The modern Republic of El Salvador is made up of two Spanish colonial provinces: San Salvador, which lay west of the southward-flowing Lempa River, and San Miguel to the east of it. The two areas differ from each other physically and always, to some degree, culturally—insofar as we know the record. That situation was recognized by pre-conquest native societies and was accepted by the Spanish conquerors.

Some time before 300 b.c., groups of "proto Lenca" speakers came into the area, probably from the highlands of western El Salvador or Guatemala, bringing the Usulutan pottery tradition. In the early Christian centuries, there developed an indigenous Lenca tradition in eastern El Salvador and south central Honduras (Andrews V, 1977, p. 132). Such archaeology as is known of present El Salvador indicates that until the a.d. seventh century, when Mexicans moved into the territory west of the Lempa, the region lying to the east of the stream was oriented toward the north, Honduras, and had little or no contact with the trans-Lempa area that became colonial San Salvador (loc. cit.). At about the end of the first a.d. millenium, an era of limited contact between the two areas east and west of the Lempa River began; but still, San Miguel, the area east of the stream,remained culturally remote. The sophisticated, trading inhabitants of the area west of the stream showed slight interest in the eastern area which continued to be inhabited by the comparatively less advanced Lenca Indians (Longyear, '66, pp. 152-5). Longyear writes that "Archaeologically speaking, El Salvador is really two countries, one to the west and one to the east of the lower Lempa River "(op. cit., p. 32).

The area to the east of the stream was, by 500 b.c. centered around the settlement of Quelepa, a site on the San Esteban tributary of the Rio Grande de San Miguel, about eight kms. northwest of the city of San Miguel, in a basin of fertility in a largely infertile land. Its basic food plant was maize— obviously of Mexican derivation. There is no indication of the South American root/tuber agriculture (Andrews V, p. 180). Ceramics typical of that place may indicate some relation with the area west of the river, but its strong connections were with southern and central Honduras (op. cit., p. 143). If Usulutan ware, of Preclassic time, bespeaks its origin at the place of the present city of that name in San Miguel department, that pottery was widely traded into Honduras (pp. at, pp. 145-47). Later, in the Classic period (after a.d. 250), there were links with the Lake Yojoa region of Honduras (ibid., p. 42); and no evidence of communication with western Salvador (ibid. p. 151). By Late Classic (after about a.d. 600) contacts with the Vera Cruz coast of Mexico were strong, perhaps made by groups that went along the Pacific coast by sea (presumably after crossing to the Pacific side along the isthmus of Tehuantepec). That they did not procede by land may be indicated by the absence of any traces of them in Guatemala or in western El Salvador (ibid, pp. 184-86; Sheets, 1983, pp. 105-06). By about the end of the first millenium Quelepa went out of existence, and little is known of the area until the time of the conquest by Europeans (Andrews V, p. 186).

All sources agree, according to Longyear, that the area east of the Lempa River was occupied by the Lenca in pre-historic times and up until the sixteenth century except for a small enclave of Matagalpa-speakers (p. 134).

At about a.d. 600 groups from the Mexican state of Vera Cruz came into the area of present El Salvador west of the Lempa River, and later, some time between a.d. 900 and the earliest Spanish incursions of the sixteenth century, others came from the central Mexican area. In post-conquest times these Mexican groups were called Pipiles. They had settled in the territory among the Pokomam Maya whose remnants were left in small enclaves around Chalchuapa, the area around present San Salvador, and possibly on the east slope of the San Vicente volcano (Longyear, p. 133). The basic interest of the Mexicans was trade, but, as is the case with traders, they saw the advantage of controlling the products involved— the most important of which was cacao— and the areas of its production. They became the dominant population of the area.

But eastward, when they reached the Lempa River their interest waned. Beyond it were only limited areas of good agricultural land, and although trade was important at least as far east as Usulutan, human factors there may have superseded those of the natural environment. The relations between the Mexicans and the Lenca were, in the evidence available, not antagonistic, and it seems that the Lenca considered the territory east of the Lempa River to be theirs. Probably the Mexicans, avid for trade and not inclined to waste time on fruitless endeavor, had no wish to test their authority.

That the area of San Miguel was generally unpromising was apparent to the Spaniards at the outset (Chamberlain, '53, p.624); and the poison on the arrows of the Lenca inhabitants—which may have intensified the seriousness of Alvarado's wound—made it clear that any rewards of conquest might be costly and would hardly justify the effort and danger.

As a result, during the early years of the conquest of Central America, its possession and control was undetermined: whether it fell under the control of Nicaragua, Honduras, or Guatemala was not clear to the Council of the Indies in Spain (Barón Castro, 78, p. 377); and, it would seem, that to the early conquerors of Guatemala and San Salvador its possession seemed hardly worthwhile; but geopolitics changed their minds. The event was the 1530 foray through it by Martin de Estete, a lieutenant of Pedrarias, out of Nicaragua. That invasion convinced Pedro de Alvarado that he should establish his control, if for no other reason than to protect his flank. In that year he ordered the settlement of San Miguel to be founded at the site of an Indian village in one of the fertile interior lowlands (Chamberlain, '47, p. 624).

As in the case of Nicaragua, San Miguel's neighbor across the Gulf of Fonseca, Spaniards, not finding appropriable "cash" of other kinds in San Miguel, found it in slaving. A large part of the population may have been eliminated by that activity (Francisco de Paula García Pelaez, cited by Browning, p. 43).

After that resource was reduced, most of the Spanish settlers were discouraged with their further prospects. That they were glad to leave is evident from the fact that they were quick to give up the territory and join Alvarado's expedition into South America in 1534; and Alvarado ascribed so little importance to the area that he allowed it to become almost extinct as a Spanish colony (Chamberlain, '53, pp. 624-25).

But by 1535 all of the obviously important areas elsewhere had been acquired by Spanish encomenderos and even San Miguel may have seemed better than nothing. In that year, Cristóbal de la Cueva, acting under authority from Jorge de Alvarado (brother of Pedro), subjugated more than two hundred native pueblos that were within fifteen leagues and re-established the San Miguel settlement with about forty Spanish citizens who were assigned the pueblos in encomienda. Somewhat later, the theretofore elusive deposits of precious metals, were discovered in sufficient amounts to give some reward to a few conquerors and promise to others (Chamberlain, '53, pp. 636-637).

Beginning in late 1537 and lasting until early 1539 a bloody revolt began in Honduras; and to the south, a uprising in San Miguel was probably coordinated with it. In San Miguel the strike was sudden and fierce. About twenty of the Spanish citizens were living on their encomiendas : all were killed. About eighteen others were living in the town. They, under Avilés, were able to protect themselves and put the Indians out, but the belligerants remained in the hills threatening the town. Luckily for the Spaniards of San Miguel, other Spaniards, from Guatemala on their way to Peru, arrived to help. The combined forces, under the leadership of Aviles carried the war to the Indians, and established control over the territory close by the town. Beyond that periphery natives held out on high rocky outcrops (penolés) continuing rebellion. About 1539, that is, three or four years after the town of San Miguel had been repeopled, revolting Indians on the Peñol of Chilanga withstood a siege for more than three weeks; but within a year or two after that date most resistence had ended.

Francisco de Montejo, who claimed San Miguel to be part of Higueras, Honduras, wanted to establish a trade route between the North and South Seas from Puerto de Caballos, on the Caribbean, southward through the fertile Valley of Comayagua to the Bahía de Fonseca. He envisioned a connection between Spain, the West Indies, and the Pacific coast, down to Peru. But that dream ended and he was forced to make an agreement with Avilés who established control of San Miguel.

The persistent efforts of Spaniards to find wealth were only modestly successful: they found gold deposits, and some silver. Melchor Hernández claimed to have discovered the Choluteca mines. Miguel de Trujillo claimed to have discovered gold and silver deposits at the Cerro de Bacacun, or Boloculuna, close to the settlement of San Miguel itself. Gonzalo de Armenta and Juan Martínez came upon placer gold in a river close to the pueblo of Pasaquina. Such discoveries and better control of the region made living there seem somewhat more worthwhile to the colonists, (most of the information regarding early San Miguel has been taken from Chamberlain, 1953, pp. 624-440).

But the "conquest" was in large part superficial. The new colonists suffering shortages of supplies had little more reason to be satisfied with the region than the original settlers had had.

The desolation of the region is attested by the fact that in 1545, the judges (oidores ) of the Spanish governing body for Central America (the Audiencia de los Confines ), in southern Honduras, stated that there was no royal official in San Miguel and it would be advisable to appoint three magistrates (regidores). They recommended the names of five of the most important encomenderos to be considered. Interestingly, they did not suggest Aviles de Sotomayor. Perhaps they shared the view of Las Casas that he was "a great robber".

Another indication of San Miguel's lack of attraction may be indicated by the fact that Louis Dubois (who appeared in the tribute list as Luis Dibues), one of the conquerors of San Miguel, chose to move west into the province of San Salvador, where in mid-century he held the important town Nonualco.

Cerrato, the head of the Audiencia , in 1549 reported that San Miguel was "a sad and lonely place" (Sherman, 1971, p. 41); and, apparently, it was then also pestilential: Cerrato's son-in-law, Sancho Cano, died there prematurely, as did his three sons and two nephews.

One may judge from the tribute list of 1549 that it was remote from the interest of other Spaniards: of the four most important encomenderos little or nothing is known. One, Avilés de Sotomayor, was captain and lieutenant governor at the time of the bloody revolt of 1537-39 (Chamberlain, '53, pp. 628-131). Las Casas noted him briefly stating that he "was a great robber"; but there is little more in the record. Three others: Pedro Serrano, Pedro de Obregon, and Gabriel Gomez, held encomiendas of about the same size as that of Avilés; but if there are other records of them they are not readily accessible.

Average yearly payments per tributary to these four largest encomiendas compared to all others illustrate two facts: one a justification of the impugnment of Avilés by Las Casas, and, two, the relatively low payments per tributary made to the other three holders of the largest encomiendas.

		Avilés	Gomez	Oregon	Serrano	All other encomiendas
	Tributaries	410	450	420	400	3940
	Maize	8.54	4.00	5.95	4.0	7.06
	Beans	3.41	.89	2.02	1.25	2.02
	Cotton	.73	.74	.67	1.00	.62
	Mantas	.81	.53	.52	.60	.69
	Chickens	.88	.43	.63	.30	.57
	Honey	.40	.17	.12	.19	.15
	Beeswax	.55	.17	.12	.25	.24
	Cacao1	.781	---	---	---	.13
	Salt	5.49	2.33	---	5.63	2.41
	Fish	5.612	.67	3	3.65	1.55
	Servants4	.02	.02	.03	.03	.04

(Figures for maize, beans, and cotton represent lbs. planted; mantas and chickens represent units; Cacao is in xiquipiles ; all others are in lbs).

(1) No other of the large encomiendas paid it.

(2) Which included 300 lbs. of olomina , a prized fish. No other payment of it was made in the province.

(3) Two fishers served each Friday plus twenty eight lbs. paid in Lent.

(4) The figure includes herders at two-thirds the value of servants.

Clearly, distance from the center of control gave opportunity for excessive exploition, e.g. Gaspar Avilés de Sotomayor. Even among greedy men he was salient for his appetite: in every one of the above items of tributes he was paid more than the average, in many cases extortionately more. The statement of Las Casas that he "was a great robber" is confirmed not only by the above but also various services: the natives were to clean the cacao and mulberry groves (probably the native tree: Morus celtidifolia), to carry necessities for and to work in the mines, to bring wood, water, stones and mortar for construction of buildings, to furnish maize, fodder, and wood to the villa of the encomendero, to go to the town of Taminalco to bring back salt and fish, to supply food for the pigs. They were to irrigate one planting of 600 lbs. of beans, and to sow and care for wheat which might include the services of ten natives to go to San Salvador, Comayaua, or wherever necessary. Maintenance of buildings was their responsibility.

At least two other encomenderos, Serrano, and Vargas, may have been of the same stripe: in mid-century they were penalized by the Crown for excessive demands made on their tributaries (Garcia Pelaez, 1968, pp. 140-41).

The three other encomenderos with about the same number of tributaries as Avilés are given above for comparison.

Chamberlain ('47, pp. 643 ff) noted that Melchor Hernandez and Gonzalo de Armenta (Darmenta on tribute list) complained of their poverty and the amounts of gold they had spent in "your majesty's service". Hernandez was bitter about the freeing of his slaves "for which he had paid so much".

Darmenta of the tribute list held 220 tributaries and Hernandez about 195. Neither was quite as "great" a "robber" as Aviles but their crocodile tears were hardly justified.

In 1586, Ponce reported that in his journey into Central America he did not go into the city of San Miguel because shortly before the time of his arrival in the area a fire had destroyed it: virtually all of the houses had been of straw (roofs), only two or three "of tile" did not burn. (Vol. 1, p. 391): testimony that in 1586, although officially a "city" it was still a straw hut town.

Thomas Gage, who was in Central America in the second quarter of the seventeenth century, wrote that the Lempa River "is privileged in this manner, that if a man commit any heinous crime or murder on this side of Guatemala, and San Salvador, or on the other side of San Miguel, or Nicaragua, "if he can flee over this river, he is free as long as he lives on the other side" (1958, p. 305).

San Miguel was a world apart, and never a prosperous one. Gálvez, the chief official of the province of San Salvador, wrote in 1740 that maize was in short supply in the villages of San Miguel (p. 31), and early in the nineteenth century, Gutierrez y Ulloa referred to the backward conditions of the San Miguel area. He wrote that there was a complete lack of public offices, its town government and its jail were in ruins. He described Gotera (present San Francisco Gotera) as being located on sterile, hot and dry lands where production is slight, and where there were many villages with only Indians (pp. 46-56).

San Miguel Towns, alphabetical

Açama, #12/20 est.

Paid maize, beans, and 2 fishers per week, which suggests the vicinity of the gulf. The name in the document is clear, Açama, but that name does not appear on the map. Perhaps it can be equated with the hamlet of Tzirama, in the "guardiania" of San Miguel, which Ponce mentions (Vol. 1, p. 388). The hamlet was near the sea (presumably the present Bay of La Unión). It had seven heads of families, four spoke Poton and three spoke Ulua. Modern Sirama is west of the Bahía de la Unión.

Formerly, Ponce said, there had been two large towns but they declined (as, he added, does the present hamlet) and they were joined together (loc. cit).

Aguacayo, #29/200

The town does not appear on modern maps.

Ponce (Vol. 1, pp. 329 ff) reported coming to it after leaving Oxucar and Eleuayquin (Ereguayquin) and before arriving to Xiquilisco (Jiquilisco) and Ozolutlan (Usulutan).

Aguatique/ #8/15 est.

Browning identifies it with present Ciudad Barrios (his #113), which has an elevation of 860 meters (2822 feet: Servicio Meteorologico).

Its importance in 1549 was minor, but it was part of the encomienda of Melchor Hernandez who held four other towns and probably received payment from 195 tributaries. The payment of 4 lbs. of fish each Friday must have been the result of stream fishing.

Amapal/#63/90est.

Browning identifies this town (his #149) with present Amapalita, near the Bay of La Union. It was in the encomienda of Gregorio Gallego, who also held #25, Exoroaquin (present Ereguayquin), with sixty tributaries.

Amatique (with Enguatique)

Now gone

Arambala/#28/200

Near the north of the country at an elevation of more than 800 meters (2625 feet plus). It was under Pedro de Obregon who held seven towns, one of the largest encomiendas in the province.

Arameana

Unidentified.

Aynacoa

Present Coyolito, according to Browning (his #166), just north of the Bay of Jiquilisco. The name does not appear on the 1973 map in that location.

Bolocolima/#3/50

Chamberlain, 1947, p. 637, relates that Miguel de Trujillo claimed to have discovered gold and silver deposits at the Cerro de Bacacun, or Boloculuna, close to San Miguel.

The name does not appear on the map of 1973.

Cacaopera/#35/30

About thirty five kms. northnortheast of San Miguel City .

Calcayucacingo

Extinct

Calcoyuca/#20/200

Unidentified. The payments of honey and wax by this important town may suggest an inland position; in which case the weekly payments of fish could have come from stream fishing.

Camaguaiquin with Oloaquin/ #52/40

Unidentified, but the payments of salt and fish would suggest location near the sea.

Çapaguatique and Tepocachinameque/ #26/120

Browning and Barón Castro identify the latter town as present Chinameca and the former as being extinct. Perhaps it was absorbed by Chinameca.

Capayamabal/ #18/60 est.

Browning identifies it with present Yamabal, about twenty kms. north of San Miguel City.

Capaguantique/ #34/60

Extinct

Cesori/#67/150

Present Sesori, aout thirty three kms. northwest of San Miguel City.

Chapeltique/#39/60

It is situated about twenty kms. northnorthwest of San Miguel City in a well-watered area at an elevation of 180 meters (591 feet).

Chilangue y Oloayquin/ #54/150

Modern Chilanga is located about twenty eight kms. northnortheast of San Miguel City. Oloayquin is not identified: it may have been absorbed by Chilanga, which is a site distinguished by Indian resistance on the peñol in 1539 (Chamberlainm, 1953, p. 635).

Chinamecinamo

Extinct

Cingualtique/#68/30

Brownin