[vii] Research and writing to a great extent were made possible by funding from the Commission for Educational and Cultural Exchange between Spain and the United States, for dissertation research in 1978-1979 and postdoctoral work in 1985, and from the University of New Orleans in the summers of 1984 and 1987.

I wish to acknowledge a number of people for their contributions to the completion of this book. María Isabel Simó, director of the archivo Histórico Provincial of Cáceres, Magdalena Galiana Nuez, director of the Archivo Municipal of Trujillo, and Fátima Martín Pedrilla of Cáceres offered crucial assistance in the archives and friendship as well. My thanks also to Carmen Otuerta de Salas of Madrid and Trujillo. I am very grateful to the following: James Lockhart for invaluable suggestions and criticism; Helen Nader, Stuart B. Schwartz, William B. Taylor, and David S. Reher for their comments on the manuscript; Richard L. Kagan and Franklin W. Knight for their encouragement over the years; Scott Mahler of the University of California Press for his support and assistance; Paula Cizmar for copy editing; and Beryl Gauthier for efficient and patient typing of most of the manuscript. Suzanne Shean of the school of Urban and Regional Studies, University of New Orleans, drew the excellent detail map of the region; special thanks also to Dick Jacobs for additional artwork on the maps.

I also thank the many other friends and colleagues who have provided insight and inspiration and especially my family for their support, understanding, and unfailingly sound advice. At its best this volume reflects the efforts and concern of those acknowledged [viii] here; its shortcomings are my responsibility alone. I dedicate the the book to my parents, whose love
and example in so many ways have made this work possible.
 

The purpose of this book is to study the movement of people between Spain and America in the sixteenth century by examining the experiences of emigrants who lived in, left, and sometimes returned to a specific area in southwestern Spain. It is not activities in the Indies that define the emigrant group; in the New World the people in question engaged in a variety of pursuits and achieved failure and success, notoriety and obscurity, distinction and mediocrity. What the emigrants did have in common were their origins in and connections to the small cities and villages of northeastern Extremadura. They were relatives, friends, and neighbors. They knew or knew about one another, associated closely once they arrived in the New World, kept in touch with people back home, returned home to visit or to stay, and encouraged further emigration from their home towns, thus nurturing the patterns of association based on kinship and common origin that served to define them as a group.

Given the above, the reader will find that the present work differs in its objectives and conclusions from studies of sixteenth-century Spanish emigration which have taken an ostensibly broader and more inclusive approach to the subject or used some aspect of the Spanish American context and experience as the basis for investigation. While such approaches to the subject have yielded important data and insights, they have not allowed a systematic examination of the question of the relationship of local Spanish society to emigration and the Indies enterprise.

As one of the three distinct, if internally heterogeneous, groups [2] that contributed to the formation of Spanish American society - the indigenous peoples of the Americas, the Europeans, and the Africans they brought with them - the Spaniards played a pivotal role in that they were responsible for bringing the three together. Yet in recent years Spaniards have attracted less scholarly attention than Indians or Africans, in large part, no doubt, because of the imbalance that resulted from the earlier historiographical focus on Spanish institutions in the New World. It is also possible that the much greater cultural homogeneity of the Iberian group, compared to the other two, has discouraged more detailed inquiry into the background of Spanish emigrants. The uniformity of Spanish behavior, attitudes, and expectations in the process of transferring Spanish institutions and forms of socioeconomic organization to the New World would seem to suggest that the detailed investigation of Spanish society and culture can reveal little that would be new or unexpected to the student of early Spanish America. Furthermore, certain basic features of Spanish society did change rapidly or even disappear in the New World setting, and this in turn might be seen as further evidence that little is to be gained from an in-depth examination of the nature and organization of Spanish society.

Yet the assumption that early Spanish American social history has only an indirect relationship with the social history of early modern Spain (Castile) can be sustained only as long as the histories of the two are kept separate. If they are brought into direct connection-as can be done most effectively by looking at people rather than institutions-they become inextricably intertwined. If we consider Spanish and Spanish American societies of the sixteenth century as variants within a definable but expanding Hispanic world, then individual career patterns, continuities of socioeconomic organization, and historical developments that originated in Spain in the Middle Ages and carried over to the New World can be seen as part of a coherent line of development. Because of these continuities and the ties between people in Spain and America, the study of emigration as such provides the basis for an examination of socioeconomic patterns and change in the Old and New Worlds. The societies were distinct but closely connected and in some ways interdependent.

Spanish emigration to the New World in the sixteenth century is a vast subject. Doubtless the most important contribution to the [3] field to date has been the compilation of listings of emigrants by year and place of origin for much of the sixteenth century, which has made it possible to delineate the overall regional and demographic patterns of the movement. ⁽¹⁾ Scholars also have considered the efforts to legislate and control emigration, the problem of calculating the numbers of legal and illegal emigrants who departed for the Indies, and the intellectual and economic impact of the opening of the New World on Spain and Europe. ⁽²⁾ In addition historians primarily interested in the formation of Spanish American society have studied the background, activities, and careers of individuals or selected groups in the New World. They have shown how the examination of careers that spanned the Atlantic can tell us something about people who emigrated and about social structure in both Spain and the New World. These studies, together with collections of letters principally from nonofficial sources, demonstrate the importance of family and personal ties between people in Spain and Spanish America, of cycles of emigration in which one family member who emigrated would be followed by others-often from next generation-and of local and regional association in the Indies. ⁽³⁾

The impact of emigration, return migration, and involvement in the Indies enterprise on local society in Spain is only beginning to receive the attention it merits. ⁽⁴⁾ Whereas most studies relevant to emigration (with the exception of the biographical or prosopographical works mentioned) have tended to be broad, taking most of Castile as the basic unit of analysis, Spanish society of the period in question was highly localized in its structures and orientation. The strong sense of identification that Spaniards felt with their place of origin meant that most people who returned from the Indies did establish themselves at court or in the cosmopolitan city of Seville (or did so only temporarily) but rather in their home towns (or if these were very small, perhaps the nearest large town or city of their region). This sense of identification with the locality continued to figure strongly in the New World as well, as emigrants sent home for relatives, visited, and sent back money to invest in properties, chaplaincies, charitable works, and to support family members. It seems clear, therefore, that the study of emigration within the context of a specific locale is potentially one of the most revealing approaches to the subject. ⁽⁵⁾ Analysis of the position of emigrants [4] and returnees in their home societies not only provides a more concrete basis for studying the transmission and transformation of social structures and cultural attitudes from one side of the Atlantic to the other than can broader and more general analyses, it also can illuminate processes of social change or continuity in Spanish society itself.

The focus of my research on emigration and society is the eastern part of what is called Alta (or northern) Extremadura, specifically the neighboring cities of Cáceres and Trujillo. These two cities or large towns, with populations of around 8000 or 9000 by the mid- to late sixteenth century, were located in a relatively sparsely populated region whose economy hinged on stockraising. Sheep were predominant; one of the three major routes of the northern transhumant sheep herds and the Mesta led directly into the area. Rental of winter pasturage to sheepraisers of Castile and León complemented the local stockraising industry and provided an important source of income for the local nobility, who held much of the region's grazing land. I chose northeastern Extremadura because it produced substantial numbers of emigrants in the sixteenth century but was located well outside the immediate hinterland of Seville. Seville apparently acted as the principal collection point for potential emigrants from much of Castile. By focusing on a region some 250 kilometers (and several days' travel) to the north, I hoped to clarify and delineate the essentially local processes and structures that affected migration.

Emigration from the area studied can be seen as both typical and atypical of Spanish emigration as a whole, as would probably prove to be true for any locality chosen. All the patterns we have come to expect existed there: participation of a broad cross section of social and occupational types, significant impact of family structure and position on determining who would stay at home and who would leave, cycles and traditions of emigration quickly taking shape, and continued contacts and association of people in the Indies both with each other and with people at home. There were certain features, however, of the emigration movement from this part of Extremadura that would make it distinctive within the movement overall. No doubt the most important was the early prominence and participation of such figures as Frey Nicolás de Ovando, early governor of Hispaniola and member of an important noble family of Cáceres, [5] and Francisco Pizarro, conqueror and first governor of Peru, and Pizarro's brothers, natives of Trujillo, who recruited young men from Trujillo and the region in 1529. The crucial role played by citizens of Cáceres and Trujillo helps account for an early and sustained involvement in the Indies that would not be found, for example, in the nearby city of Plasencia.

The present work represents a revision and expansion of my doctoral thesis on emigration and society in the city of Cáceres in the sixteenth century, ⁽⁶⁾ and much of that material appears here. I expanded my research in the expectation that additional material on Trujillo and its jurisdiction would provide a more substantial base for drawing conclusions about Extremaduran emigration and migration than Cáceres alone could afford. Since no other study like the one I did for Cáceres existed, it seemed reasonable to me that looking at a neighboring city of comparable size and g within the same rather well-defined region would reveal essentially similar patterns for emigration and its impact on local society. Yet the sources for Trujillo and its towns and villages suggested some notably different developments there. Research on Trujillo brought into sharp focus the strength of local structures and their potential implications for patterns of emigration. The most striking difference found between the two cities with regard to emigration was quantitative. Well over twice as many people emigrated from Trujillo as from Cáceres in the sixteenth century, although Cáceres was actually only slightly smaller in population. ⁽⁷⁾ In Cáceres, hidalgos (members of the privileged class)-especially younger sons-were a substantial element in the emigrant group, relatively few nuclear families emigrated, and the participation of people from the towns of the city's jurisdiction was fairly limited. Trujillo, on the other hand, while it also had many hidalgos among its emigrants, sent numbers of families, groups of young men who probably came from the middling commoner groups (artisan or peasant background), and significant numbers from the villages of its district.

The distinctive patterns in emigration in some ways arose from the notable localism of early modern Spanish society discussed above, and they suggest an important conclusion. Spanish emigration to the New World at one level was a coherent phenomenon characterized by overall similarities in socioeconomic and [6] demographic composition, regional origins, pace, timing, direction, and the legal and actual constraints or incentives that were brought to bear. At another level, Spanish emigration was the aggregate of many smaller movements. These regional and local movements shared many elements and some direct connections in common. But they also stemmed from and reflected a particular configuration of circumstances which was tied to the locality and point of origin as well as to the degree of involvement in and knowledge of the Indies of the people of a particular place. Although emigration from Cáceres to the Indies got going earlier than from Trujillo, probably because of the importance and example of Frey Nicolás de Ovando, the ties between Trujillo and Peru that resulted from the activities of the Pizarros proved to be a powerful and sustaining force. Ultimately the movement from (and back to) Trujillo became a far more substantial and central phenomenon than would be true for Cáceres. Hand in hand with the greater size of the movement to and from the Indies was a much more visible and direct impact on the home society in Trujillo than in Cáceres.

Because of its concern with the relationship between locality and emigration, this study is an examination both of local society and of movement away from and back to the locality. The social structure and mobility patterns that characterized local society assured that emigration to the New World and involvement in the Indies enterprise would be reflected perceptibly in the local scene. Whereas the kinds of sources utilized and the specific nature of my research meant that much of the material gathered on local society would relate directly to emigrants and returnees or their families, use of sources that are in effect neutral as regards emigration (for example, documentation from notarial and municipal archives) has shown that, within the local context, emigrants and returnees functioned much as did everyone else. Furthermore some of the material specifically on emigrants (for example, testimonies found in the Archive of the Indies in Seville) has proven invaluable in illuminating certain sectors of Spanish society, especially members of the humbler groups, which usually do not emerge very clearly. Such sources complement notarial and municipal records, which tend to be more revealing of the upper middle and upper classes of society. The portrait presented here of local society and its relationship to emigration and the Indies is intended to demonstrate the extent to which [7] emigration became an integral part of the local context in the sixteenth century at the same time that it contributed to the formation of new societies in the Indies and the extension of the Hispanic world.

This approach to understanding the relationship between emigrants and their home society has significant implications for assessing the nature of Spanish activity in the Indies and the formation of conquest societies there. Nearly thirty years after anthropologist George Foster delineated his suggestive theory of the formation of "conquest culture" in Spanish America and its relationship the diverse culture of Spain itself, we still have scarcely begun to analyze how Spanish forms of socioeconomic organization and culture below the level of governmental and ecclesiastical institutions were transferred to the New World and, in the process, transformed. The failure to address that process directly has produced two contradictory but often implicitly accepted models of the relationship between Spanish and Spanish American societies and cultures. One holds that early Spanish American society fully replicated Spanish society, the other that the dramatically different circumstances of the New World called forth entirely new responses and patterns among Spaniards. ⁽⁸⁾ Careful consideration of Spanish society and the people who left can demonstrate that the truth lies somewhere in between.

Although it owes historiographical and conceptual debts to other scholarly works, this book represents the first systematic attempt to describe and explain the background and activities of a group of Spanish emigrants of the sixteenth century and simultaneously to make a detailed inquiry into their home society. By using local society as the basic context for analysis of the careers of emigrants, it becomes possible to examine their relationship to a cultural and socioeconomic milieu with a great deal of specificity. Although I have not identified every emigrant from the area studied, most likely I have found the majority; the people who figure here constitute the core of the movement between one region in Spain and the New World.

This study of emigration from Extremadura, therefore, can claim a completeness and grounding in the concrete reality of local society that no other consideration of Spanish emigration has offered to date.

In the following chapters I attempt to portray society in the [8] Cáceres-Trujillo region and the relationship of that society to the New World. Chapters 1 through 4 deal with social and economic groups, structures, and relations; they focus primarily on the home society but incorporate much material on emigrants, returnees, and their families. Chapters 5 through 7 treat more specifically the activities of emigrants to the Indies and people who returned home again.

The book's time frame is the sixteenth century, with principal focus on the middle decades of the century, from around 1530 to 1580. Practical rather than theoretical considerations largely determined this choice. The documentation is strongest for that period and is, in fact, sufficiently abundant and complex that a somewhat arbitrary cutoff point had to be adopted. As the initial phase of Spanish efforts in the New World, the sixteenth century still merits much more systematic scholarly attention than it has received. Continuing investigation into the seventeenth century might well reveal that new patterns of connection and interaction between Spain and Spanish America developed to replace or coexist with those identified here for the sixteenth century; that inquiry, however, must remain to be done. At the other end of the time spectrum, the fifteenth century, many uncertainties persist as well and to some degree limit the extent to which we can assess the broadest questions regarding socioeconomic and political changes in local society which arose from involvement in the Indies enterprise. The historiography for the late middle ages in Extremadura is weak ⁽⁹⁾ and at present does not offer an adequate basis for examining some aspects of long-term development.

A few more comments on historiography and focus should be offered. Long a poor and isolated region, Extremadura has received only sporadic attention from historians. Although recently the situation has begun to improve, ⁽¹⁰⁾ the gaps and limitations that characterize the region's historical literature mean that initiating and carrying out research on a particular place and time can be difficult. I did not find for Cáceres the kind of solid local history that scholars of other cities often produced in the nineteenth and earlier twentieth centuries, although the works of Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro (the Count of Canilleros), many of them biographical, shed much light on the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. But serious students of Cáceres undoubtedly will find themselves piecing together the city's history [9] directly from the documentary evidence for some time to come. Trujillo, on the other hand, has received better treatment. The histories written by Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso and Juan Tena Fernández-both of whom were directors of Trujillo's municipal archive and incorporated (especially Tena Fernández) a good deal of archival material into their texts-offer an excellent starting point for studying the city. ⁽¹¹⁾ And, of course, the fame and achievements of Francisco Pizarro and his brothers have long attracted attention to Trujillo.

The Pizarros were by far the most famous native sons of Trujillo. Documentation of their activities in Peru especially is vast, and the secondary literature on their lives and impact, already considerable, is still growing. ⁽¹²⁾ Yet the Pizarros do not occupy center stage in the present study. They might well have done so, but a quite different book would have resulted. Here the reader will find the Pizarros treated much as other emigrants and returnees, as examples of certain trends or patterns. Naturally their greater influence and wealth meant that they frequently played key roles not only in major episodes of the time (the conquest of Peru, the civil wars, Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion) but in the more prosaic events of everyday life as well. Hernando Pizarro, the legitimate brother and the only one to return to Trujillo, became (despite his years of imprisonment) one of the wealthiest and hence most powerful citizens of Trujillo, exercising considerable influence for many years. But the story of the family could be told only at the cost of neglecting the many other people and elements that shaped local society and its relation to the Indies. The Pizarros were not Trujillo, even after the conquest of Peru and their spectacular rise in wealth and prominence. Nonetheless, because their activities in Peru had such a impact on early events and on the experiences of many of their relatives, retainers, and other compatriots there and at home, and because they figure frequently in the following pages, it is worthwhile to review here the main outlines of their careers and involvements. ⁽¹³⁾

Francisco Pizarro was born around 1478, the illegitimate son of Captain Gonzalo Pizarro, member of an hidalgo family of middling rank (minor gentry, in other words) which had lands in La Zarza, a village within Trujillo's district. Francisco's mother was Francisca González, the daughter of a farming family; she worked for a time [10] as a servant in a Trujillo convent. At the time of Francisco's birth, his father Gonzalo probably was still in his teens and had not yet begun the military career that would take him to Granada, Navarre, and Italy. Although he used, uncontested, the Pizarro surname and seems to have had contact with his paternal relatives while he was growing up, unlike his younger half-brothers and sisters Francisco did not live in his father's household but instead was raised rather humbly, mostly among relatives on his mother's side. His mother eventually married, and Francisco maintained ties with that side of the family, taking his maternal half-brother Francisco Martín de Alcántara with him to Peru in 1530, where Francisco Martín became perhaps his closest companion.

In 1502 Francisco Pizarro left Spain for Hispaniola in the fleet of appointed governor Frey Nicolás de Ovando, probably either accompanying or intending to join his father's brother Juan Pizarro, known to have been in the Indies. During the next two decades Francisco rose steadily in rank and prominence, moving from Hispaniola to Panama and Nicaragua; by the mid-1520's he was indisputably the most senior and experienced leader in the Isthmian area known as Tierra Firme. Pizarro undertook exploratory expeditions down the coast of modern Peru in the later 1520s and by early 1528 was aware of the existence of a great empire in the area. Late that year he returned to Spain to obtain from the crown the capitulaciones (licenses) for the conquest and governorship of Peru. Before leaving again for the Indies in early 1530 he recruited a number of men, especially from Trujillo and that part of Extremadura, for the final expedition to Peru; among his recruits were his paternal half-brothers Hernando, Juan, and Gonzalo.

The climax of that effort was the capture at Cajamarca of the Inca emperor Atahuallpa, who pledged to collect a huge quantity of gold and silver as ransom in exchange for his life. In the summer of 1533 the Spaniards executed Atahuallpa and divided the amassed treasure. One-fifth went to the crown, with the remainder shared among the 168 men present. The Inca treasure was the single largest windfall of all the years of Spanish activity in the Indies to that point, and the men who received shares became wealthy and influential. Many became leading figures and encomenderos (holders of encomiendas, grants of Indian labor and tribute) in Lima, Cuzco, or other Spanish cities in Peru, or returned to Spain to establish themselves. The [11] Cajamarca group included fourteen men from Trujillo, one from its town of La Zarza, and two from Cáceres. All of the Pizarro brothers except Hernando, the legitimate son, died in Peru; Hernando returned to Spain, as did the majority of the Trujillo contingent at Cajamarca, and eventually married his brother Francisco's mestiza (person of Spanish and Indian parentage) daughter doña Francisca, thus consolidating the family fortune.

This is a skeletal and simplified account of a complex series of events. Cajamarca symbolized but by no means completed the conquest of the Inca empire. The Andean Indians resisted and rebelled; they besieged the Spaniards in Cuzco (the old Inca capital) for more than a year in 1536-537. Francisco Pizarro's brother Juan died in that conflict. Complicated and deadly rivalries also put their mark on Spanish activities in the early years. Hernando Pizarro was responsible for the execution of Diego de Almagro, the former Pizarro partner turned rival; Hernando left for Spain in 1535, where he was imprisoned (he had returned briefly to Spain after Cajamarca and went back to Peru in 1534). Followers of Almagro's mestizo son don Diego retaliated by assassinating Francisco Pizarro in 1541.

These events left the youngest Pizarro brother, Gonzalo, the sole surviving member of the immediate family still in Peru. Disgruntled over the loss of the governorship bequeathed to him by his brother and supported by most of the big encomenderos, Gonzalo led a rebellion against the viceroy, Blasco Núñez Vela. The viceroy had arrived in Peru in 1544 with royal orders that would have undercut considerably the basis of that key institution of Spanish exploitation of Indian productive capacity, the encomienda. Gonzalo effectively ran Peru for four years but finally lost support with the advent of the royal representative, Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca, sent to restore order in 1547. The end of the rebellion and Gonzalo's execution closed the era of Pizarrist domination in Peru; but this twenty-year period of Pizarro leadership had a decisive impact on the timing and dimensions of emigration im their home town and region and affected patterns of extremeño association and involvement in the Indies for years to come. (The term "extremeños" as used here refers primarily to the people of the Cáceres-Trujillo subregion, unless otherwise noted.)

This study emphasizes the importance of family ties, [12] socioeconomic networks based on common origin, and the loyalty and solidarity these engendered; yet it must be remembered that the generalizations offered here cannot be applied wholesale to people or developments either in Spain or Spanish America. Individual lives and events may contradict or subvert almost any rule that can be formulated. There is strong and consistent evidence for the importance of family relations and local cohesiveness both at home and in the New World. Yet husbands abandoned wives and parents left children behind; people sometimes ignored close relatives and instead formed partnerships and enduring friendships with individuals with whom they shared no roots but rather a compelling range of common experiences and interests. Even what at first glance looks like regional solidarity in fact could mask more complicated forces. In light of their ultimate (and profitable) defection, the support that the cacereño captains gave to Gonzalo Pizarro seems to have been motivated as much by opportunism as regional loyalty; and a close examination of the almost unanimous participation of the trujillanos in the rebellion shows that a fair degree of coercion was brought to bear on a number of them. (The terms "cacereños" and "trujillanos" will be used to refer to the people of Cáceres and Trujillo respectively when it is necessary to distinguish between the two groups.)

Despite the variety and particularity of human behavior, however, the generalities still stand. The basic principles underlying social structures are not simply products of the historian's retrospective analysis; these principles emerge in great part from the vocabulary and actions of the people we are discussing. Francisco Pizarro's favoritism toward his brothers and extremeño compatriots, Gonzalo Pizarro's faith in the strength of the ties of common origin that he shared with many of his key supporters, Alvaro de Paredes's letters home to Cáceres that constantly referred to family relations and obligations, the uncles and aunts who sent for nephews back in Spain to join them and inherit the fruits of their success in the Indies-these are not at all abstract; they are a reflection of the reality of people's lives.

Consideration of emigration from Cáceres and Trujillo shows that at the most basic level the movement to the New World was idiosyncratic, conditioned by a variety of circumstances tied to the locality that could produce rather distinctive patterns and choices. [13] Despite similarity between the two cities, the emigration movement from Trujillo was much larger and the impact of the Indies much more perceptible and immediate there than in Cáceres. The region as a whole was itself atypical in some ways. The crucial initial role played by the Pizarros in Peru in large part not only accounts for the greater size of the movement from Trujillo but also explains why the movement from the area in certain ways differed from general patterns of Spanish emigration; for both cities Peru overall was by far the favored destination, whereas Mexico actually drew the largest number of emigrants from Spain in every decade but one in the sixteenth century from the time of the conquest. And there is no single good explanation for why Extremadura provided such a remarkable proportion of the leadership in the early years in the Indies.

Yet the idiosyncrasies that characterized emigration from Cáceres or Trujillo fit well within the general trends of the movement. The extremeño emigrant group was not exceptional in its socioeconomic or demographic makeup; it included representatives of a broad cross section of occupational and social groups, single and married adults, men, women, and children. Similarly extremeños, like other emigrants, departed for the New World under a variety of arrangements, recruited officially and privately, as appointed officials or servants, as part of entourages, or at their own initiative. In the New World their distinctiveness lay mainly in their own perception of their common origins and identity and their efforts to preserve those allegiances and associations brought from home.

A last qualifier should be made here. This study does not treat all of modern-day Extremadura or even historical "Alta" Extremadura but rather the subregion formed by the cities of Cáceres and Trujillo and their districts. In the sixteenth century Extremadura did not function as an effective geographical or political unit and was scarcely recognized as such. It should also be noted that Spanish terms are explained in the text and included in a glossary at the end.
 

1. The first two volumes of Peter Boyd-Bowman's Indice geobiográfico de cuarenta mil pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI (Bogota, 1964; Mexico, 1968) list emigrants for the period 1493-1539, and three other volumes covering the rest of the sixteenth century have yet to be published. Boyd-Bowman's articles analyzing his data have appeared in a number of journals, and several were reprinted in Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the New World (1493-1580) (Buffalo, N.Y., 1973); these are supplemented by his "Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the Indies until1600," Hispanic American Historical Review 56 (1976): 580-604.

2. J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1492-1650 (New York, 1970) discusses a number of themes related to the impact of America on Spain. Fredi Chiappelli, ed., First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old. 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976) contains excellent articles on aspects of migration and return migration in the Spanish world by Peter Boyd-Bowman, Woodrow Borah, James Lockhart, and Magnus Mörner, who also compiled a bibliography of relevant works (see 2: 707-804). Jose Luis Martínez, Pasajeros de Indias: Viajes transatlánticos en el siglo XVI (Madrid, 1983) also summarizes a great deal of material from printed and published sources.

3. See Mario Góngora, Los grupos de conquistadores en Tierra Firme (1509-1530) (Santiago, 1962), James Lockhart, The Men of Cajamarca (Austin, 1972); Enrique Otte, "Cartas privadas de Puebla del siglo XVI," Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 3 (1966): 10-87; James Lockhart and Enrique Otte, Letters and People of the Spanish Indies (New York, 1976).

4. The first volume of Primeras jornadas de Andalucía y América (La Rábida, 1981) includes several studies that focus on emigration from a specific locality; see, for example, Lourdes Díez Trechuelo Spinola, "Emigración cordobesa a las Indias, siglo XVI," 405-426. However, although they are concerned with emigration from particular localities, the studies rely mainly on records in the Archive of the Indies rather than on local documentation.

5. Two studies that examine local society in Extremadura in the late fifteenth and sixteenth century at least raise the question of the relationship between local society and emigration; they are Mario Góngora, "Régimen señorial y rural en la Extremadura de la Orden de Santiago en el momento de la emigración a Indias," Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 2 (1965): 1-19, and David E. Vassberg, "La coyuntura socioeconómica de la ciudad de Trujillo durante la época de la conquista de América," Publicaciones de la Diputación Provincial de Badajoz (Badajoz, 1979). Neither article, however, makes any direct connections between the localities studied and emigration to America.

6. Ida Altman, "Emigrants, Returnees and Society in Sixteenth Century Cáceres" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1981).

7. I have identified 410 known emigrants from Cáceres in the sixteenth century and 921 from Trujillo in the same period (these figures do not include the villages and towns of their jurisdictions).

8. George M. Foster, Culture and Conquest. America's Spanish Heritage (Chicago, 1960). See also my article "Emigrants and Society: An Approach to the Background of Colonial Spanish America," Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, 1 (January 1988): 170-190, which addresses this question.

9. Marie-Claude Gerbet's La noblesse dans le royaume de Castille: Etudes sur ses structures sociales en Estrémadure (1454-1516) (Paris, 1979) is a major work for the period. For the Jewish community in Trujillo, see Haim Beinart, Trujillo: A Jewish Community in Extremadura on the Eve of the Expulsion from Spain (Jerusalem, 1980). Two articles in La ciudad hispánica durante los siglos XIII al XVI (Madrid, 1985)- Carmen Fernández-Daza Alvear, "Linajes trujillanos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV," 1: 419-432 and María Angeles Sánchez Rubio, "Estructura socio-económica de la ciudad de Trujillo a través de sus Ordenanzas Municipales (siglo XV)," 1: 433-444.--do not greatly extend our picture of the period.

10. A multivolume Historia de Extremadura (Badajoz, 1985), authored mainly by faculty members of the University of Extremadura, summarizes much of the most recent research on the region as a whole. Another multivolume history is being compiled as well. Monographs such as Angel Rodríguez Sánchez's Cáceres: población y comportamientos demográficos en el siglo XVI (Cáceres, 1977) and Gerbet's La noblesse represent important contributions not only to the study of Extremadura but also to the historiography of Castile in general. And the study of Extremadura has long benefited from the Revista de Estudios Extremeños, which has been published (in one form or another) since the late nineteenth century and reflects much of the scholarship on the region.

11. Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo y su tierra: Historia, monumantos e hijos ilustres, 2 vols. (Trujillo, 1924); and Juan Tena Fernßndez, Trujillo histórico y monumental (Alicante, 1967).

12. For those interested in further study of the Pizarros, the biographies of the brothers included in Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, are an excellent starting point. Lockhart's biographies of the Pizarros and other men from Extremadura portray tellingly the outlook, objectives, capacities, and limitations of the men of that region. They are thorough, balanced, and perceptive and provide extensive bibliography and references to archival sources. An important recent addition to the literature on the Pizarros is Rafael Varón Gabai and Auke Pieter Jacobs, "Peruvian Wealth and Spanish Investment: The Pizarro Family during the Sixteenth Century," Hispanic American Historical Review 67, 4 (November 1987): 657-695.

13. This material is drawn largely from Lochkart's biographies in Men of Cajamarca; for the principal events in the conquest of Peru, see pp. 3-16. Also essential for understanding early Peru is James Lockhart's Spanish Peru, 1532-1560 (Madison, Wis., 1968).