1. They were not able to. The stresses in Spanish society were too strong for a compromise constitution to achieve a national consensus, and Isabel did not become a queen who drew her people round her. Eventually parliamentary monarchy became stable, but only when it had associated political authority with social power. The leaders who matured under Ferdinand VII and the Carlist War would have to give way to a new generation, more practical, more cynical, who would not let ideology interfere with peace and profits.

Except for the Carlist dissidents on the right and extreme radicals on the left, in the future the active forces of the nation would seek to achieve objectives by obtaining a satisfactory parliamentary constitution, even if at times this meant establishing a new constitution by force. Until 1923 Spain would never be without a written constitution and cortes. After 1840 the two parliamentary parties that had taken shape in the 1830's, the Moderados and Progresistas, who were both originally heirs of the Liberal cause of 1812, expanded their appeal to attract forces which had not been constitutionalist before, changing their own nature in the process. The Moderados became the party of the upper classes, the Progresistas of the more radical urban middle and lower-middle classes. As the century advanced other parties appeared with other constituencies. The social conflicts of Spain thus became expressed in political divisions.

Ambitious leaders appeared to take command of the parties. It was not pure coincidence that many of them were generals. Since the war against Napoleon, the army had participated in political conflicts. [88] In the reign of Ferdinand VII, most generals, brought up under the absolute monarchy, did not see themselves as political leaders. The pronunciamiento of Riego, a young officer, does not disprove the generalization. Under the turbulent minority of Isabel II, the ease with which Maria Cristina dismissed civilian leaders like Martinez de la Rosa and Mendizabal and the critical role of the army in defeating the Carlists convinced a new generation of generals that they were the best qualified persons to settle the ills of the country. Conversely, since force had proved the ultimate arbiter of the dynastic conflict, civilian politicians looked naturally for allies among the generals. The result was that for the next three decades, political parties usually had military leaders at their head. This did not mean that Spain had become the plaything of the army or that parliamentary government had ceased to exist. It meant that generals made better political leaders than most men. They could capture the popular imagination. In the reign of a young queen, they could embody masculine force and command respect. But the issues were between political parties based on different social groups, not between army and society. The army was not monolithic. Almost every shade of opinion found a general to turn to who could rally some troops to its side.

The new political structure of Spain took shape in the decade after the Carlist War. The first sign of this development came immediately after the Peace of Vergara. When the electoral system of 1837 established direct elections for candidates to the Cortes, it provided for entire provinces to vote for slates of candidates instead of for smaller districts with a single representative from each. The system thus enabled the provincial capitals to exercise a strong influence on the elections in their provinces. The Constitution of 1837 also provided for the qualified voters to elect the ayuntamientos or municipal councils, in line with the tradition of 1812. By 1840 the provincial capitals and major cities had set a pattern of electing Progresista ayuntamientos. Feeling their control over the Cortes threatened, in 1840 the Moderado majority passed a law, patently opposed to the spirit of the constitution, giving the crown authority to appoint the alcaldes in all provincial capitals, and giving the provincial jefes políticos (civil governors), the local deputies of the central government, authority to name the alcaldes of all other municipalities of more than five hundred population. By this law the Moderados planned to nullify the power of locally elected municipal councils. It made the question of centralized administration versus local self-government a political issue dividing them from the Progresistas. The issue was to remain one of the thorniest problems of Spanish political life.

The queen regent gave the measure her approval, for she had come to sympathize openly with the Moderados. They had answered [89] Ferdinand VII's appeal against Don Carlos, and they had enacted the Estatuto Real, which gave the crown authority over legislation. Maria Cristina could not forget that the Progresistas had inspired the guards' rising of 1836 which forced her to accept a new constitution. She had other, more personal reasons for liking the Moderados. An impulsive and attractive young woman, within three months of Ferdinand's death she married a handsome guardsman, Fernando Muñoz. She kept the marriage secret, since it violated the terms of her regency, but she could not hide her pregnancies. By 1840 she had borne Muñoz four children. Carlists and Progresistas both whipped up the scandal, angering the regent, while Muñoz became closely allied with Moderado leaders. In giving her assent to the law on ayuntamientos in 1840, Maria Cristina let her passions outweigh her political wisdom.

First in Barcelona, where Maria Cristina was staying, then Madrid and other provincial capitals, popular uprisings encouraged by the National Militia and the Progresista ayuntamientos protested the law and established local governing juntas. The Progresistas found a champion in the victorious general of the recent war, Baldomero Espartero, the successful son of a muleteer of the Mancha, a rough and ready man of the people, reminiscent of Andrew Jackson. Since Espartero appeared to be the only person who could pacify the cities, the queen regent named him first minister. Thereupon she informed him of her resignation as regent. Despite a tearful protest on his part, she sailed for France on October 17, 1840, taking Muñoz with her but leaving Isabel behind. Many Moderado leaders followed her into exile.

Elections for new cortes produced a Progresista majority that named Espartero regent in her place. Espartero was a vain man, and new to the art of politics. He proved less astute as regent than as a general. He was unable to cooperate with the Cortes and repeatedly called for new elections at the first sign of opposition. Seeking the diplomatic support of Great Britain because Louis Philippe of France befriended Maria Cristina and the Moderados, he agreed to a tariff that opened Spain to English cotton cloth, thereby threatening the cotton industry of Catalonia, which was at last recovering from its collapse at the beginning of the century. In Barcelona, opposition to the new tariff brought on a serious rising in November 1842, involving the National Militia and industrial workers. Espartero ordered the army to bombard the city into submission, apparently forgetting that Progresista strength lay in the cities. The effect of this act was to turn Catalonia against Espartero and split the Progresista party.

The Moderado leaders in exile meanwhile were reorienting their party to attract conservatives who had been opposed to both Liberal parties in the 1830's. They found willing ears among the moderate Carlists, uncommitted military men, and most important of all, [90] conservative clergymen. The Moderados, under the guidance of the aging Martinez de la Rosa and two young Catholic writers, Juan Francisco Donoso Cortes and Jaime Balmes, came to favor granting official recognition of the role of the church in Spanish society in order to end the conflict between constitutionalism and religion. While the Moderados had no desire to undo the sale of church properties carried out under Mendizabal's law of 1836, they felt the process had gone far enough and unsold properties should be returned. Papal recognition of the past sales, and of Isabel as queen of Spain, became major objectives. Since Espartero reactivated the sale of church lands, Catholic leaders who had hated the Liberals now grasped the hand proffered by the Moderados.

Meanwhile middle-class merchants and manufacturers were reacting against the repeated Progresista demonstrations that had shaken the cities since the death of Ferdinand. They began to fear lower-class violence. There had been the assault on monks in 1834 and 1835. Since the 1820's Barcelona had witnessed growing labor unrest, directed at the mechanization of the textile industry. In 1839 the Cortes permitted organization of worker's mutual aid societies, and next year a Mutual Association of Workers of the Cotton Industry was established in Barcelona. Illegal groups also existed. The rising of Barcelona in 1842 saw republican and socialist groups active for the first time in Spain, directed by craftsmen. Many maunfacturers began to look for a stronger, more conservative government, and they too turned to the Moderados.

The Moderados also cultivated a number of generals who had gone into exile out of opposition to Espartero. Most prominent was Ramon Maria Narvaez, who had rivaled Espartero for command of the Isabel-line armies during the Carlist War. The generals provided the immediate means for the Moderados to return to power. When Espartero dismissed newly elected Cortes in 1843 because the majority opposed his policies, army units rose in the name of the constitution. Landing in Valencia, Narvaez gave unity to the rising. Espartero, deserted by the army, fled via Cadiz to England, and Madrid fell to Narvaez after a weak defense by its militia.

To facilitate Moderado rule and prevent the reappearance of a strong regent, the Cortes declared Isabel II to be of age in 1843, capable of ruling in her own right. She was only thirteen, but already had a well-developed adolescent figure which foretold her later womanly sensuality. The Moderados also permitted Maria Cristina to return to Spain. No longer restrained by her position as regent, she now lived openly with her husband, Fernando Muñoz, to whom his stepdaughter granted a suitable title. The mores of the palace were becoming a political question, as they had been in the time of Godoy.

[91] The Moderados rapidly established firm control over the country. Narvaez became first minister in 1844. A harsh, despotic soldier, he ruled Spain with a firm hand until 1851. Both Progresistas and die-hard Carlists conducted half-hearted risings against him, but he put them down brutally, not flinching at frequent executions. When revolutions shook Europe in 1848, he squelched minor revolts in Madrid, and the country remained calm.

The Moderados used their power to create a new order, modifying or eliminating the institutions which provided support for the Progresistas. They reenacted the law of 1840 on ayuntamientos. They were not doctrinaire, however. Espartero, as punishment for an uprising in the Basque Provinces and Navarre, had abolished the local fueros. The Moderados now drew the Basques and Navarrese to their side by restoring the fueros, although they provided self-government inconsistent with the administrative centralization of the ayuntamiento law. The Moderados disbanded the National Militia, which though theoretically the defender of constitutional government had become the major support of the Progresista juntas that sprang up in every crisis. In its place, in 1844 they created a new armed police force, the Civil Guard, whose •first task was to prevent political subversion. It also fought banditry, making rural Spain safe for travel and commerce. Later, when peasant revolts occurred, the Civil Guard put them down. Gradually it became a typical institution of modern Spain, well disciplined, humorless, cruel, and loyal to its superiors. The Civil Guard came to personify the law, the state, and the ruling classes throughout the small towns and countryside of Spain.

Although until 1840 the Moderados had worked happily under the Constitution of 1837, and overthrew Espartero in its name, the Mod-erado leaders now found it dangerously democratic. In 1845 an act of the Cortes reformed it sharply. The Constitution of 1845 revealed the new Moderado thinking. It strengthened the crown, and through it the ministry. The monarch appointed the senators for life from among grandees, bishops, generals, and other specified groups. A property qualification was established for members of the Congress of Deputies, and the constitution dropped the provision for automatic meeting of the Cortes if the king failed to convoke them annually.

In order for constitutional monarchy to give effective control to one group it was not enough to strengthen the executive, to have the support of the army, to hold down the common people with the Civil Guard, and to weaken the Progresistas by appointing the alcaldes. In the end elections must be controlled too. A subsequent electoral law provided for deputies to be elected by individual constituencies, not by provinces as a whole, thus eliminating the dangerous influence of provincial capitals over the voters in the small towns and cities. It also [92] doubled the tax qualification for the suffrage from 200 reales in direct taxes to 400 reales, or 200 for men belonging to certain professions. In the future only about 12 percent of the adult males could vote.⁽¹⁾

The Moderados had for some time realized the need, in addition to modifying the formal electoral structure, to plan for election victories. In the late 1830's they had formed a committee to select candidates and campaign for their elections. Under Narvaez the corruption of elections became a regular practice, through bribery and falsification of returns, facilitated by the small electoral districts with few voters, easily known and influenced. In 1847 the Moderados elected their entire slate throughout the country. Gradually supervision of elections became a fine art, with the minister of gobernación (interior) as the main manipulator. Once the Moderados, or any other party in power, gained control of the electoral machinery, the only hope for a change of government became revolt. Furthermore, since the governing party often had a general at its head, the possibility of revolt had to rest on winning the prior support of army officers willing to break discipline and lead their men against the government. The system of manipulated parliamentary monarchy had as a corollary the necessity of the pronun-ciamiento as a form of political action.

2. The Moderados remained in power without interruption until 1854. Under them a new social and political ruling class came to the fore. It included those sectors of the old privileged groups which had successfully survived the Liberal onslaught of the first decades of the century. Beside them appeared new classes produced by contemporary economic and political developments.

One of the new provisions of the Constitution of 1845 declared, "the religion of the Spanish nation is the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion,"⁽²⁾ a statement that the Constitution of 1837 had avoided although it promised to support the ministers of the Catholic faith. The article embodied the Moderado determination to reestablish the alliance of church and state. Prolonged negotiations with Rome followed, helped by Narvaez's astute move of sending troops to fight the revolutionary Roman Republic in 1848. In 1851 Pope Pius IX and the government of Isabel II signed a concordat, restoring the peace between the Spanish monarchy and the papacy that the accession of Isabel had[93] broken. In the concordat the church recognized the sale of its properties; in return it received the right to acquire unlimited property in the future. Three religious orders would be supported by the Spanish government; two were specified, the third was to be named later. The concordat guaranteed that no other religion would be tolerated in Spain, and bishops were authorized to see that public and private education at all levels conform to Catholic doctrine.

The Concordat of 1851 was a momentous accomplishment. With it the wheel had made a full turn. Like enlightened despotism of the eighteenth century, the constitutionalism of 1812 attacked the authority of entrenched groups, notably the aristocratic landowners and the conservative clergy. Abolition of the Inquisition turned the latter into the bitterest enemies of constitutional rule. Liberals responded later by abolishing the religious orders and selling the church's properties. By 1840 they had stripped the church of much of its wealth and authority. Now, desirous of reestablishing peace and order, the Moderados tended to agree with the bishop of Barcelona, "Religion is the only guarantee of order."⁽³⁾ The concordat reconciled the church and the constitutional monarchy, but the Moderados had not brought a cowed church to heel. On the contrary the concordat conceded a prerogative that both Charles III and the early Liberals had attacked, control over education. In addition, at a time when Western Europe was accepting religious tolerance, the Moderados promised to hold back history within Spain by using the authority of the state to prohibit other religions. In church-state relations, the Moderados' order represented a fundamental negation of the original Liberal ideals.

Aristocratic landowners had also felt the lash of the early Liberals. Liberal regimes abolished señoríos and mayorazgos, the mainstays of the hereditary aristocracy, and they attempted to break its control of municipal governments. But the Liberals did not destroy the oligarchy of landowners, they only succeeded in changing its composition. By auctioning off monastic lands to pay the national debt, a practice begun by Charles IV, they furthered a process of disentail that was to extend through the nineteenth century. Later governments would sell off royal and municipal lands. The process created a class of new landowners, made up of the most venturesome men in commerce and agriculture, as well as speculators, government contractors, and high civil servants, who could bid for land with government notes. These men joined the old aristocratic families in control of the countryside of Andalusia and the central plateau.

Commercial agriculture had grown in the eighteenth century. The new blood gave it new impetus, for recently purchased properties [94] lacked the sentimental association of the family mayorazgo. The buyers were not feudal lords of señoríos, they were investors who sought profits. They wanted products they could sell on the market at home and abroad, like wheat, olive oil, wine, ham, and wool. A new tariff in 1825 which effectively kept out foreign cereals helped them by forcing the coastal regions to buy Castilian wheat. The century saw an increase in olive groves in southern Spain, vineyards in most parts of the country, dehesas (meadows studded with live oaks which provided acorns to fatten hogs and cattle) in the center and west, and cortijos (large estates dedicated to wheat) in Andalusia. In 1836 the liberals finally abolished the Mesta, whose privileges were under attack in the eighteenth century. Sheep raising remained an important activity, however, encouraged by the expanding woolen industry of Catalonia. The central mountain ranges had important flocks, while sheep continued to migrate from north to south in the west.

The persons who gained most by the redistribution of land were tied by interest to the new regime. It was not pure accident that the only rural areas to support the Carlists were in the north and northeast, where small farmers were dominant. It was said that thirty thousand purchasers of monastic lands after 1820 lost money when Ferdinand revoked the sales in 1823. A Carlist victory posed the same threat. The new landowners might be good Catholics, dislike liberal legislation, and sympathize with Don Carlos, but they did not want to lose their acquisitions. After 1840 the Moderados knew how to cater to their wishes. By the concordat they obtained the church's recognition of the property transfer, while the law of ayuntamientos undid the main liberal threat to the rural oligarchies. Landowners who cooperated with the regime could get the government to appoint alcaldes who defended their interests against local reformers and used the Civil Guard against troublemakers. Like the clergy, the landowners discovered the benefits of the Moderado version of constitutional monarchy.

The long economic slump finally ended after 1840. The middle years of the century were a period of boom and industrial expansion, helped by Narvaez's domestic peace. Catalan manufacturers introduced steam power and the latest spinning and weaving machinery. Modern textile factories appeared in Barcelona and the lesser cities of Catalonia, concentrating a growing number of workers in fewer and fewer establishments. In 1847 there were 97,000 workers in cotton factories, in 1860, 125,000. Catalonia made Spain the fourth cotton-manufacturing nation of the world, after Britain, France, and the United States. Iron production also expanded, driven by the demands of the first Spanish railroads. Blast furnaces rose in the Basque lands and at scattered points along the southern coast. Only Valencia, the third industrial area of the eighteenth century, did not join in the expansion. Having lost its American market, the local silk industry did not convert to modern [95] machinery and was unable to meet competition from France. In the future the source of Valencian prosperity would be its agriculture.

Spain built its first railroads under the Moderados, about a decade after the more advanced continental countries. Spain's long depression, its wars, and the amount of private savings that had gone into the purchase of church lands left it short of capital to build railroads. Funds came from abroad, making railroad building subject to the forces of international finance. Only two short lines had been completed before a European depression halted construction in 1847. In the 1850's Europe enjoyed prosperity again. It was the age of the Second French Empire; under Napoleon III the French economy flowered as never before. Largely financed by French capital, the fever of railroad building spread throughout Europe. To obtain authorization for a line in Spain involved an act of cortes, but great rewards were anticipated. Two groups of French bankers, one headed by James de Rothschild, the other by the Pereire brothers, founders of the Credit Mobilier bank and friends of Napoleon III, fought for the right to build the main Spanish lines, working through Spanish agents who could spread bribes in high quarters. Rothschild joined with the Spanish entrepreneur, Jose de Salamanca, himself closely associated with the husband of the queen mother, Muñoz. They built the Madrid-Zaragoza-Alicante railroad, which connected Madrid with Lisbon, Seville, Valencia, and Zaragoza. The Pereires obtained the more promising Company of the North, which held the concession from Madrid north to France. Catalan capital built the line from Zaragoza to Barcelona and on to France and Valencia; but a depression in the sixties forced the main Catalan railroad to merge with the Madrid-Zaragoza-Alicante. By 1868 the major trunk lines had been built, some 5000 kilometers radiating out from Madrid like the highways of Charles III, 80 percent of them owned fully or partially by French capital.⁽⁴⁾

Investors discovered in Spanish mines another source of profit. Spain had some of the best mineral deposits in Europe, exploited by backward techniques under royal monopoly. A law of 1839 encouraged private investment in mines, and in the next decades Catalan and foreign capital flowed into iron, zinc, and copper mines. The famous mines of Almadén, which had supplied mercury for the smelting of Mexican silver under the empire, now became a concession of Salamanca and Rothschild. Belgian bankers exploited zinc deposits in Asturias. In 1868 a further law allowed Spanish or foreign companies to obtain perpetual concessions to all Spanish mineral deposits. Thereafter foreign capital entered even faster. British interests obtained the Rio Tinto mines in Andalusia, the largest source of copper in Europe, and iron [96] mines in the north. All the major industrial countries had placed money in Spain.

Throughout the Western world, the modern city took shape in the nineteenth century. In Spain enlightened governments of the eighteenth century had driven an occasional avenue through the crabbed and winding labyrinths of the old cities. To permit expansion, municipal governments now tore down medieval city walls and granted permits for new suburbs. Broad new streets in rectangular patterns spread out around the edges of the cities. Jose de Salamanca developed a suburb northeast of the heart of Madrid, close to the Paseo del Prado, which had been the center of elegant life at the time of Goya. When completed the Barrio (district) of Salamanca became the most aristocratic of the capital, dominating it until the age of Franco. In the 1850's a corporation in which the stock was held in equal parts by the crown, the city of Madrid, and private investors was established to provide water for the city. It built dams in the mountains north of Madrid and the "Canal of Isabel II" to carry the water to the city. After its completion, Madrid boasted the purest and most palatable water in the world. Similar developments took place in Barcelona and other cities. They all offered profits to smart investors.

New financial institutions provided for the needs of this age of expansion. The king gave his approval for a stock market in Madrid in 1831, but it did not become active until the forties and fifties saw waves of speculative investment. Acts of 1848 and 1856 facilitated the founding of corporations based on the public sale of stock. Modern banks made their appearance in Spain. Hitherto the only public bank was the Bank of San Fernando, originally founded by Charles III, closely connected with the state, which issued bank notes and facilitated the transfer of commercial payments. The ubiquitous Jose de Salamanca was instrumental in founding the Bank of Isabel II in 1844, aimed at raising capital and issuing credit to railroads, industry, and commerce. The economic collapse of 1847 forced it to merge with the Bank of San Fernando, and in 1854 the new institution was officially named the Bank of Spain, the name it still bears. It was in effect a state bank, issuing paper money and extending credit to private banks. It was not allowed to float stock for new corporations; private banks took over this function. First was the Bank of Barcelona founded in 1844, followed by the Bank of Bilbao and the Bank of Santander, both in 1857. Foreign bankers also entered the Spanish market. Rothschild and the Pereires founded subsidiaries in Spain. The Pereires' Crédito Mobiliario Español supervised their railway interests and controlled mining and other concessions as well. All these banking institutions mobilized private capital for investment in railroads and industry. Through the Bank of Barcelona, Catalan wealth, largely obtained from manufacturing, shipping, and trade with Cuba, was siphoned into the construction of railroads and [97] the modernization of cities in all parts of the peninsula. The home of these banks is very revealing, for it shows the origin of the capital that developed Spain: the peripheral manufacturing areas and foreign countries, mainly France. In 1851 almost one third of French capital invested abroad was in Spain--more than in any other country.⁽⁵⁾ Foreign entrepreneurs were finding the Iberian peninsula a highly attractive place to invest; their interest in its political developments was bound to grow accordingly.

3. Pedigreed aristocrats and newly arrived landlords, Basque and Catalan manufacturers, urban developers, railroad builders, and exploiters of mines--together these formed the new dominant class of Spain. The Moderados had drawn them into an alliance to hold down the country and exploit it. The Concordat of 1851 brought the church into the alliance. Concessions to foreign capitalists meant that it would have influential friends abroad, especially in France, who could pressure their governments to oppose any threat to the regime. Most Carlists were reconciled, the Progresistas powerless, the lower classes under the thumb of the army and Civil Guard. For the moment the new governing class had the situation well in hand.

The alliance was still new and uneasy. The agricultural oligarchy of the center and south had different interests from the industrial elite of the northern and eastern periphery. The issue appeared in connection with the tariff. Agricultural producers would benefit from free trade, which would help them to export their products to Britain and other industrialized countries, while Basque and Catalan infant industries cried out for protection. In 1845 the Moderado ministry proposed to abandon the rigid protective system inherited from the old regime. Catalan manufacturers protested bitterly and succeeded in obtaining a compromise in 1849. Henceforth no articles were completely excluded, but domestic manufacturers were still protected by high tariffs. The compromise kept the industrialists happy with the new order, but they were becoming suspicious of Castilian agriculturists. As in the days of Charles III, prosperity served to assuage social and economic conflicts.

In 1845 certain Moderados tried to establish the senate as a hereditary house, as it had been in the Estatuto of 1834. Their colleagues objected that the abolition of the mayorazgo had destroyed the basis of hereditary aristocracy, and that new men were appearing in the world [98] of finance, industry, agriculture, and the army who should be represented. This was the form that the senate took. The Moderado order recognized these men and gave them control of the country. The recognition was social as well as political. In 1845 the crown began to grant titles of nobility, even grandeeships, at a rate never known before. It would continue to do so until the fall of the monarchy in 1931. Generals received titles--Espartero was already Duke of the Victory, now Narvaez became Duke of Valencia, and soon no leading general was complete without his title. Successful entrepreneurs joined them. Jose de Salamanca, Spain's first capitalist millionaire, was named Marquis of Salamanca. Through the new aristocracy, the crown drew to itself the powerful forces of the country, creating in them a vested interest in the conservative parliamentary monarchy.

In an age of speculation and quick riches for the smart and lucky few, the absolute monarchy had been replaced by a kind of vast joint stock company in which the monarch held some of the shares but not the controlling interest. At a gala ceremony before national and foreign dignitaries in 1850, Isabel II, twenty years old, fetchingly plump and resplendent in a white robe and crimson shawl, inaugurated an imposing building to serve as a meeting place for the directors of the corporation. It was the Palace of the Cortes. Built in the massive neo-classic style of official buildings everywhere in the nineteenth century, it still stands in Madrid, near the Paseo del Prado and the Barrio de Salamanca, across the old city from the royal palace, a monument to the Moderado order.

1. In 1865 there were 481,271 qualified voters. In 1868 under universal male suffrage (men over 25) approximately 3,990,000 could vote. See Miguel M. Cua-drado, "La election general para Cortes Constituyentes de 1869," Revista de Estudios Políticos, No. 132 (Madrid: Institute de Estudios Políticos, 1963), pp. 65-93.

2. Article 11.

3. Quoted in V. G. Kiernan, The Revolution of 1854 in Spanish History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), p. 127.

4. Rondo E. Cameron, France and the Economic Development of Europe, 1800-1914 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), pp. 263-64.

5. Ibid., p. 85. On the Spanish economy of the nineteenth century, besides the relevant sections in this work, the following works are particularly good: Jaime Vicens Vives, An Economic History of Spain, trans. F. M. Lopez-Morillas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), Part VI, and Raymond Carr, Spain, 1808-1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), pp. 264-77.