THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE

GUATEMALA VILLAGES OF THE 16TH CENTURY

Dan Stanislawski



Chapter Two

ENCOMIENDA DEVELOPMENT IN CENTRAL AMERICA 

The encomienda, an organizational device to maintain a functioning relation between those who worked and those who profited by it had had a long history in Spain. It has been described by Lesley Simpson (1960, pp. 3-4):

"In the late Roman Empire, when the tax-collector had become the common enemy of society, the oppressed peasantry of Spain gained some relief by putting themselves under the protection of the more powerful nobles. By the commendatio the peasant undertook to cultivate the lands, or work the mines, or whatever, of his patron, in exchange for protection against his enemies. When the Romans withdrew from Spain in the fifth century the commendatio apparently became the basis for the feudal contract under the Goths, by which the peasant was bound to the soil (glebe-serfdom) and was bought and sold with it. This was the civil application of commendatio."

The religious application was equally ancient. By it the older Christians took new converts under their tutelage and endeavored to teach them to walk in the paths of righteousness. Both concepts were behind the encomienda of Granada by which the moslem communities were given in trust to their Spanish conquerors, with the responsibility of governing and converting the infidels, who, in exchange, worked the lands, mines, etc., of their overlords, or paid them tribute in money or kind. Queen Isabela, ..... in a cedula of December 20, 1503 instructed her newly appointed Governor of the Indies, Nicolás de Ovando, to transfer the institution to Española.

It is clear on the record that for two generations after the queen's instructions to Ovando the limits to greed were vague, and the size and distribution of rewards were determined by individual rivalries. It is also
evident that some of the conquerors used the encomienda to make oppressive demands. That condition led to attempts by the Crown to change the New World encomienda from crass exploitation into a device that would still reward the conquerors, guarantee labor, introduce Christianity, but also would show some degree of humanity.

Marroquin comments - 1532


In 1532, Francisco Marroquin—then merely "lawyer", later, "bishop"
following instructions given by the Royal Audiencia in Mexico City reported on the tributes paid to encomenderos in the southwestern part of present El Salvador. The document gives us some understanding of early colonial conditions (Marroquin, 1968). The area covered by the report was essentially that of the "Pipil Kingdom" of Cuzcatlan (Fowler, '89, p. 139). It did not include the area known as "Los lzalcos"(the southwestern corner of present El Salvador, including much of the departments of Ahuachapan and Sonsonate) which had been appropriated by encomenderos and provincial authorities of Santiago de Guatemala, nor did it include - with some exceptions- towns north of the eastward flowing Lempa River, nor those to the east of its southward course. Those exclaves were described, somewhat vaguely as being "in the Chontales", an area whose Indians were reported by Pedro de Alvarado as being "perverse, bad, and bellicose", and by  other Spaniards who said "the Chontal Indians were cannibals who killed and robbed their peaceful neighbors". For these reasons the encomenderos sought permission from the Crown to enslave them. Also, "they lived in lands difficult of access" which made them difficult to pacify (Sherman, pp. 26, 217). The problem for the Spaniards was one of broken territory, difficulty of access, held by Indians who perversely resisted conquest.

These were "unreduced" areas, poorly known—or unknown to Spaniards—but from which there was hope of profit. For example, Sancho de Figueroa testified that he held part of a pueblo named Aganyla in the Chontales in his encomienda, but that he knew nothing about it. Alonso de Alvarado testified that he held two pueblos in the Chontales but that the number of houses was not known because they "were at war." Miguel Diaz testified similarly regarding a town that was in his encomienda.

The names of fifty-seven encomenderos appeared in the 1532 document but only twenty-seven of those appeared on the tribute list of 1548 (See supplement no. 7): that is to say, more than one half of those men had disappeared in the sixteen year period, most of them, it seems, without heirs. It may be assumed that the men were, for the most part, vigorous and young: life was short for most of the conquerors.

Of the twenty-seven whose names did appear, fifteen held larger encomiendas, ten had lost tributaries, and two controlled about the same numbers. Of the fifteen who gained, most had modest increases, but four men had gained considerably: Juan Garcia Matamoros acquired 370 more tributaries than he had held, mostly by the acquisition of the town of Potonico in modern Chalatenango province, a name that did not appear on the 1532 list. An increase almost as large—332--was that of Antonio Docampo. He had held a large number of tributaries in 1532 (600 putatively. The exact number was probably unknown). He had relinquished a laim to the town by the 1536-41 period in the acquisition of several other towns made available by the deaths of other encomenderos. Garcia de Alfaro also took over the properties of two deceased men. Juan de Medina gave up claim to two towns but acquired the very important town, Çacatecoluca, with 400 tributaries.

The ten decreases totalled slightly more than had the fifteen increases. Three decreases seem striking: the largest was that of Christoval Ceron, whose town of Apocopa may have been over-estimated in 1532, and the population of his town Aguachi, in unknown territory (Chontales) may have been mostly imagination. The large decrease may not have been real. Nuñez de Guzman's holdings of 1532 similarly may have been inflated and his loss less than appears. The case of Miguel Diaz is baffling. Why should he have given up his part of Xalocinagua to keep the remote town of Arcatao? It may have been a case of choosing the sole control of relatively prosperous town, even though it was remote.

Two encomenderos held about the same number of tributaries in 1548 as in 1532. In each case the original towns were materially diminished but additional tributaries were added from other towns.

The fractional amounts of tributaries shown for some encomenderos represented earlier divisions and were only approximations. For example, in 1532 Garcia de Alfaro held "one half" of the town of Coyo, with 100 tributaries; The other "half", with 120 tributaries, was held by Gines Muñoz. The 1548 tribute list showed Alfaro's "half" as including 108 tributaries. The "half" under Muñoz in 1532 had become, in 1548, part of the encomienda of Christoval de Campos. The number of tributaries was then shown to be 60.

As there were forty four encomenderos in 1548, seventeen newcomers had been granted encomiendas (see supplement no. 8). The names of a large proportion of them were not further recorded in history, and most had been granted moderate size encomiendas of towns whose earlier encomenderos had died, but a few names stand out. The most prominent is that of Hernan Perez, who had been one of the conquerors of Guatemala with Pedro de Alvarado . He was not in San Salvador province in 1532, but some time afterward he had acquired a large encomienda: by 1548 his minor sons had inherited one with 570 tributaries, including the town of Cuxutepeque with 400. In 1532 that town had been divided between three men: Puella, Rodrigo Diaz, and Sancho de Figueroa. The first two had died by 1548; Figueroa had been compensated by the allotment ot two other towns.

Also listed as having come to Guatemala at the time of the conquest (having come with Pedro de Portocarrero), was Louis Dubois. It seems that this man's French name looked or sounded like Luis Dibues to the Spanish scribes. He was thus listed - and with 260 tributaries ("Adiciones y aclaraciones" section of Tomo II of the 1883 Madrid edition of Fuentes y Guzman). Two others of the newcomers who were allotted more than the average number of tributaries were Bartolome Garcia and Lope Pardo.

In Marroquin's report of 1532, a few of the items of tribute were mentioned, but obviously not all; and amounts were not given. The inquiry basic to the report is indicative of early, stumbling attempts on the part of Crown officials to curb the excesses of the encomenderos; but the instructions were apparently vague, and the answers evasive and with an obvious belittling of the quality of the holdings; but it was the land that was disparaged, the number of tributaries held seem to be given fully, and perhaps even augmented, and claims of production probably were more hopeful than real. For example Alonso de Alvarado testified to holding two pueblos in the Chontales, named Cocoyagua and Tulua, "which were at war and it is said that their number of houses is not known"; but later he testified that the number would probably be 400 (p. 218). Cristoval Ceron testified that his town, Aguachi, had "come into peace a few days previously" and "they say there may be 400 houses". Miguel Diaz testified that he held the town of Xuzclan in the Chontales which was at war ("en guerra"). Under the circumstances it would seem that making a count of tributary families would be impossible, yet he gave the number 280. Perhaps encomenderos were trying to establish figures from which they could bargain with authorities regarding future grants.

Gomez de Alvarado, brother of the adelantado, testified as to his holding of the pueblo called Nunualco with "1,000 dwellings, more or less"; further, he testified that it was in hot, sterile, broken land and paid as tribute very little maize, chickens, salt, fish, chili, and cotton textiles. Its people were "very poor" (p. 205). (The question of the Nonualcos is vexed. See the consideration of all the towns of the 1548-49 tribute list. The town that Gomez de Alvarado held in 1532 may have been Zacatecoluca).

Sancho de Figueroa (misspelled Figueria) testified that he held parts of two towns, that the Indians of the towns made their planting of maize and beans (from which they paid his tribute), and they paid him "some" chickens and other products of the land in support of him, his house and horse. From one of the towns, the Indians paid both while and colored (striped?) textiles, honey, some chili, and olomina ( Fundulus guatemalensi), a prized small fish) from the lake. Apparently some sugar had been planted for him and some bananas and lemons. But then, in testimony similar to that of Gomez de Alvarado, the land was rocky, dry, and sterile. But one of the villages is near the sea and it was able to pay "some fish, salt, chickens and a very little cacao" and, at times, white textiles. He also held part of a pueblo named Aganyla in the Chontales about which he said he knew nothing (p.210).

Many towns listed in 1532 did not appear on the 1548-49 record. Absence from the later list could indicate destruction of the town, absorption by another (congregacion ), or being included for purposes of tribute as an annex of another town. More than one entry of the same town name indicates in a few cases more than one town with the same name; but in the majority of such cases it indicates the division of tributes of one town between more than one encomendero.

Some towns in 1548-49 listed higher population figures than did the same town in 1532. As the general population had diminished, the increase must have been by the addition of populations of towns that had been eliminated in the congregaciones.

The evidence of the tribute lists indicates that payments were vetted by the officials according to encomiendas. Town payments varied widely and, in many cases, had been omitted, whereas those made to encomenderos usually fell within expectable limits.

One view of the evolution of the encomienda in Central America may be seen in the record of a man listed as Antonio Docampo. Although little is known about him (Kramer, Lovell, and Lutz. 1986, n. 54), he may have been with Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of San Salvador: at least he was of sufficient importance in the further exploitation of the region to be named as alcalde by Jorge de Alvarado in 1529 and confirmed by Pedro de Alvarado in the following year (Remesal, Vol. 11, pp. 273-74), He appears in the Marroquin document of 1532 (p. 228), and again in the reports regarding important encomenderos of 1536-'41 (Kramer, Lovell, and Lutz, 1986, pp. 367-69). In the tribute list of 1548, he is shown as holding the largest encomienda in the province of San Salvador, including the town of Ciguateoacan (present Santa Ana), which apparently was later sold by Docampo for a large sum of money to a relative of Cerrato (Sherman, '79, p. 169; Kramer, Lovell and Lutz '86, loc. cit.).

The document of 1532 shows him as holding one town, "Tecoylata", but gives no figures as to tribute paid nor any suggestion of the importance of the town, except to note that it had 600 houses (i.e. heads of houses: tributaries), a figure that may be dubious as he reported that it had been about a year since he had visited the place. Furthermore, contradictions in his report may indicate that he really knew little—perhaps nothing— about it. For example, in one place he expressed the opinion that the area would probably be good for grazing animals; but later in the same report he suggested that it would not be because it was swampy in the rainy season; that maize did not grow well because the area was hot and the land sterile. Sugar cane had been planted but he could not say whether or not it would be satisfactory. Fowler (p. 175) points out the curious fact that he did not mention cotton-growing of which it was shown to be one of the most important producers in later reports. The Indians had built his house and planted crops from which the tribute was paid. Among the payments were salt, fish, textiles (ropa), and other supplies needed for the house, the encomendero and his horses. The Indians, he reported, exchanged salt and fish for maize.

That he deprecated the value of the property was made evident in 1536-'41 (Kramer, Lovell and Lutz, '86, pp.370-71) when it (Teculuca) was part of the encomienda of Cristoval  la Cueva, and in 1548 (Teculuca, #1) when, albeit under the Crown, its tributes suggest a large population and large production of several valuable products including 1500 lbs. of fish, 1,000 lbs. of cotton planted, and 2500 lbs. of salt. The town is not far from the Jiquilisco Lagoon and the Estero de Jaltepeque, both long important for salt production (Andrews, 1983, pp. 105-06).

Although its payments may have been considerable, Docampo saw more value in other places. By the 1536-'41 period he had relinquished it to Cristoval cie la Cueva and had acquired four other towns: Tonacatepeque, Xilopango, Cuyapango, and Ciguateguacan. The first three had been, in 1532, under Juan de Aguilar (although the name Cuyapango does not appear on the list), who had held an encomienda with 490 tributaries. By 1548 Aguilar had disappeared. Ciguateguacan was shown to be held by Diego Usagre, who also had disappeared by 1548.

The tribute reductions made by the Cerrato reforms of 1548 can be seen in a comparison of the payments made by the four towns in 1536-41 period with those of 1548.

The figures given below for maize, beans, cotton, and wheat signify fanegas of 100 lbs. each planted if there is no abbreviation after them. With "pl.g" after them the signification is "planting" but with no amount specified. Eggs are by dozens. Honey, given in cantaros , each of which is assumed to be an arroba of 25 lbs. Beeswax is given in panes, these, too, are assumed to be arrobas. The figures given below for these items signify pounds. Cacao is given in xiquipiles of 8,000 beans each. Figures for chilis, fruit, salt, olomina, and vinegar represent pounds. Fruit was paid "when in season." Figures for sandals (cutaras and alpargatas) represent pairs. Pottery, either pots (ollas), jugs (cantaros), or griddles (comales), which were of the same value, are given in pieces, as are mats (petates).





                  


Tonacatepeque       

Xilopango                                      

Cuyapango                      


Ciguateguacan            

   


'36-41    '48   

'36-41            '48

'36-41            '48


'36-41            '48

Beans



1 plg       200

---                  ---

1 plg              100

1 plg                ---

Beeswax



100         100

50                  50

50                  50               


250                  75

Cacao



---         ---


---                 ---

---                 ---

500                 350

Chia


                 1 pl






Chickens


208        156

104                48

---                60       


208              156



Chili


1 pl.        400

---                 ---

1 plg.            200

1 plg.           ---


Cotton


1 pl.2       500

1 plg.3            200

1 pl.4        


2                1pl.5


Eggs6


---           156

---                  52

---                104

---              208


Fish7


                416

                      408

250   


                   208


Fruit


(8)           50

(8)                 ---

---                 50

(8)               50


Honey


50            50

50                 25            

50                 25


125              75


Maize


20             16

8                   6

8                     7

30                 14


Salt


250






Sandals







Cutaras


80           50

40                     ---

30                  ---


100               50


Alpargatas


100         80

40                    50

40                   50

100                50


Servants9


6             4

3                       2

1                       2



10                  4


Herders10


               4

                          1

                          1

                      4


Sweet potatos

1pl.         --

---                     --

1 pl.                   ---

----               ---


Xicamas (Pachyrhizus angulatus Rich.)


1pl.        ---

---                    ---

1 pl.                   ---

----              ---





1. Salvia spp. One planting was made in the earlier period, a planting of two celemines, about seventeen pounds. None was planted at the other three towns in the period 1536-41. In 1548 two celemines were to be planted at the town of Tonacatepeque.

2. From which various textiles and clothes were to be paid: 40 toldillos, 20 pieces of cloth for jubones (garments reaching from shoulder to waist: Kramer et al, n. 57), 40 skirts (naguas), and 30 blouses (huipiles ).

In the tribute list of 1548, the various garments had been eliminated and the tax was 300 toldillos.

3. From which 40 toldillos, and 25 mens' shirts (camisas de onbre) were to be paid.  The 1548 tax was simply 96 toldillos.

4. From which 20 toldillos, 20 skirts (naguas), and 20 pieces of cloth for jubones were to be paid. The 1548 tax was simply 100 toldillos.

5. From which 50 skirts (naguas ), 60 blouses (guipiles ), and 25 sheets (savanas) were to be paid. The 1548 tax was simply 100 toldillos.

6. Tonacatepeque was instructed to pay eggs "if they wish".   For Xilopango the instruction was "as they wish". Cuyapango was not required to pay them. Ciguateguacan, like Xilopango, could pay "as they wish."

7. In 1536-'41, three towns paid fish "as they wish" or "if they wish." In Cuyapango they did not have to decide whether or not "they wished." In the 1548 tribute list, only Ciguateguacan paid - four lbs. per week.

8. "As they wish" or "if they wish".

9. Most of the servants reported in the 1536-'41 document, were used at the mines of Metapa: 6 from Tonacatepeque, 2 from Xilopango, and 10 from Ciguateoacan. The others: 1 from Xilopango, and 1 from Cuyapango served in San Salvador.

10. Either herding had not developed sufficiently by the late 1530s or interest was concentrated on mining. No herders were listed for the four towns in that period of time, but 10 were listed in 1548. Livestock and pigs were mentioned for Aviles in San Miguel and for Perez Dardon, apparently none at that time for Francisco de la Cueva. "Care for livestock" was mentioned for Cristobal de la Cueva. And in the case of Docampo, the servants not involved in mining were only two. Herding was apparently not important.

In addition to the above tributes, the following materials and services were to be supplied in 1536-41: From Tonacatepeque:  20,000 lbs. of supplies for the mines of Metapa.

An obvious requirement veiled by cant appears in the statement "If, when the bearers of the supplies are shown the necessity of repair of houses or construction of a "rancho" at the mines, they may do the work".

Also required was care of livestock, repair of the sheds and of the encomendero's dwelling.

From Xilopango: Aid in the delivery of 20,000 lbs. of supplies for the mines of Metapa, "conforming to possibility".

From Cuyapango:

All of the textiles could be exchanged - but for what and at what rate is not stated.

With sanctimony it is suggested that "the conscience of all pueblos is charged to provide the house with maize and other necessities, care for livestock and sheds, maintenance of the house........each pueblo according to its ability."

Also provisions of chili, beans, vegetables for the house and slaves were to be supplied.

If the Indians have a surplus of maize, they may exchange it for salt (as the Indians needed no instructions in trade, the statement must have meant an additional levy of salt).

Pottery and mats (petates) to be supplied as necessary.

Repair of ox carts.

Another suggestion of pious benevolence is that "if the Indians want to go—for pay—to Gracias a Dios with supplies for the house of the encomendero, he may send them."

The Indians are to supply products of hunting, and henequen for fetters, headstalls, and lead ropes (sueltas, xaquimas, and cabestros) .


From Ciguateguacan:

Make sheds to store grain, gather fodder for livestock.

Cacao, wax, honey, and pita (henequen) to be put either in San Salvador or in Acaxutla (i.e. for maritime trade. D. Stanislawski)

Maize, plaster if necessary, and wild game for the house.

The encomendero may exchange the textiles for other tribute.

30,000 lbs. of supplies for the mines.

Repairs of the house and other structures, including ox carts.

Food for the encomendero when he is in the pueblo.

"If they wish, the Indians may go, for pay, to bring supplies to the house in Gracias a Dios."

Henequen for fetters , headstalls and lead ropes.

Differences in Tribute Payments Between Those of 1536-41 and 1548-49

The first notable difference is in the absence of vagueness and casuistry in 1548-49, particularly with regard to Indian labor. In 1536-41 the Indians were apparently to work under the guidance of that gem of sophistry "theconscience of all pueblos is charged to provide the house with.............", or the Indians were to make "a planting" with no specification as to the quantity of seed to be planted. Also such phrases as "gather fodder", "repair the house, the sheds, the ox carts", etc. appeared without further elaboration. Others: "as they wish", "as they may wish", "materials for the house", "as necessary", appearing in 1536-41, all without precise figures, were replaced by exact figures and times in the 1548-49 tribute list which had specifics. In the latter, payments were generally reduced from one fifth to one half of those for which figures were stated in 1536-41.

Some information regarding the reductions made by the "Cerrato Reforms" appears in the document showing payments of 1530-31 by the town of Huehuetenango to its encomendero Juan de Espinar. The levy of textiles in 1530-31 was 800 mantas , 400 loincloths (masteles ), 400 jackets (xicoles ), 400 sleeveless blouses (guipiles ), 400 skirts (naguas ); also 400 sandals (cutaras ), 400 mats (petates ), and large numbers of male and female servants and slaves to work either in the town or in his gold mines (Kramer, Lovell, and Lutz, Washington, 1991).

In the tribute list of 1548-49, the clothing had all been eliminated, as had 400 mats, and the sandals. The mantas had been reduced to 200. Chickens had been reduced from 2268 to 144. The servants allotted were six.

More information regarding changes in the encomienda becomes apparent in a comparison of the document of 1536-41 which reported on the holdings of five encomenderos , with the document of 1548-49. By the time of the later document consolidations had for the most part been made. Of the five encomenderos, one, Antonio Docampo, had relinquished his one town but acquired four others. Christoval de la Cueva's encomienda (See pp. 22-27) had been expropriated by the Crown. But three of the encomenderos held the same towns in 1548-49 that they had held in 1536-41. Consideration of those three follows.

Francisco de la Cueva

Weighty reasons may have made it wise for the dour Cerrato not to inquire too closely into the encomienda of this man, son of Pedro de la Cueva, a nephew of the Duke of Alburquerque, and the cousin of the two sisters who were married to Pedro de Alvarado (The first died soon after her arrival in the New World, Palomo,  p. 35).

But it would seem that Cerrato did not yield entirely to discretion: the record of Cueva's encomienda offers additional information regarding the reduction of tribute payments. It appears in three entries of the 1548-49 tribute list for Santiago: Tacuba (#32), a town with 100 tributaries that paid eighty xiquipiles of cacao and nothing more; Jumaytepeque (#105), whose number of tributaries is not shown, but is estimated to have been seventy five; and Çacatepeque and Ostuncalco (#106), with 2,000 tributaries. The first two entries were of relatively unimportant towns in southeast of present Guatemala. The important part of the encomienda was the large territory and towns in the southwest, including Ostuncalco and Çacatepequel and towns subsidiary to them. (The town of Çacatepeque, present San Martin Sacatepéquez, is one of seven with that name. Three are in the area of the Cueva encomienda. Aside from the one named, two others: San Antonio, and San Pedro, of lesser importance were included without being specifically mentioned. The four other towns with the name were—two each— parts of the encomiendas of Bernal Diaz and Francisco de Monterroso respectively; they are west and northwest of present Guatemala City).

The east and north borders of the encomienda were approximately those of a line connecting the towns of present Retalhuleu, San Martin Sacatepéquez, Ostuncalco, Cabricán, Tejutla; and from there west to the Mexican border of Chiapas. In elevations it rose from sea level to more than 8,000 feet (Ostuncalco: 2502 meters: 8208 feet).

The holding was enormous and included upland territories supporting some of the most dense populations of Guatemala at the time of the Spanish arrival (MacBryde, 1971, pp. 3,6,10,14-16, 128). Also to the Spaniards-who were largely from the southwest of present Spain—the area would have been appealing because it was not dissimilar in climate from their homeland and it was promising for grazing European livestock (in 1549, fourteen herders are listed). Part of the area had been seized by the conqueror, Pedro de Alvarado for himself, and the important conqueror, Pedro de Portocarrero, a cousin of the count of Medellin, chose another part for his encomienda. Portocarrero's part apparently included most of the territory of early Otzoya which contained the highlands of San Marcos, Ostuncalco, Quezaltenango, part of the valley of Totonicapan, the mountains of Ixtlahuacan, and some of the plains of Xuchitepéquez. It was described thus in a Quiché document referring to Mam pueblos of the 1300s. (The original document, in Quiche, was in the hands of "an illustrious family of Totonicapan" and is printed as Titulos de la casa Ixcuin-Nihaib, 1941, pp. 244-252).

By 1549 Portocarrero's encomienda was in the hands of Francisco de la Cueva, who was not one of the conquerors. He came to the New World with Pedro de Alvarado upon the return of the conqueror from Spain in 1539; but Cueva was the nephew of the Duke of Alburquerque. That family connection gave him position. Of further importance was the inheritance of the woman he married: Leonor, Pedro de Alvarado's natural daughter by Luisa, the daughter of a Tlaxcalan cacique. Leonor had been married briefly to the old campaigner, Pedro de Portocarrero and had inherited his large encomienda. That holding came to Cueva.

His importance in the affairs of the New World was obvious. It was to him that the Spanish Crown gave authority in Guatemala during the absence of Alvarado; and he governed after the deaths of Alvarado and his widow, Beatrice, until March 1542 when Maldonado took authority as head of the Audiencia.

In spite of his obvious importance (perhaps because of it), the payments to him were changed by the Cerrato reforms. Tributes were still large but a comparison with those paid in the period 1536-41 show a material reduction.


Çacatepeque and Ostuncalco

                                1536-'41                                     1549

Maize                                                                     80,000 lbs. (i.e. approx. 8 sown fanegas)

Beans                                                                     3,000 lbs (i.e. approx. 3 sown fanegas)

Mantas                     2400 (presuming that the
                                statement 400 de setenta
a
                                setenta dias should have read
                                each
sixty days, i.e.
                                each two months
                          1,600

                               
                  

Chickens.                 On occasional days,                     300
                &nbs