhere; King James endowed a "studium theologie" for a Cistercian monastery in the Agde diocese, to be used by the monks and "others" (1263). The king allowed the Carthusians at Montpellier to set up a similar studium that same year. Convents of nuns at this period commonly taught upper-class girls and even young boys; we have no information on the educational activities of the several Valencian convents. There are a number of "scholares" in the records; the Latin term is ambiguous without a context, however, and easily bears a nonacademic meaning.⁽⁴⁷⁾

Taken all in all, a surprising concern for education characterized these early years. The several projects and the hints of further educational activity reveal yet another aspect of the church's activity as agent of social progress and Westernization on the Valencian frontier.

1. "Contra impugnantes Dei cultum," IV, 12, quoted in Rodríguez, "Exención" (see above, Chapter II, note 4). "Nunquam fuit tanta apparentia scientiae nec tantum exercitium studii in tot facultatibus, in tot regionibus, sicut a quadraginta annis. Ubique enim sunt doctores dispersi et maxime in theologia in omni civitate et in omni castro et in omni burgo, praecipue per duos ordinis studentes; quod non accidit nisi a quadraginta annis circiter." Vicente de la Fuente has only the briefest reference to the primitive Valencian university in his Historia de las universidades, colegios, y demás establecimientos en España, 4 vols. (Madrid, 1884-1889), I, 229. There is a short account in C. Ajo G. y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia de las universidades hispánicas, 3 vols. to date (Madrid, 1957-1959), I, 286-288. The period just subsequent to our own, and shedding some light perhaps by implication, is covered well by Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, "Precedentes de la universidad de Valencia," Anales de la universidad de Valencia, V (1924-1925), 175-301.

2. Montpellier had a widespread reputation in medicine by 1160; the schools were licenced and organized later (1180-1220) under ecclesiastical auspices. Formal pontifical erection was accorded by Nicholas IV only in 1289. Its evolution, unlike that of Paris, was sure and peaceful. The development of the law faculty in the thirteenth-century period was favored by troubles at Bologna. The three "nations" in this faculty were Provence, Burgundy, and Catalonia. In 1293 Philip of France got suzerainty over Montpellier but only as vassal to the king of Majorca; in 1349 direct overlordship passed to France. See Stephen D'Irsay, Histoire des universités françaises et étrangères des origines a nos jours, 2 vols. (Paris, 1933-1935), I, 116-120; and Rashdall, Universities of Europe, II, 116-139.

3. Besides the well-known interjection of the royal authority into purely university affairs by James I at Montpellier in his law of 1272 (D'Irsay, Universités, I, 164, and cf. Rashdall, Universities, II, 122n., 126-127), and his founding of a theological studium for the Carthusians at nearby Valmagne in 1263 (Universities, II, 133), see the fight between James and the bishop over jurisdiction and the right of the king to grant degrees at Montpellier, settled by Pope Clement IV in 1268 (I, 22-23).

4. Repartimiento de Valencia, p. 544, "Suma Montispesulani: LXXV [domus]". Also grants on pp. 180-181, 215, 282, 331, 374, 467, 480, 539, 622. Cf. pp. 531-532 for Barcelona and Lérida.

5. Sanchís Sivera, "La enseñanza en Valencia en la época foral," BRAH, CVIII (1936), 157-158. Paris, Bologna, and Montpellier (the last being favored) were the universities most frequented by James's subjects (pp. 158-159).

6. J. Miret y Sans, "Escolars catalans al estudi de Bolonia en la xiii^a centuria," BRABLB, VIII (1915), 137-155. Tourtoulon, Jaime I, II, 34-35. J. Ochoa Sanz, Vincentius Hispanus, canonista boloñés del siglo xiii (Rome, 1960), pp. 100, 102 ff., 111. Cf. below, Chapter XIV, note 31 and text.

7. Palencia still existed in 1243 but seems dead by 1263. Salamanca was refounded by Ferdinand III in 1243 and received a royal charter in 1254 and a papal confirmation of its statutes in 1255. Valladolid was a studium generale ex consuetudine; its serious development came only in the fourteenth century. D'Irsay calls the Siete partidas "la premiere législation universitaire d'un Etat," which opens "une ère nouvelle dans l'histoire de l'enseignement," a peaceful reconquista during which more responsibility is assumed by the state in close collaboration with the church (Universités, I, 143). The Castilian school and university movement is described by González (Reino de Castilla, I, 626-635).

8. With the partial exception of Palencia; there are analogies in the voluntary migrations of academic bodies in the past (Rashdall, Universities, II, 161).

9. Arch. Vat., Reg. Vat. 21 (Innocent IV), fol. 213v (July 10, 1245); in Berger, Registres, I, no. 1,375.

10. D'Irsay, Universités, I, 142 where a passing reference is made incorrectly to "un petit studium local." Rashdall notes the charter (Universities, II, 107); but "nothing further appears to have been done." Formal treatment of this early period by historians of the medieval universities was lacking until the recent short account by Ajo G. y Sáinz de Zúñiga (see note 1). Some accounts mislead the reader; see, for example, the fables concerning the scholarly circle of Mozarabic Basilians teaching, at what became St. Bartholomew's parish, in the early thirteenth century, in Miguel Velasco y Santos, Reseña histórica de la universidad de Valencia, su origen y fundación, sus progresos y vicisitudes, influjo que ha ejercido en el movimiento general científico y literario de España hasta el año de 1845 (Valencia, 1868).

11. Rashdall (Universities, II, app. 1) treats the subject of paper universities. Dublin (1312) eventually proved abortive; Gray (1291) was got by Count Otto IV of Burgundy from Pope Nicholas IV but was stifled by disastrous fires, wars, and temporary French annexation. There are similar examples at Alcalá (1293), Verona (1339), and Pamiers (1295). On the concrete protection and encouragement to learning which a university charter offered see Pearl Kibre, "Scholarly Privileges: their Roman Origins and Mediaeval Expression," AHR, LIX (1954), 543-567.

12. Rashdall, Universities, III, 457; II, 80, 209.

13. See in the Repartimiento: Almeric Petragaricensis (p. 216), the canon Bernard Soler (pp. 180, 381, 459), Berengar of Villabertran (p. 218), Berengar of Graseca (pp. 238, 268, 433), Evi (p. 605), the physician G. Anglés (p. 217), G. of Teruel (pp. 214, 280), the king's physician Guido (pp. 157, 161, 229, 241, 481, 619, 667), Elias (p. 455), the physician James (p. 399), John of Tarragona (pp. 460, 575, 635), J. Nuño (p. 293), the physician Lobo (p. 630), Martin (pp. 176, 238), Michael (p. 540), Paris (p. 591), Ponce of Sumidria (pp. 304, 537, 625), Richard of Barcelona (pp. 182, 287, 526), Vincent (p. 574), and William (pp. 548, 569, 625). Of these and similar names, some of course would be Jews. On the cathedral canons see note 41. On the general educational climate of the Spanish churchmen see V. Beltrán de Heredia, "La formación intelectual del clero en España durante los siglos xii, xiii, y xiv," Revista española de teología, VI (1946), 313-357.

14. Document in note 9. Berger's transcription in the Registres d'Innocent IV (I, no. 1,375) malcopies the phrase "nimis erit utile," putting "vicinis erit utile" and thus obscuring the idea of a studium generale. On the other hand, he puts "exceptis" in the phrase "distributionibus cotidianis dumtaxat acceptis," thus erroneously supplying the Valencian scholars with this added support. August Potthast's Regesta pontificum romanorum, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1874-1875) dates the letter incorrectly as of July 15. The privilege of drawing scholars from all over Christendom would alone demonstrate a studium generale; the great canonist Hostiensis explained that with this concession "de studio generali intelligendum est, non de studio speciali alicuius castri vel ville, cum hoc in fraude fiat"; see reference to his Summa in H. Denifle, Die Entstehung der Universitäten des Mittelalters bis 1400 (Berlin, 1885), I (unicus), 19n. Denifle's short treatment of the Valencia university concerns almost exclusively the much later history (pp. 643-646).

15. Arch. Vat., Reg. Vat. 21, fols. 213v-214r, also July 10, 1245 but a separate document from that in note 9; "ut scolares Regnorum tuorum et totius alterius terre tuo subjecte dominio qui in predicta Civitate studuerint beneficiorum. proventus in huiusmodi studio percipere valeant sicut alii scolares yspanie alibi studio insistentes percipere dinoscuntur." The preface to this document also repeats the note of "great joy" in Christendom.

16. Arch. Vat., ibid., fol. 214 (same date); not published in Registres.

17. Furs, lib. IX, rub. XXXII, C. 17: "atorgam que tot clergue o altre horn pusque francament, e sens tot servi, e tribut tener studi de grammatica, e de totes altres artes, e de fisica, e de dret civil, e canonich en tot loch per toda la ciutat."

18. Viage literario, II, 96.

19. Rashdall, Universities, II, 92.

20. Ibid. p. 107, Besides Lérida, Aragon was to have universities at Perpignan (1350, 1375) and Huesca (1354); others came in the following century.

21. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,309 (June 23, 1240): "item assignamus ei scholam civitatis." Also in Constitutiones sive ordinationes, fol. 42 (a misprint for 47), and in Viage literario, doc. in II, 94.

22. Rashdall, Universities, I, 279. See Chapter II, note 86 and text.

23. Arch. Cath., perg. 2,310 (June 14, 1242): "quicunque docere voluerit pueros in psalmis et cantu et gramatica possit hoc facere sine licentia precentoris; sed examinatio magistrorum pertineat ad episcopum sicut in quibusdam ecclesiis de consuetudine est obtentum." Master Peter Dominic was capiscol (chantre, precentor) at this time. Soon Gonzalvo Pérez and others will succeed him.

24. "Constitutiones synodales" (Oct. 22, 1258): "utrum cantent vel legant, vel loqui sciant latinis verbis, et qualiter in domo domini debeant conversan"; "ad quartum gradum nisi loqui sciat latinis verbis." Sanchís Sivera, "Enseñanza en Valencia," p. 156: "muy completa."

25. Summa, lib. I, tit. III, under simony: "tenerent singulos magistros liberalium artium, ad minus grammaticae quae earumdem Ecclesiarum clericos et alios scholares pauperes gratis instituerent"; "scientia donum Dei est, unde vendi non potest." In the previous century, already "la plupart des chapitres ont une école" (Philippe Delhaye, "L'organisation scolaire au xiie siècle," Traditio, V [1947], 240).

26. Constitutiones sive ordinationes, fol. 57, an. 1259, has: "statuimus quod unus magister qui regat scholas grammaticas in Ecclesia recipiat sex denarios." See also "Constitutiones synodales," p. 180; and J. M. Madurell y Marimón, "Las escuelas de la seo de Barcelona," HS, I (1948), 389-401. The council of Lérida in 1219 had ordered a school of grammar also in each archdeaconry. Excellent background, though Valencia is touched only lightly, is Johannes Vincke's "Die Hochschulpolitik der spanischen Domkapitel im Mittelalter," Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, IX (1954), 144-163; cf. pp. 152, 157.

27. Rationes decimarum, I, 258, 264: "item pro censuali scolarium magistri Vincentii," and "item a redditibus scolarium magistri Vincencii" at 18 and 16 solidi. See the similar situation in parts of France (Delhaye, "Organisation scolaire," pp. 247-248).

28. Carreras Candi, "Notes dotzecentistes" [1911], pp. 9-10, document of 1257 organizing the existing academic situation. The school's object is "nepotes canonicorum" -- probably the households or boy servitors at the cathedral, with the extern poor students understood as included. At Mayence in 1190 intern students boarded with the canons (Delhaye, "Organisation scolaire," p. 250).

29. Sanchís Sivera, "Enseñanza en Valencia," p. 167. The author sees him as coordinator of schools, though the form "scolarum" does not necessarily indicate this. The term doctor rather than magister may suggest a legal training (see Rashdall, Universities, I, 19-20).

30. Sanchís Sivera, "Enseñanza," p. 160; Viage literario, doc. in II, 98-99.

31. Sanchís Sivera, "Enseñanza," p. 162 (an. 1336); doc. 6, in appendix of the series of articles ibid., CIX (1937), 23.

32. Ibid., doc. 2, pp. 20-21: "scolares aliqui, tam clerici quam layci." Also doc. 3, p. 21.

33. Ibid., doc. 5, p. 22. The reorganization of pre-existent elementary schools in the early fourteenth century was not a local phenomenon. Thus, at Brussels there was a small school for boys, another for girls, and a third larger school; in 1320 these expanded to comprise ten in this one city, including four for girls (Moreau, Eglise en Belgique, III, 626-627). There seems to have been a school under the local pastor's jurisdiction in every town (p. 626).

34. Universities, II, 107n.

35. Sanchís Sivera, "Enseñanza en Valencia," pp. 169-170. See Viage literario, II, 99 though the objection here seems groundless. Medicine was always a favored subject in King James's realms; even Barcelona was to organize into a medical studium at the end of the next century, acquiring thereby royal patronage and a guarantee of public corpses for dissection (Rashdall, Universities, II, 101).

36. A Life of Ramón Lull Written by an Unknown Hand About 1311, ed.-tr. E. A. Peers (London, 1927), p. 4 yet he could both "write and compose" his poems (p. 2). In his novel Blanquerna, Lull's nun "learned perfectly to read" in a short time.

37. Itinerari, p. 518 (April 19, 1275): "quod possis tenere sub te discipulum et quos volueris qui pro te conficiant et scribant a memoriis testamentorum." At this time (1230) Toulouse had at least thirty-two public scribes (Mundy, Toulouse, p.327).

38. Silversmiths (two do not take up their claim) appear in the Repartimiento de Valencia (pp. 211, 276, 279-280, 311, 528, 560); painters (516, 533); troubadours (213, 336, 362, 499, 528, 553, 565, 631); and so on.

39. Constitutiones sive ordinationes, fols. 12v-13r (July 1, 1254).

40. Ibid., fol. 13r (an. 1279).

41. In the early chapter, besides Soler, the archdeacon Martin and the precentor (Peter) Dominic were masters; others soon follow. The Repartimiento has "Magister P. portugalensis canonicus valentinus" (p. 274). Theological masters were rare, the course being a postgraduate one usually for men planning an academic career, and it increased one's university time to sixteen or seventeen years; only Oxford, Cambridge, and Paris then had theological faculties; many of the clerics sent by bishops to study theology or scripture did not mean to return with formal degrees (Moorman, Church Life, p. 95). The number of masters in a diocese with good bishops and a convenient university is given by Moorman: the deaconry of Stowe, in the diocese of Lincoln, had eight incumbents with masters' degrees out of eighty-six (1205-1235), then thirteen out of eighty-five (1235-1253), then sixteen out of seventy-six (1258-1279), i.e. a percentage of nine, then sixteen, then twenty-one.

42. Viage literario, II, 100, document.

43. Rashdall, Universities, I, 347.

44. See Chapter XI, note 44 and text.

45. For a general treatment of this subject, with some reference to Valencia, see José M. Coll, "Escuelas de lenguas orientales en los siglos xiii-xiv," AST, XVII (1944), 115-138, XVIII (1945), 59-90, XIX (1946), 217-240. The date 1281 is sometimes incorrectly cited for the foundation of the Valencian studium. Rashdall and others do not mention the Valencian school, though it existed earlier than its famous counterpart at Seville. Further treatment of this fascinating subject falls outside the scope of the present book.

46. Sanchís Sivera, "Enseñanza en Valencia," pp. 158, 173.

47. Thus the will of one Berengar of 1279 at Valencia provides for the support of "unum scolarium," apparently in connection with the Templars' residence (Arch. Nac. Madrid, Ords. Milits., Montesa, R134). There is a "scolaris" at St. Vincent's from 1266; the holder of this benefice in 1269 is William Bernard (see the documents cited in Chapter XV, note 58, and comments). A "scolaris" named John Peter is among those exempt from the 1280 crusade tithe in Valencia (Rationes decimarum, I, 261, cf. 255).