This article was published originally in Hispanis American Historical Review, 32:4 (1952): 491-515. Copyright 1953, by Duke University Press. Used by permission of the publisher

The history of Spanish and Portuguese cattle ranching and its expansion to the Western hemisphere has never been seriously investigated on either side of the Atlantic. Descriptions of medieval Iberian pastoralism, whether in the older, narrowly juridical works of Redonet, Camacho, and Moreno Calderón or the superior modern treatments of Klein and Ribeiro, deal almost exclusively with sheep raising, the "clásica ganadería española." ⁽¹⁾ Latin Americanists, on the other hand, have long recognized that in the Luso-Hispanic [492] colonization and development of the Americas it is not sheep raising but cattle raising that plays by far the major role. Yet they have failed to explore the reasons for this striking reversal; and, in spite of much loose generalization on the subject by Latin-American and Anglo-American writers, we still know astonishingly little about the peninsular background from which sprang the greatest cattle empire in world history one still flourishing from the Argentine pampa to the plains of Wyoming.
 
The fact is that, since the sixteenth century, historians of the Indies have tended to limit their discussion of colonial cattle ranching to only three of its many aspects: (1) the identification of the supposed first importers of the Iberian cow, such as Colón for Española, Villalobos and Cortés for New Spain, Fernán Gutiérrez for Peru, the brothers Goes for Brazil, and in the River Plate country, Gaete with his famous "siete vacas y un toro"; (2) the territorial lines of bovine diffusion; and (3) the mounting statistics of herds and hides. But the recent studies of Miranda, Chevalier and Morrisey on the colonial cattle frontier as a cutting edge of Hispanic settlement in Mexico, and the many unsolved problems connected with the cattle country's participation in the Wars of Independence and in subsequent political and economic evolution, underline our urgent need of comprehensive institutional histories of ganadería vacuna for all parts of Latin America. ⁽²⁾ Such histories, however, require as an indispensable preliminary an account of the organization and conditions of operation of the ranch cattle industry in Spain and Portugal before 1500, and this, even in brief or inadequate form, has simply not been obtainable.
 
The sources of information for this peninsular background of the cattle kingdoms of the Americas are widely scattered [493] and often difficult of access. Of first importance are the royal and municipal law codes of medieval and early modern Iberia, and the numerous royal, ecclesiastical, and private charters. Many of the latter still lie unpublished in peninsular archives, such as those of the Mesta, the Duque de Osuna, the Castilian and Portuguese military orders, and the Extremaduran, Andalusian and Alentejan towns: archives which have never been searched for the cattle materials they undoubtedly contain. Valuable also for the light they throw upon antecedent Iberian institutions are the colonial American histories, relaciones, leyes, cédulas, actas de cabildo, etc. Even current ranching practices in Spain, Portugal and Ibero-America merit attention for their preservation of ancient usages that never attained the level of written notice. Until all these several sources have been thoroughly exploited, a definitive history of Iberian cattle ranching in the Middle Ages cannot be written. But enough material is available in published form to justify this initial, tentative and of necessity sparsely annotated survey. Its purpose is to outline broadly the peninsular ranching institutions that lie back of those of the Americas, and to suggest certain hitherto unnoticed factors explaining the cattleman's early rise to major prominence in the overseas colonies.
 

The first essential is to recognize that, like so many other features of Iberian civilization, cattle ranching in the Middle Ages was virtually peculiar to the Peninsula, a cosa de España. Cattle were, of course, raised almost everywhere in medieval Europe, for their dairy products -- milk, cheese, butter; as draft animals -- the indispensable ox; and for their meat, tallow, and hides. But such cattle were either a strictly subordinate element in manorial crop agriculture, in which peasants might own at best a few cows and a yoke or two of oxen; or they were bred, e.g., in certain parts of Normandy, Wales and Ireland, on small dairy or feeder farms. In the medieval Peninsula, cattle raising of these two types was widely distributed, but most strongly established in what might be called the Iberian Humid Crescent -- the rainy, fertile crop and grasslands that stretch from Beira in central [494] Portugal up through Galicia, swing east across the Cantabrian and Pyrenean valleys, with certain southern salients like the Leonese Tierra de Campos, the comarca of Burgos and the Rioja Alta, and finally turn south into Catalonia. Throughout this region nobles, peasants, churches and monasteries raised considerable stock on the basis of small herds ( greyes) averaging twenty to thirty head. These humid-zone cattle belonged to still surviving northern Iberian razas: Gallegas, Minhotas, Barrosas, Arouquesas and Mirandesas in Galicia, Minho, Trás-os-Montes and Beira Alta; Asturianas in the Cantabrians; and various sub-breeds of Pirenaicas between the Basque Provinces and the Mediterranean. In color they ran predominantly to solid or mixed shades of white, cream, dun, yellow and the lighter and medium reds and browns; and they were in general docile, easily handled and admirably suited to dairy, beef, and draft needs. ⁽³⁾
 
But the raising of cattle on dairy or stock farms, or as a subsidiary to dirt-farming, is not ranching, which implies the ranging of cattle in considerable numbers over extensive grazing grounds for the primary purpose of large-scale production of beef and hides. With the possible exception of the Hungarian Plain and western portions of the British Isles, for both of which areas we badly need careful pastoral studies, medieval Iberia appears to have been the only part, as it was unquestionably the most important part, of medieval Europe to advance to this third level of cattle raising. ⁽⁴⁾ While the precise circumstances must remain obscure, the available charters and fueros enable us to determine that a genuine ranch cattle industry evolved in the Peninsula in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, under Alfonso VI and Alfonso VII of León-Castile. Its birthplace was not the Humid Crescent, but that portion of the subhumid or arid interior tableland of the Meseta Central lying between the middle course [495] of the Duero River and the massive sierras of Gata, Gredos, and Guadarrama; or, more specifically, the tierras of Zamora and Salamanca in León, and those of Segovia and Avila in southern Old Castile.
 
From this original area of its nativity cattle ranching, on an ever increasing scale, expanded southward in the van of reconquista colonization. By the later twelfth century it had moved, along with the sheep industry of León, Castile and Portugal, into the broad pasturelands of New Castile, Extremadura and Alentejo, the latter region apparently being the cradle of the Portuguese ranching system which was later extended into Algarve, the Atlantic Islands and the Brazilian sertao. On this southern half of the meseta, chiefly to the west of a line running through central New Castile, Castilian and Portuguese military orders, nobles and townsmen grazed thousands of cattle, although in both numbers and economic importance these were less significant than the great sheep flocks of the Mesta and other owners. But this situation was reversed after 1250, with Ferdinand III's reconquest of Andalusia, when royal repartimientos assigned to cattlemen rather than to sheep raisers the bulk of the campos, campiñas and marismas of the Guadalquivir valley. As a result, the Andalusian plain became in the latter Middle Ages the one region of the Peninsula, and perhaps of all Europe, where pastoral life, and indeed agricultural life in general, was dominated by a thriving, highly organized cattle-ranching economy. The fact that many of the early colonists of the Canaries and the Indies came from this Andalusian cattle kingdom, which was at its height in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, or from the not too dissimilar cattle ambiente of Extremadura, provides one significant clue to the promotion of cattle over sheep ranching in the American colonies.
 
Just why medieval Castile and Portuguese Alentejo became the site of this widespread ranch cattle industry is a complex question. The only factor usually mentioned, the taking over or imitation of an already established Moorish cattle-ranching system, is clearly of secondary consequence. Some Moorish influence there undoubtedly was, especially in Andalusia, but the Berber was not much of a cattleman in [496] North Africa, nor did he abandon in the Peninsula his typically Mediterranean preference for mutton over beef. Comparatively little in the techniques, vocabulary, dress or equipment of the Castilian and Portuguese cowboy can be traced to Moorish sources; and it is significant that the predominance of the old Iberian breeds of cattle was not adversely affected by African strains, as happened after the Moorish importation of the merino sheep and the Barb horse. ⁽⁵⁾
 

The really decisive factors determining the development of medieval Iberian cattle ranching appear to have been four in number, all of them native to the Peninsula:
 

(1) the presence, as in almost every phase of medieval Luso-Hispanic life, of numerous active, enterprising and ambitious individuals, many of whom were already familiar with Humid Crescent pastoralism and swiftly realized the broader opportunities presented by the conquest of the meseta grazing grounds. Whether nobles, churchmen or town-dwelling ganaderos , such men were the first true prototypes of the cattle ranchers of the Indies.
 
(2) the transformation imposed upon Castilian and Portuguese agriculture by the frontier advance from northern, rainy, good-soiled "European" conditions onto the interior subhumid plains of the meseta (Köppen BS; Thornthwaite DB'd, DB's), with their scarcity of water, poor soils and predominantly mattoral-type bush vegetation (the monte bajo of the stockman) -- an environmental change that affected medieval Iberian life as radically as, in W. P. Webb's view, occupation of the Great Plains did American. Extremes of [497] aridity and deficiencies of browse restricted cattle ranching chiefly to the western half of the meseta; Aragon was always strong sheep country, and in eastern New Castile, i.e., La Mancha, cattlemen were relatively few.
 
(3) the Reconquista, which for centuries created frontier areas on the meseta where Christians and Moors often raided or fought; where the population huddled in large, widely spaced towns separated by despoblados ; where rural labor was scarce and crop-farming hazardous; and where cattle and sheep, being mobile and little demanding, had obvious advantages. Royal colonization policies, with their predilection for large seigneurial and municipal grants, further accentuated pastoral trends.

(4) the special breed of cattle that developed on the meseta and the Andalusian Plain, cattle unique in medieval Europe. Moorish strains, as already observed, never became prominent; some North-African stock was brought in, but these were, as the reference to them in Cabeza de Vaca shows, the brown Atlas shorthorns still found in Morocco, and not to be confused with the native breeds of the Peninsula. ⁽⁶⁾

 
The cattle of Castilian and Portuguese ranching were -- as nearly as a very amateur zoötechnician can determine -- the result of various degrees of crossing between lighter-colored European types of all-purpose cow found in the Humid Crescent, and the wild, or semi-wild, black, dark red, and dark brown descendents of that uniquely Iberian strain, Bos taurus ibericus , the ancestor of the modern fighting bull. Mingling upon the meseta as the reconquista frontier drove southward, these two razas produced a very hardy hybrid stock, varying astonishingly in color and color combinations from creams, yellows and duns to deep browns, reds and blacks - -a stock characterized by markedly feral instincts and often complete wildness. Such cattle were valuable chiefly for their tough hides and stringy beef. ⁽⁷⁾ Medieval Castilians, however, were [498] proud of them. The Siete Partidas notes with satisfaction that animals born in the hot frontier country were larger and stronger than those of the humid region; one fifteenth century writer, Fernando de la Torre, calls Castile the "tierra de bravos toros"; another claims for her "los mas grandes y mejores toros del mundo.'" ⁽⁸⁾ These cattle, unsuited for dairy or draft purposes, compelled the criaderos, charros and serranos of Castile and Portugal to abandon their cosy little cowpastures for the open range, to take to the horse for herding, to perfect systematic methods of long-distance grazing, periodical round-ups, branding, overland drives, and so forth -- in short, to invent cattle ranching. These too are the cows whose long, stern faces, low-swinging heads, formidable horns, narrow sides and long legs appear on the opening pages of the family photograph albums of nearly every criollo breed of the Americas from the longhorns of the pampas to the longhorns of Texas.
 
These range cattle of the meseta and Andalusian Plain gave rise to a characteristic Iberian and, later, Ibero-American phenomenon, the ganado bravo or unbranded wild cattle existing in some numbers on the fringes of the ranching industry as a result of loose herding methods and the frontier conditions of the cattle country. ⁽⁹⁾ The co-existence of herded, branded cows and wild, ownerless ones was a regular feature of peninsular ganadería vacuna long before there appeared across the ocean the very much larger wild herds of Española, New Spain, Brazil, the River Plate, and other regions; just as the medieval hunts of ganado bravo by mounted hunters, [499] using dogs and armed with lances and pikes, anticipated the great monterías and vaquerías of Cuba, Española and the pampas.
 
From this same cattle background arose the fiesta brava, the bullfight, a prominent element in Iberian and Ibero-American social history that has too long been left to amateur historians. Much imaginative nonsense has been written about the alleged Roman or Moorish origins of the bullfight; but if one relies solely on historical evidence it seems highly probable that toreo first developed in the cattle ambiente of the meseta in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. To this day the suerte de picar and the suerte de banderillear display old traditional techniques of handling and hunting range cattle, and the still archaic organization of bull raising and the corrida illumines certain otherwise obscure aspects of medieval ranching. ⁽¹⁰⁾ For the intimate relationship existing in the Iberian mind between cowpunching, ganado bravo, and the bullfight, no better example can be cited than the familiar descriptions of the discovery of the buffalo in Cabeza de Vaca, Oñate, Villagrá, Castañeda, and others, passages whose strong ranching, cowhunting, and bullfighting flavor has never been fully appreciated. ⁽¹¹⁾ When, on the Great Plains of North America, as absolutely nowhere else in the Western hemisphere, Castilians encountered animals resembling cows, they naturally looked upon them as the ganado bravo declared by the Siete Partidas to be in the public domain. Despite certain visible evidence to the contrary, it followed that these animals must be ferocious, long-horned, risky to approach and, like difficult toros de lidia, given to attacking from the side and exceedingly dangerous to horses. Doubtless someone dismounted to try a verónica with his cape. In any case, the Plains Indians were obviously vaqueros who were already engaged in vaquerías which, if under Castilian management, would furnish hides for a lucrative trade.
 

[500]

In the sixteenth century not only the cow but the organization, methods and customs of the peninsular ranching system reached the Indies, there to become the enduring foundation of Latin-American ranching to the present day, the trunk from which have stemmed the various regional traditions that distinguish Mexican cattle techniques from Argentine, or Brazilian from Venezuelan. What was the nature of these parent institutions?
 
The ecological and frontier conditions of the reconquista, together with the steady demand for beef and hides, produced in portions of medieval Castile and Alentejo a fairly numerous class of cattle ranchers, although only in Andalusia did these outnumber the ubiquitous sheepmen. Of these peninsular cowmen a small but powerful seigneurial group were large operators, with herds (cabañas, hatos) running up to a thousand or more head. Such, for example was the rancher-noble Don Juan Alfonso de Benavides, who ca. 1306 ranged up to around 800 cows; or the Castilian Dominican nunneries of Santo Domingo de Caleruega, Santo Domingo de Madrid and Santa Clara de Guadalajara, with 1000, 1500, and 1000 head, respectively. The military orders of Castile and Portugal also belonged to this group, with their extensive ranges held as encomiendas in New Castile, Andalusia, Alentejo and Algarve. In 1302, the Castilian branch at Uclés of the Order of Santiago had at least a thousand head, while the Orders of Santiago de León and of Calatrava found it necessary to appoint special administrative officials for their great herds, the comendadores de las vacas, who were subject to supervision by visitadores . ⁽¹²⁾ The figures just cited of 800, 1000, and 1500 represent the known maximum herd sizes for the Peninsula before 1500 and lie back of the amusing passages in Oviedo's [501] Historia general y natural de las Indias (III, 11; XII, 9), where that writer astonishes his readers with herds in the Caribbean area running to five, ten, twenty thousand or more cows.
 
Most peninsular cattlemen, however, had much smaller holdings than the wealthier magnates and ecclesiastical corporations. Even among nobles and monasteries were many, like the Premonstratensian house of Nuestra Señora de la Vid, which in 1292 owned 4000 sheep and only 200 cows, for whom cattle ranching was a relatively minor interest. ⁽¹³⁾ But the great majority of medieval ganaderos in the cattle business were vecinos of the towns, whose herds rarely exceeded a few hundred head and often ran very much lower. In thirteenth and fourteenth century New Castile, for example, the royal privilegios establish three categories of municipal cowmen: those with under 40 head; those owning 40 to 100; and those with above 100. ⁽¹⁴⁾ Yet it is essential to recognize that these dueños de ganado , for all their small herds, were not mere stockfarmers of Humid Crescent type; their cattle grazed not on small farms but great municipal ranges and were often driven long distances for seasonal pasturage; and small vacadas were frequently combined on an aparcería basis into larger herds, the aparceros thus becoming partners in an enterprise of some size. ⁽¹⁵⁾ Furthermore, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, notably in Extremadura and Andalusia, the vecinos owning over 100 cows increased markedly in number and in the size of their herds. The fueros of Cáceres and Usagre (c. 456) set a minimum of 400 cows for pasturage drives northward, thus compelling vecinos to form aparcerías [502] of this scale; and ca. 1491 Málaga found it impossible to enforce a 150 head limit for grazing on its ranges. ⁽¹⁶⁾ The cabildo of Seville in 1493 defined an hato de vacas as consisting of as many as 500 cattle, and even allowed for larger herds in the hands of its citizens, some of whom evidently ran stock on their own dehesas, montes, prados and pastos as well as on the municipal ranges. ⁽¹⁷⁾
 
Recognition of the dividing line between municipal and seigneurial cattle ranching in medieval Iberia is basic to its proper understanding. ⁽¹⁸⁾ The distinction finds reflection not merely in disparity of size between town ranching outfits and those of the nobles, monasteries and military orders at the top of the industry, but in differences of organization, land use and pasturage and marketing rights. Seigneurial ranching operated far more freely than municipal, which partly explains why the cabildos of the Indies had so much difficulty imposing livestock controls upon the new colonial landed classes. While abundant data on vaqueros' wages and the prices of hides, leather and meat can be found in the cuadernos of the medieval Castilian and Portuguese Cortes, neither these nor the royal law codes contain any considerable body of restrictive legislation aimed at close control of seigneurial cattle ranching. ⁽¹⁹⁾ It is not necessary to review here the history of [503] medieval Iberian grazing rights, stock taxes and royal transhumancy laws, so definitively treated for Castile by Klein, although we still lack a comparable study for Portugal; such regulations of course affected seigneurial ranchers. It is however significant to note that the great Castilian cattlemen never organized, either voluntarily or under royal compulsion, a counterpart to the sheepmen's Real Consejo de la Mesta, even though in Extremadura and Andalusia their struggle over pasturage with that powerful national gild must have suggested the advantages of union and royal support. Very likely the Mesta itself opposed any inclination of the Castilian kings from Alfonso X on to charter a parallel society of cattle raisers; and perhaps the inclusion of some cattle owners in the Mesta, as attested by its documents and by the bull prominently displayed alongside the merino sheep on its coat-of-arms, reflects an unsuccessful attempt to win over seigneurial cattlemen into a kind of national stockmen's association.
 
Municipal ranchers, on the other hand, were rigorously supervised by the local town government, the concejo or concelho, which controlled their grazing grounds. The later medieval fueros and ordinances of Castilian and Alentejan towns regulate almost every aspect of cattle ranching: grazing rights; compensations for crop damage; wages of cowboys; branding; penalties for rustling, brand-changing, or killing another man's stock; marketing and sale of cattle in the town's markets, butchershops and ferias; slaughtering practices; and many other related subjects. ⁽²⁰⁾ Some towns, although clearly [504] not all, possessed a stockmen's gild or, which operated as a kind of municipal bureau of pastoral affairs, and must be carefully distinguished from the national Mesta Real of the transhumant sheepmen. ⁽²¹⁾ Jurisdiction of the local mesta was confined to the town's términos; all vecinos grazing cattle sheep, horses, goats, pigs, and other animals on the municipal ranges were required to join, while strenuous efforts were made to impose membership upon non- vecinos holding pasturelands adjacent to those of the town. While subordinate to the supreme authority of the concejo, such local mestas , which held meetings two or three times a year under their elected alcaldes de la mesta, were powerful bodies, administering all the livestock provisions of the local law code. In the cattle country, these mestas at times subdivided along the lines of ganado mayor and menor; this meant that the local cowmen had their own organization, a kind of sub- mesta , under their own duly elected alcalde or alcaldes de la mesta , who fined or otherwise punished violators of cattle laws and settled disputes among the ranchers. A major function of municipal mestas was to regulate and protect the use of brands and earmarks, and to facilitate recovery of lost cattle. Cattlemen were commonly required to work their herds in the spring and fall for all stray stock (mesteños, mostrencos ) and turn these over to the mesta officials. The latter, after recording the brands and other distinguishing features of the strays, and having the pregón or crier proclaim these details at intervals in the plaza mayor, held the animals for a fixed period of months in a corral pending identification by the owners. The best and most colorful picture we have of such a local mesta connected with a genuine cowtown is contained in the 1527 Ordenanças of Seville, which describe in detail the old semiannual meetings of the ranchers outside the Hospital de los Criaderos in the Calle de Arrayán. Here in the open air, amid the dust of dueños de ganado and mayorales galloping in from the campo, while mesteños turned into the nearby corral bawled their protests, the alcalde de la mesta heard pleitos, administered justice, settled quarrels, and supervised [505] his escribano in the registration of brands in the official libro de la mesta. ⁽²²⁾ These Seville alcaldes de la mesta, like those of sixteenth-century Mexico City, also traveled on circuit to district mestas in more remote parts of the municipal territory.
 
In other towns of the cattle country, however, no trace of a municipal mesta can be found in the fueros or ordenanzas; here the concejo or concelho itself administered pastoral affairs, and its own alcaldes and their escribano performed the functions elsewhere assigned to the mesta officials. This appears to have been the precedent generally followed in the Americas, where, from the sixteenth century on, cabildos like those of Lima, Caracas, Habana, and many others exercised direct control over the ranch cattle industry, as their actas capitulares testify. In Mexico City, however, an important exception occurs; here, in 1537, under order of Charles V and Viceroy Mendoza, the cabildo organized a mesta for handling-livestock problems, which deserves further study. Recent writers have regarded its establishment as marking the introduction into New Spain of the Real Concejo de la Mesta, but its creation by, and subjection to, the cabildo, its municipal membership, and the general character of its organization and aims, indicate that it was closer to a municipal mesta of Andalusian type adapted to New World conditions than a colonial counterpart of the national Mesta of the Castilian transhumant sheep industry. ⁽²³⁾
 
As for the cowboys themselves, only the briefest mention of questions requiring further examination can be made. Their life, and that of the cowgirls as well, finds its most vivid memorial in the fourteenth century picaresque poem of Juan [506] Ruiz, archpriest of Hita; students have yet to recognize how thoroughly this masterpiece of medieval Castilian literature reflects the life of the range cattle country between Segovia and Toledo. ⁽²⁴⁾ In the municipal sources, these medieval ancestors of the vaqueros , vaqueiros, gauchos, huasos and llaneros of the Indies always appear as freemen, who hire themselves out for a year's time, usually from one día de San Juan to the next, and receive an annual wage (soldada) paid in cash, a percentage of calves, or a combination of these. Whether, as seems inherently likely, unfree cowboys could also be found, performing compulsory herding services for seigneurial dueños de ganado like some indios de encomienda in the New World, is unknown. Vaqueros were held liable to deduction of pay for stock lost; in cases of rustling, sworn statements supported by other men of trust were required; and when an animal died, it was necessary to produce the hide and affirm under oath that the death was due to natural causes or the attacks of wolves or bears. When express permission was granted, the peninsular cowboy might graze a few cows, marked with his own brand, alongside those of his employer. The herds were not left to roam at will, but kept under standing guard to avoid both stock losses and the heavy penalties imposed for trespass against the cinco cosas vedadas: orchards, grain fields, vineyards, ox pastures and mown meadows. As with sheep, dogs were used to assist the vaqueros in guarding and on round-ups. Herds of any size were tended by a foreman (mayoral, rabadán, mayordomo ) and from three to four vaqueros on up. Large outfits often had both a mayoral and rabadán, and perhaps a dozen or more hands. In Andalusia such crews normally included a conocedor, who memorized each cow's appearance as an aid in detecting strays or identifying the owner's own lost stock. ⁽²⁵⁾ Such a post could, of course, exist only where, as seen, cattle varied infinitely in color, and where also Spanish and Portuguese provided that remarkably rich, syncopated terminology of color and marking [507] terms for cows and horses such as no other European language possesses. The conocedor clearly filled an important need in the period prior to official registration of brands, but the advent of the municipal libro de marcas y señales in the late fifteenth century soon ended his usefulness; although he can be found still flourishing in the 1527 Ordenanças of Seville, he does not appear to have crossed the ocean.
 
The dress and equipment of Latin-American cowmen owe much to peninsular models. Students of costume could doubtless trace back to the twelfth century regional dress of the charros and serranos of Salamanca and southern Old Castile, the cradle of the ranch cattle industry, the cowboy costume that appears with many local variations in the Indies: the low-crowned, broad-brimmed hat, the bolero jacket, the sash and tight-fitting trousers, the spurred boots. Since, for herding on the open range, mounted vaqueros were indispensable, the rise of Iberian cattle ranching could hardly have occurred if the Peninsula had not been in the Middle Ages the one European region where saddle horses were at once relatively abundant and cheap enough to escape being an aristocratic monopoly. Numerous references to horses and horse-breeding in the cattle documents indicate that the horse herd, the later remuda or caballada, was a normal feature of peninsular cowboy life, although much work remains to be done on the regional origins of the cowhorse, the evolution of saddle, bridle, stirrups and spurs, and the relative importance of the northern silla de brida and the Moorish silla de ginete riding styles, both of which appear among Latin-American cattlemen. ⁽²⁶⁾
 
For working stock the Castilian and Alentejan vaquero carried the long pike-like garrocha, which still survives in peninsular ranching and bullfighting use, and can be found also among Venezuelan llaneros , Brazilian sertanejos and other American cowboys. Carrying of arms was strictly regulated by the concejos in an effort to check brawls, vaqueros being ordinarily forbidden to possess any other weapons than the garrocha and the puñal pastoril, perhaps a distant [508] forerunner of the Bowie knife. That the reata or lazo was known in the Peninsula has been denied, ⁽²⁷⁾ but while it is impossible to decide, from the few known medieval references to ropes (sogas) used on cattle, whether or not these were noosed, the apparently early diffusion of the rawhide reata, with its remarkably complex techniques and vocabulary, throughout the New-World cattle industry points to an Iberian origin. In any case peninsular cowboys also handled reses vacunos with the garrocha, with the aid of trained, belled steers (cabestros) and by their dexterity in throwing animals to the ground with a twist of the tail or horns, all of which alternatives to roping are still used in Ibero-America.
 
For grazing purposes, cattle were ranged either as estantes in local pastures that often varied seasonally from lowland to nearby sierra; or as transhumantes that might be driven as much as 400 miles over the official trails or cañadas linking the summer pastures (agostaderos ) of León and Castile with the winter invernaderos of the south. The proportion of migrant to nonmigrant herds is difficult to determine; cows were less transhumant than sheep, but even so large numbers were trailed each year á los extremos, over the same routes as the Mesta flocks. Royal charters granting towns and military orders along the cañadas the right to collect montazgo from the transhumants reckon this toll for units as high as 1000 and even 2000 cows. ⁽²⁸⁾ At certain seasons the collective trail herds of the towns, and others belonging to nobles, monasteries and military orders, must have marched along the cañadas in a great series, accompanied by their heavily armed cavalry escorts (the rafalas), ⁽²⁹⁾ and by dueños and vaqueros who doubtless entertained their charges by day with the profaner aspects of diverse Leonese and Castilian dialects, soothed them at night with renditions of secular and ecclesiastical songs -- cf. the vaquero songs in the Arcipreste -- and defended [509] them from the perils of drought, storm, stampede and attack by Moorish or other foe. Yet, in many parts of the meseta, reses estantes predominated. In Andalusia long distance transhumancy seems to have consisted more of northern herds moving in from the meseta than of Guadalquivir valley ranchers trailing stock north of the Sierra Morena. The Ordenancas of Seville, which apply to all the many towns of its tierra as well as to the capital itself, make no mention of the migrations so carefully regulated in fueros such as those of Cáceres and Usagre.
 
The traditional Latin-American cycle of ranching life, with the rounding-up and branding of calves in the spring herredero and the cutting-out of beef for slaughter in the autumn, comes straight from peninsular practice. Miranda (p. 10) claims the rodeo, or round-up, as an "institución castizamente americana," but this is far from certain. Municipal laws forced ranchers to work their herds at least once, and commonly twice, a year in order to brand calves, remove strays and cut out stock for market; although this involved, strictly speaking, only each criadero's rounding up his own cows, it is difficult to believe that some form of coöperative rodeo had not emerged before 1500. But this question must remain open until we have had further research upon the whole history of the rodeo, its role in the pastoral organization of the Indies, and the connection between its alcaldes or jueces del campo (the round-up bosses or captains of Texas) and the municipal alcaldes de la mesta .
 
Branding is unquestionably a very ancient peninsular livestock practice, dating from at least the Roman period. The oldest medieval brand yet discovered is a heart-shaped one depicted on the flanks of a bull and a horse in two tenth-century manuscripts of the Leonese abbey of San Miguel de Escalada. ⁽³⁰⁾ No study has yet been attempted of peninsular cattle brands ( hierros , marcas) or of the supplementary system of earcrops ( señales ), although it is obvious that they are [510] the immediate prototypes of the intricate symbols and monograms common to Latin-American and Anglo-American ranching. Branding was originally optional in the Peninsula, being used by the stockmen for their own protection, but from at least the thirteenth century the fueros require it of all municipal ranchers. The brand book, destined to become universal in the Americas, is a comparatively late device; down to the fifteenth century the concejos kept simply a temporary record of the brands of strays turned into the town corral. Only in the latter part of that century do we find evidence that at least in Andalusia some towns were compelling the cattlemen of their tierra to register brands and earmarks with the town or mesta escribano, by whom they were inscribed in a genuine brand register, the libro de marcas y señales or libro de la mesta . ⁽³¹⁾ The relative novelty of the libro de marcas may help explain why in New Spain, New Castile and elsewhere cabildos and royal officials encountered so much difficulty in getting ganaderos to register brands or even to brand at all. Whether any peninsular brand book of the Middle Ages still exists in some unsearched archive is unknown, but probable enough; at present the oldest known such register for the entire Luso-Hispanic and Ibero-American world seems to be the remarkable Relación de los hierros de bacas y abejas y bestias, which the cabildo of Mexico City opened in 1530, seven years before it established the New Spanish mesta . ⁽³²⁾
 
A final question of prime importance for colonial agrarian institutions is that of the peninsular or American origin of the cattle ranch, variously styled in the Indies sitio de ganado mayor, hacienda de ganado, fazenda, finca, hato, sitio de estancia, estancia and the like. From the fact that throughout the Middle Ages royal pasturage rights in realengo land were conceded by the Castilian and Portuguese crowns to towns, nobles and ecclesiastical corporations, and by them granted or rented to their vecinos , vassals or others, it has been contended that ranching based upon private ownership of large estates was a New World invention. ⁽³³⁾ The subject is too involved for [511] more than brief mention here, but it should be noted that this view rests solely upon documents dealing with transhumancy and municipal ranching, fields in which rights would naturally loom larger than land titles. Yet evidence that seigneurial ranchers frequently possessed extensive domains that were in effect true estancias is readily discoverable. The pergaminos of Madrid mention privately owned grazing grounds in New Castile, while those of Cáceres reveal that in late medieval Extremadura private pasturelands were threatening to absorb, by purchase or usurpation, the communal ranges of towns and villages. ⁽³⁴⁾ The military orders held great dehesas in Extremadura, New Castile and Andalusia, some of which they grazed directly, while others were allotted to their stock-raising vassals. ⁽³⁵⁾ The Seville Ordenanças cite campiñas, cortijos, casas fuertes, donadíos and other large heredades, located in the marismas and islas of the Guadalquivir, from which the municipal herds were barred and which were evidently being operated as seigneurial ranches. ⁽³⁶⁾ Even among municipal ranchers there were those who in addition to grazing cattle on town lands had their own dehesas, dehesas dehesadas, prados, sotos and pastos, some of which were certainly larger than mere cowpastures. ⁽³⁷⁾ It is noteworthy that ca. 1500, probably in response to seigneurial influence, some Castilian and Andalusian towns, instead of allowing, as previously, unrestricted movement of herds within their términos , were siting (asentar) reses estantes on assigned portions of their tierra; this trend toward municipal allocation of grazing sites may have given rise in the Indies to the term estancia (commonly classified as an Americanism) and to the grants [512] of sitio de ganado, sitio de estancia, etc., for which a municipal origin may be conjectured. ⁽³⁸⁾
 
Even in our present state of knowledge regarding the development of latifiundismo in late medieval Spain and Portugal, it seems possible to reach two principal conclusions about the estancia. ⁽³⁹⁾ The first is that by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the ranch (i.e., the seigneurial estate devoted to large-scale stockraising) and the landed ganadero were both well established in the peninsular cattle kingdom, probably to a much greater extent than in the more heavily transhumant sheep industry upon which alone previous judgments have been based. The second conclusion is that not only was peninsular ranching thus characterized ca. 1500 by a dual system of pasturage rights and large landed estates, but that the system was in a state of flux, with the domanial element in the ascendent. ⁽⁴⁰⁾ It is this dualism, in process of transition from rights to tenures, that finds reflection in sixteenth-century colonial documents. In New Spain, New Castile, and the Brazilian capitanías, as in Iberia, grazing rights in royal and municipal land coexisted with sitios de ganado, tierras de señorío and  fazendas. The seigneurial estancia triumphed early under New-World conditions of conquest and settlement, but, like so many other elements in the Ibero-American cattle tradition, it was almost certainly an importation from the Peninsula.
 

[513]

That the ranch cattle industry of Castile and Alentejo expanded between 1200 and 1500 in both territorial extent and volume of production, in response to increasing demand for beef and hides, is a safe inference, but nearly all aspects of this process have been neglected by historians. Marketing centered about the towns, especially the great cattle fairs (ferias de ganado , feiras de gado) that were held annually by old cowtowns like Segovia, Avila, Plasencia, Béjar, Cáceres, Córdoba, Seville, Evora, Beja and others. At these, local slaughterers competed with professional itinerant cattle buyers, who traveled from one town to another and drove their purchases north to markets or feeding grounds outside the cattle country. ⁽⁴¹⁾ Galicia, already in the Middle Ages what she remains to this day -- Spain's chief milch cow center -- was also, it would seem, an important beef feeder region for meseta cattle, like present-day western Buenos Aires and eastern La Pampa provinces, southern Brazil or the northern Great Plains of the United States. Hamilton's statistics suggest that prices on beef, hides, tallow, and other cattle products rose markedly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in line with the price structure as a whole. ⁽⁴²⁾ To a degree unusual in the cereal-consuming Middle Ages, meat, whether fresh, salted, or dried (carne seca), was a staple foodstuff for Spaniards and inland Portuguese, a fact which explains another curious Iberian and Ibero-American phenomenon, the Bula de la Cruzada, with its virtual repeal of the dietary meat restrictions of medieval Catholic Europe.
 
As for hides, their mounting output can be linked to the significant late medieval shift of the peninsular tanning and leather trades from goat and sheep skins, which the Moors had preferred for their Córdoban and Moroccan leathers, to the tougher, if less workable, cowhide. From the limited data [514] thus far assembled on this subject, it looks as if cowhides were not only in heavy demand at home but were also the basis of an important export trade to Italy, France, the Low Countries, and perhaps other areas. ⁽⁴³⁾ Furthermore, this does not imply a surplus, for in late medieval Andalusia hides were being imported from North Africa, England, Ireland and, within the Peninsula itself, from dairy-farming Galicia and other districts. ⁽⁴⁴⁾ Presumably this means that peninsular hide production ca. 1500 was insufficient to satisfy home and export demands; if so, this enables us to grasp the immediate economic circumstances under which colonial Latin-American cattle raising and early large-scale export of cowhides from the colonies first developed.
 
The demands of the home market, mercantilist preference for colonial rather than foreign sources of raw material, the colonists' own need for a commodity yielding quick overseas revenues, and the natural disinclination of the Crown and the Real Concejo de la Mesta to foster a competitive wool industry in the Indies, must all have combined to swing the New World decision to the cow instead of the sheep. To be sure, sheep raising was by no means neglected; in New Spain, for example, Viceroy Mendoza encouraged it strongly, and in Peru, as Cieza de León's frequent references indicate, large numbers of imported Iberian sheep along with the native llamas dominated the livestock picture. ⁽⁴⁵⁾ Yet this colonial wool seems to have been almost wholly intended for local use and not for export to the Peninsula, where the Mesta successfully protected its markets against colonial competition. What effect the rise of a far more productive American cattle industry had upon the eventual decline of peninsular cattle ranching, and to what extent this decline contributed to insuring [515] the complete triumph of the Spanish sheepmen in the Hapsburg period, are interesting questions to which no answer is now possible.
 
Such, in broad and tentative outline, is the peninsular background of Latin-American cattle ranching. To students of colonial and modern Latin America it should not seem altogether unfamiliar. Changes there certainly were in the organization of the industry when it crossed the ocean; but the coexistence of seigneurial and municipal ranching; their common conflict with the agriculturist, whether encomendero or Indian; the regulatory activities of government, both royal and municipal, in connection with pasturage, branding, marketing and the like; the commerce in hides; the traditional cycle of the cowman's year; above all, the ganaderos and vaqueros themselves, galloping along in the dust of their wild or half-wild herds -- these are the stuff of colonial and post-colonial ranching no less than of that of the Peninsula. In the New World a vaster cattle kingdom was founded, but, as every reader of Os Sertoes and Doña Bárbara discovers, it continued to preserve tenaciously its traditional institutions, many of which still flourish. It was with a cattle country in mind, and in words that apply to many other stockraising regions of the Western Hemisphere, that Sarmiento declared in Facundo (chap. ii): "En la República Argentina se ven a un tiempo dos civilizaciones distintas en un mismo suelo. . . . El siglo xix y el siglo xii viven juntos; el uno dentro de las ciudades, el otro en las campañas." No more perfectly expressed estímate could be made of the enduring influence of medieval Iberian cattle ranching upon the history of the Americas.

The author [in 1953] is associate professor of history at the University of Virginia. In abridged form this paper was read at the New York meeting of the Conference on Latin-American History of the American Historical Association, December 28, 1951. Acknowledgment is gratefully made of grants in aid of research by the Research Committee and the Institute for Research in the Social Sciences, University of Virginia.

1. Luis Redonet y López-Dóriga, Angel María Camacho, and Antonio Moreno Calderón published at Madrid works entitled Historia jurídica del cultivo y de la industria ganadera en España , in 1911-18, and 1912, respectively. Julius Klein's masterly The Mesta (Cambridge, Mass., 1920; Span, transl., Madrid, 1936) contains much general livestock material of cattle interest on grazing rights, stock taxes, royal and local legislation, etc.; the bibliography (pp. 401-422), although dated, is still the most useful list of primary and secondary sources for Iberian pastoral history. Since Klein's, the major contributions have been Juan Dantín Cereceda, "Cañadas ganaderas españolas," Congresso do Mundo Portugués, Publicaçóes (Lisbon, 1940), XVIII, 682-696, which with two other articles on the cañadas by the same author is reviewed by Robert Aitken, '' Routes of Trans-humance on the Spanish Meseta," The Geographical Journal, CVI (1945), 59-69, with map; and, for Portugal, Orlando Ribeiro, Contribuïçáo para o estudo do pastoreio na Serra da Estréla (Lisbon, 1941), not seen, but highly rated by Virginia Rau, Sesmarias medievais portugesas (Lisbon, 1946), p. 71; idem, Portugal, o Mediterrâneo e o Atlântico (Coimbra., 1946?), pp. 29-34.

2. José Miranda, "Notas sobre la introducción de la Mesta en la Nueva España," Revista de Historia de América, No. 17 (June, 1944), 1-26; François Chevalier, La naissance des grandes domaines au Mexique, XVIe-XVIIe siècles (unpublished, but cf. Rev. Hist. Amér., Nos. 28 [December, 1949], 446-450; 29 [June, 1950], 159-160; THE HISPANIC AMERICAN- HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXXII [1952], 155); Richard J. Morrisey, "The Shaping of Two Frontiers," Américas , III (1951), 3ff.; idem, "The Northward Expansion of Cattle Ranching in Spain, 1550-1600," Agricultural History, XXV (1951), 115-121.

3.  Ambrosius Schmid, Rassenkunde des Rindes (2 vols., Berne, 1942), I, 131-134; Antonio García Romero, Agricultura y ganadería, industrias agrícolas y pecuarias (Barcelona, 1941), pp. 435-439; Nicolau Athanassof, Estudo sobre o gado caracú (São Paulo, 1910), pp. 6-11.

4.  I hope to publish, en su día, a detailed discussion of the complex documentary evidence supporting the conclusions here expressed upon the origins and historical stages of Castilian and Portuguese cattle ranching.

5.  To be sure, cattle raids and rustling on both sides of the Christian-Moorish frontier made for some interchange of stock; and the Castilian occupation of the southern meseta and Andalusia must have left some traces upon the cattle industry, as it manifestly did upon sheep raising; but except in the sphere of horsemanship and horse gear, and such general pastoral institutions common to sheep and cattle ranching as, perhaps, the local mestas , it is difficult to find tangible evidence of Moorish prototypes of Iberian cattle methods. Note the very meagre data for Moorish cattle raising discovered in the Arabic sources by César E. Dubler, " Tiber das Wirtschaftsleben auf der iberischeu Halbinsel von XI. zum XIII. Jahrhundert," Romanica Helvetica , XXII (1943), 75-6. The predominantly non-Arabic vocabulary of Iberian and Ibero-American pastoralism remains to be studied as a whole but cf. the limited data assembled by Y. Malkiel, "Estudios de léxico pastoril: 'piara' and 'manada'," Bulletin Hispanique, LIII (1951), 41-80.

6.  Cabeza de Vaca, Relación de la jornada que hizó á La Florida, chap. 18. It is significant that in the thirteenth century the Almohad sultan Yusuf Abu Yakub al-Mustansir, who later died of a cornada, had to import toros bravos into Morocco from Spain for the purpose of stocking his imperial park at Marrakesh (Ibn Abi Zar, Raud al-Qirtas , in Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, La España musulmana (2 vols., Buenos Aires, 1946), II, 312-313.

7.  Despite much recent Latin-American and Texan interest in, and revival of, criollo and longhorn breeds (on the latter, see Frank J. Dobie, The Longhorns [Boston, 1941]), curiously little scientific interest has yet been paid to their peninsular progenitors. In addition to crossing with humid-zone cattle to produce the ordinary Castilian ranching cow, Bos taurus ibericus would seem to be connected with the ganado prieto of the Indies, presumably a fairly pure strain; Spanish Barqueñas, Estremeñas and Andaluzas, as well as the toros de lidia of Spain and Portugal, are his modern representatives. The Portuguese Alentejanas presumably represent a cross of the same two breeds as on the Castilian meseta but in very different proportions, the strongly marked predominance of Mirandesas, Minhotas and other Galaico-Portuguese raças apparently being responsible for the distinctive appearance of the Brazilian Caracú; cf. Athanassof, op. cit., pp. 10-14; Ruy d'Andrade, A pecuária alentejana (Lisbon, 1941).

8.  Siete Partidas, II, xxii, 7; Fernando de la Torre and Gómez Manrique, as cited by Américo Castro, España en su historia (Buenos Aires, 1948), pp. 30, 32.

9. Siete Partidas, I, v, 57; vi, 47; III, vi, 4; VII, vi, 4.

10. See especially the first volume of José María de Cossío 's monumental Los toros (3 vols., Madrid, 1943-47), where however comparatively little has been done to trace taurine institutions to their medieval origins.

11. This is true also of the latest review of this material in Frank G. Roe, The North American Buffalo (Toronto, 1951), chap. ix.

12. Antonio Benavides, Memorias de D. Fernando IV (2 vols., Madrid, 1860), II, 284, 520, 654, 728; Eduardo Martínez, Colección diplomática del real convento de Sto. Domingo de Caleruega (Vergara, 1931), p. 84; Timoteo Domingo Palacio, Documentos del archivo general de la villa de Madrid (4 vols., Madrid, 1888-1909), I, 161; Mercedes Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Historia del reinado de Sancho IV de Castilla (3 vols., Madrid, 1922-28), III, No. 590; A. F. Aguado de Córdova, et al., Bullarium equestris ordinis s. Iacobi de Spatha (Madrid, 1719), pp. 248, 262; I. J. Ortega y Cotes, Baquedano and Zúñiga, Bullarium ordinis militiae de Calatrava (Madrid, 1761), pp. 150-151.

13. Gaibrois de Ballesteros, op. cit., III, No. 392.

14. Memorial histórico español, I (1851), 175-178, 224-228; Palacio, Docs. de Madrid, I, 85-92; Benavides, Mem. de Ferd. IV, II, 291-294; Juan Agapito y Revilla, Los privilegios de Valladolid (Valladolid, 1888), pp. 78-86.

15. Cf., e.g., "Fuero de Salamanca," Américo Castro and Federico de Onís, eds., Fueros leoneses de Zamora, Salamanca, Ledesma y Alba de Tormes (Madrid, 1916), cc. 181-182; "Fuero de Soria," Galo Sánchez, ed., Fueros castellanos de Soria y Alcalá de Heñares (Madrid, 1919), c. xlvi, sect. 439; "Fuero de Cáceres," Pedro Ulloa y Golfín, ed., Fueros y privilegios de Cáceres (1676?; this edition was used, but since chapters are unnumbered, see corresponding sections, as listed, of the Fuero de Usagre, which, although differently arranged, closely follows that of Cáceres); "Fuero de Usagre," Rafael de Ureña y Smenjaud and Adolfo Bonilla y San Martín, eds., Fuero de Usagre (Madrid, 1907), cc. 154, 437-439, 442-449.

16. Luis Morales García Goyena, Documentos históricos de Málaga (Granada, 1906), I, 30.

17. Ordenanças de Sevilla (1st ed.; Seville, 1527, reported, 1632), fol. 29.

18.  Unfortunately, printed materials for both Castile and Portugal, e.g., fueros, ordenanzas, forais, etc., relate almost entirely to municipal ranching; search of such archives as those of the Mesta, Duque de Osuna and the military orders would redress this unbalance by documenting the seigneurial traditions that become increasing important in the New World.

19. The principal sources found useful were Fuero Juzgo, VIII, iii, 10-17; iv, 1-19, 26-7; v, 5-8; Fuero Viejo de Castilla, II, iii, 4; V, iii, 16; Fuero Real, IV, iv, 1; vi, 4-5, 13; xiv, 10; Siete Partidas, I, v, 57; vi, 47; xx, 9-10; III, vi, 4; xiii, 19; xxviii, 17, 19, 25; xxix, 4-5; IV, xi, 21; V, viii, 15; VII, vi, 4; xiv, 19; xv, 18, 22, 24; Leyes de Estilo, lxxvi, cxxxvii, ccl; Nueva Recopilación , VI, xviii, 21; VII, xix; IX, xix, 6-12; xxvii, 1-23, xxxi, 4; Novísima Recopilación, VII, xxiv, xxv, xxvii; IX, xv. These codes can be conveniently consulted in Los códigos españoles concordados y anotados, M. Rivadeneyra ed. (12 vols., 2nd ed.; Imprenta de La Publicidad, Madrid, 1872-73). For the Castilian Cortes, see Cortes de los antiguos reinos de León y de Castilla , R. Academia de la Historia, ed. (5 vols. to 1559, Madrid, 1861-1906) ; for the Portuguese Cortes of Evora, 1436, cf. Gabriel Pereira, Documentos históricos da cidade de Evora (2 vols. in 1, Evora, 1885-1891), II, 50-53.

20. For the more important Castilian and Portuguese municipal ranching laws, upon which in part the following paragraphs are based, see: " Fuero de Salamanca," cc. 181-187, 190-191; "Fuero de Alba de Tonnes," Castro and Onís eds., Fueros leoneses, cc. 24, 63; "Fuero de Soria," cc. xl, xli, xlvi; '"Fuero de Sepúlveda," Feliciano Callejas, ed., Fuero de Sepúlveda (Madrid, 1857), cc. 7, 61, 84, 97-8, 102, 117, 121-3, 130, 139, 142, 148, 165, 170, 199, 202, 208; "Fuero de Madrid, 1202" Palacio, ed., Docs. de Madrid, pp. 28-9, 34-5, 45, with annexes published by Antonio Cavanilles, "Memoria sobre el fuero de Madrid del año de 1202," Memorias de la R. Acad. de la Hist., VIII (1852), 46; "Fuero de Cuenca," Rafael de Ureña y Smenjaud, ed., Fuero de Cuenca (Madrid, 1935), cc. xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix, xliii appendix; Fuero de Brihuega, Juan Catalina García ed., (Madrid, 1888), passim; Fueros de Cáceres-Usagre , cc. 148-150, 154, 167, 173-5, 257-8, 328, 375, 432-511; Ord. de Sevilla , fols. 28v-30, 78-79v, 100v-107, 115v-123v; "Forais de Castelo-Bom, Alfaiates, Castel-Rodrigo," in Portugaliae Monumenta Histórica, Leges (Lisbon, 1856-58), I, 762-887; "Foral de Evora," and related documents Pereira, ed., Docs. de Evora, I, 20-1, 26, 37, 39, 81, 132; II, 4-5.

21. On the municipal mestas, with a listing of those whose ordinances have been published, see Klein, pp. 9-12.

22. Ord. de Sevilla, fols. 115v-124v [i.e., 123].

23. Confusion on this point weakens treatment of the Mexican mesta in Miranda, op. cit., and W. Dusenberry, "Ordinances of the Mesta in New Spain, 1537," The Americas, IV (1947-48), 345-350. Dusenberry (p. 346) and Morrisey ("The Northward Expansion of Cattle Eanching in New Spain, 1550-1600," loc. cit., p. 118, n. 19) are also wrong in identifying the 1537 ordinances of this mesta as "the first instrument of government intended to regulate pastoral affairs in Mexico," since as early as 1525 Cortés issued detailed livestock ordinances for his newly founded villas of La Natividad de Nuestra Señora and Trujillo (text in L. Alamán, Disertaciones, Carlos Pereyra, ed. [Mexico City, 1942], I, 316-323). The Mexico City cabildo itself, no later than March 1530, initiated pastoral regulation with its establishment of a brand book for livestock; see n. 32, infra.

24. Juan Ruiz, Arcipreste de Hita, Libro de buen amor, Julio Cejador y Frauca, ed. (2 vols., Madrid, 1913 [Clásicos Castellanos , Nos. 14, 17]), especially coplas 950-1224.

25. Ord. de Sevilla, fols. 117 ff.; Francisco Valverde Perales, Antiguas ordenanzas de la villa de Baena (siglos XV y XVI ) (Córdoba, 1907), p. 130.

26. On the American side, cf. Justo P. Sáenz, Equitación gaucha en La Pampa y Mesopotamia (2nd ed.; Buenos Aires, 1942) ; José Alvarez del Villar, Historia de la charrería (Mexico City, 1941) ; Carlos Hincón Gallardo, El libro del charro mexicano (Mexico City, 1946).

27. Carlos Lemée, La agricultura y la ganadería en la República Argentina (La Plata, 1894), pp. 230-232.

28.  Klein, op. cit., pp. 171-2, 391.

29. Fueros de Cácceres-Usagre, cc. 167, 443-455, 465-467, 498-499, 502-505; Redonet (Hist. juríd. del cultivo, II, clxii-clxv) and Klein (op. cit., p. 12) misunderstood the rafala; see Antonio C. Floriano, Documentación histórica del archivo municipal de Cáceres (Cáceres, 1934), pp. 257-8.

30. Wilhelm Neuss, Die Apokalypse des hl. Johannes in der altspanischen und altchristlichen Bibel-illustration (2 vols., Münster i. W., 1931; Spanische Forschungen der Gorresgesellschaft, 2. Reihe, 2 u. 3 Bde.), II, Plate CXLI; Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz, Estampas de la vida en León hace mil años (3rd ed.; Madrid, 1934), p. 16.

31. Ord. de Sevilla, fol. 117.

32. Actas de cabildo de la ciudad de México, I. Bejarano, ed. (50 vols., México City, 1889-1916), II, 196-210.

33. Miranda, op. cit., pp. 9-12; Francois Chevalier, '' El origen de la gran propiedad en México," a paper presented at the Congreso Científico Mexicano, 1951, and summarized in THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXXII (February, 1952), 155.

34. Palacio, Docs. de Madrid, III, 141-143, 341-346; Ulloa, Privs. de Cáceres, pp. 102, 104, 290-297.

35. E.g., Benavides, Mem. de Ferd. IV, II, 726-729.

36.  Fol. 28.

37.  Fuero de Soria, c. xxiv; Fuero de Alba de Tormes , cc. 82, 83; Ulloa, Privs. de Cáceres, pp. 103, 183-186; Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Sancho IV, III, clxxiii-iv; Palacio, Docs. de Madrid , III, 525, 546; Benavides, II, 151-2; Ord. de Sevilla , fols. 28-29.

38. Valverde, Ord. de Baena, pp. 553-558; Ordinances of mesta of Granada, 1520, in Klein, op. cit., p. 365; Ord. de Sevilla , fol. 120v; and cf. Cortés' ordenanzas for La Natividad de Nuestra Señora and Trujillo, Alamán, Disertaciones , I, 321-2.

39. See L. Redonet y López-Dóriga, '' El latifundio y su formación en la España medieval," Estudios de historia social de España, I (Madrid, 1949), 139-203; Charles Verlinden, "Le grand domaine dans les états ibériques chrétiens au moyen age," Le Domaine. Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin , IV (1949).

40. The evolutionary process common to both peninsular and colonial ranching is exemplified by the history of the famous circular cattle hatos of Cuba. These began as grants of grazing rights, for the circular form of which peninsular precedents can be cited (Luciano Serrano, Cartulario de San Míllan de la Cogollo [Madrid, 1930], pp. 205, 240-1; I. J. Ortega y Cotes, Brizuela and Zúñiga, Bullarium ordinis militiae de Alcántara [Madrid, 1759], p. 22); but later developed into true ranches (J. J. Le Eiverend Brusone, Los orígenes de la economía cubana, 1510-1600 [Mexico City, 1945; (Jornadas, No. 46)], pp. 17-27).

41. F. de Cáceres, p. 59, cols. 1-2; Mem. Hist. Españ ., I, 67-8; Nueva Recop., IX, xxvii; España sagrada , H. Flórez and M. Risco, eds. (52 vols., Madrid, 1747-1918), XX, 533, 535.

42. Earl J. Hamilton, Money, Prices and Wages in Valencia, Aragón and Navarre, 1351-1500 (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), pp. 213-293; idem, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), pp. 311-392.

43. "Alcancel de la cibdat de Sevilla," c. xlix, Joaquín Guichot y Parody, Historia del excmo. ayuntamiento de la . . . ciudad de Sevilla (3 vols., Seville, 1896-1898), I, 250-1; Charles Verlinden, "The Rise of Spanish Trade in the Middle Ages," Economic History Review, X (1940), 54, n. 3; James Westfall Thompson, Economic and Social History in the Later Middle Ages (New York, 1931), pp. 45, 347.

44. Ord. de Sevilla, f ol. 57.

45. Arthur S. Aiton, Antonio de Mendoza, First Viceroy of New Spain (Durham, 1927), pp. 110-112; W. H. Dusenberry, "Woolen Manufacture in Sixteenth-Century New Spain," The Americas, IV (1947-48), 223-234.