THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE

Studies in Medieval Spanish Frontier History

Charles Julian Bishko

ADDENDA

To Study I:

Since 1948 the source materials upon which this study rests have become much more available. In addition to Fernando Bujanda, Inventario de los documentos (Logroño, 1947) and Ildefonso Rodríguez de Lama, Colecció diplomática medieval de la Rioja, 923-1225 (Logroño, 1976- ), there is now A.Ubieto Arteta's useful but non-definitive Cartulario de Albelda (Valencia, 1960). The Libellus, as I hoped it might (p. 570), has finally received an excellent edltio princeps at the hands of a Spanish scholar, Dr.Antonio Linage Conde. His Una regla monástica riojana femenina del siglo X: El "Libellus a Regula sancti Benedicti subtractus" (Salamanca, 1973) , also adds appreciably to the understanding of Aemilianensis 62 by tracing its codicological, paleographical and artistic links with the Franco-Carolingian circulation of Smaragdus, while commenting upon various features of the monasticism portrayed. On two points I find myself in strong disagreement: first, with Linage's denial of Salvan authorship and his ascription of the Rule to either an unknown author or the scribe Eneco Garseani; secondly, with his overemphasis (pp. 126-134) upon the orthodoxy of the reception ordo , which fails to allow sufficiently for the striking amalgamation of Hispanic pactual and Benedictine juridical components, a mixture I have stressed as characteristic of the Riojan-Castilian frontier cenobitic synthesis of the ninth and tenth centuries. Linage's views appear also in his Los orígenes del monacato benedictino en la Península Ibérica, 3 v. (León, 1973), II, 802-820. Cf. further my "Hispanic Monastic Pactualism : The Controversy Continues," Classical Folia, XXVII (1973), 173-185.

The superb edition of Smaragdus by Alfred Spannagel and Pius Engelbert, Smaragdi Abbatis Expositio in Regula Benedicti (Siegburg, 19744; Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, VIII) isof prime value for tracing Carolingian-Benedictine infiltration into frontier spain but, although citing my Salvus paper ( p. xxv, n.4) the editors inexplicably do not collate Smaragdan excerpts of the Libellus , revealing as these are for the recensions afloat in Spain.

[2] Other titles of pertinence are: J. Pérez de Urbel, "La conquista de la Rioja y su colonización espiritual en el siglo X," in Estudios dedicados a Menéndez Pidal, I (Madrid, 1950), 495-534, where (as in at author's multi-volume works on the County of Castile) he seeks to establish Albelda's descent from San Pedro de Cárdena through the impossible identification Azadina-Caradigna; J.M .Lacarra, Historia política del Reino de Navarra, I (Pamplona, 1972), chaps. 4-5; A.García de Cortázar y Ruiz de Aguirre, "La ordenación económica social en la Rioja Alta en el siglo X," in Homenaje a don José María Lacarra de Miguel, 3v. (Zaragoza, 1977), I, 97-120.

To Study II:

The publication of the Spanish version of this study (actually in 1971 ) coincided with the appearance of the important books by Cowdrey, Lacarra , Linage Conde and Segl listed above at note 15, to which can added also José Mattoso, Le monachisme Ibérique et Cluny: Les monastéres du diocese de Porto de 1'an mille à 1200 (Louvain, 1968). Insofar as these works subsume the primacy of Sancho el Mayor's Cluniac relations, regard the Cluniacs and Gregorian papacy as consistent collaborators in Spain, and pass rapidly over Fernando so to concentrate upon the reign of Alfonso VI, they represent the coventional reconstruction which I find unacceptable. More recently Professor Hilda Grassotti of the University of Buenos Aires, in her "La Iglesia y el Estado en León y Castilla de Tamarón a Zamora (1037-1072)," CHE, LXI-LXII (1977), 96-144, at pp. 136-144, takes issue with my Fernandine thesis, arguing that under this ruler the Leonese-Castilian association with Cluny was simply an expression of profoundly Hispanic piety which in no sense involved king or kingdom in a parapolitical censive clientage vis-a-vis the Burgundian congregation. This acknowledged authority on Leonese-Castilian feudalism and monarchical institutions, while justly concerned about risks of attributing to Fernando what I see as plainly manifest in Burgundian policies of his son Alfonso VI, does not however relate her defence of this traditional position to the 1063 crisis in peninsular inter-state relations, Aragón's acceptance of the Roman suzerainty, the startling phenomenon at Barbastro of the first major papal and Cluniac intervention in the Spanish Reconquest. In this limited space I can therefore only re-affirm my belief in the validity of what the preceding pages have presented as regards the authentic genesis and significance of the Fernandine-Burgundian coniunctio. I hope in due course to make appropriate rejoinder to Professor Grassotti's contentions.

To Study III:

Since 1975 two general treatments of the Spanish Reconquest, both by British scholars, have appeared; at various points these offer fuller information and additional recent bibliography, but their [3] omission of the, in my judgement inseparable Portuguese sector, creates the usual ethnic artificiality. Derek Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain(London, 1978) is primarily political-military in focus, good in dealing with the Muslim as well as the Christian side of campaigns, but regrettably hasty in dismissing the two crucial centuries after 1300. Angus McKay, Spain in the Middle Ages: From Frontier to Empire, 1000-1500 (London, 1977) devotes its initial hundred pages to viewing the Reconquest in North American frontier terms as a continuous process of border warfare and colonization. It is particularly helpful on the principal stages, techniques and institutions of the Hispano-Christian peopling of the occupied territories, a subject my essay largely omitted for reasons of space. J.N.Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1516, 2v. (Oxford,1976-78) deals intermittently but effectively with the late medieval Spanish advance against the Moors, being especially informative on the conquest of Nasrid Granada by the Catholic Kings. On the Portuguese side, there is a rapid sketch, with maps, in Volume I of the new História de Portugal by Joaquim Veríssimo Serrao (Lisbon, 1977). Derek W. Lomax, Las Ordenes Militares en la Península Ibérica durante la Edad Media (Salamanca, 1976) is an invaluable guide to the history, archival and published sources, and the modern literature, of the great ecclesiastico-military corporations. On trans-cultural aspects of the Reconquest, Thomas F.Click, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages (Princeton, 1979), is suggestive. Lastly, note that Professor H.E.Hazard's extensive chronological table, gazetteer and index to Volume III of the Setton History of the Crusades usefully supplement my survey.

To Study IV :

This study (also published in Spanish in Homenaje a Vicens Vives (Barcelona,1965-67, 1,201-218) has contributed to the current revival of interest in the consequences of the Reconquista's southern advance for the development of long-range transhumance and the Mesta Real. Noteworthy in this connection are two papers by Reyna Pastor de Togneri: (1) "La lana en Castilla y León antes de la organización de la Mesta," Moneda y Crédito, no.112 (March 1970), pp.47-69 (also in her Conflictos sociales y estancamiento económico en la España medieval, Barcelona, 1973, pp. 133-171; and in La lana como materia prima, Istituto Internazionale di Storia Económica "F.Datini", Prato, Florence, 1974, 253-269); and (2) with collaborators, "Poblamiento, frontera y estructura agraria en Castilla la Nueva," CHE, XLVII-XLVIII (1968),171-255. See also José Luis Martín, La Península en la Edad Media (Barcelona, 1976), pp. 517-39; and C .E.Dufourcq and Jean Gautier-Dalché , Histoire économlque et soclale de l'Espagne chrétlenne au moyen age (Paris, 1976), pp. 81-2,130-36.

[4]The two-volume treatise of Julio González, Repoblación de Castilla Nueva(Madrid, 1975-76), a somewhat unimaginative assembly of data on the conquest and occupation of La Mancha, deals briefly with stockraising (II, 332-48), but is more concerned with the Tagus than the Guadiana basin and offers little help on transhumant pastoralism. Finally, for the impact of the Guadiana (and Andalusian) ranching frontier upon the sixteenth-century colonization of America, see Msrlo Góngora, Los grupos de conquistadores en Tierra Firme (Santiago de Chile, 1962); idem, Studies in the Colonial History of Spanish America (Cambridge, 1975); and Alistair Hennessey, The Frontier in Latin American History (London, 1978), chaps. 1-3.

To Study VI:

Most topics touched upon in this paper of thirty years since have remained without further investigation except as noted in connection with Studies IV and V of the present volume. Native peninsular types cattle in the Middle Ages can now be more confidently envisaged through two richly illustrated contemporary treatises: M. H. French and others, European Breeds of Cattle , 2v. (Rome, 1966; FAO Agricultural Studies, no.67), II, 62-146; and John E.Rouse , The Criollo: Spanish Cattle in the Americas (Norman, Okla., 1977). The emergence of the privately owned stock ranch, the prototype of Latin American estancia, hacienda or fazenda, still awaits proper investigation, but some light can be gained from such general titles on late medieval and early modern land use in Spain as Antonio Collantes de Terán, "Un modelo andaluz de explotación agraria bajo medieval," Actas de la I Jornadas de metodología aplicada de las ciencias históricas (Santiago de Compostela, 1975), 135-154; ídem, "Le latifundium sévillan au XlVe et XVe s.," Mélanges de la Casa de Velazquez, XII (1976), 101-125; the articles Emilio Cabrera Muñoz, M.A.Ladero Quesada, and others, in Andalucía, de la Edad Media a la Moderna (Madrid, 1977; Cuadernos historia, VII); and David E.Vassberg, "The Sale of Tierras Baldías in Sixteenth-Century Castile," Journal of Modern History, , XLVII (1975), 629-654 (Span, trans. in Estudios geográficos XXXVII, 6, 21-47).