[24] Those critics who have attempted to penetrate the problem of authorship of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris have commenced their studies by citing the author's own words in the prologue: that what he writes is "ab illis que viderunt didici et audivi." ⁽¹⁾ From this we may deduce that if the author was not an immediate observer of the events narrated, he was close enough to them to receive reports from those who did witness them or participate in them.

The words "Si complacet imperatori" ⁽²⁾ from verse VIII of the Poem of Almería establish that the work was contemporary with the reign of Alfonso VII. The author writes to praise and please the Emperor. This aspect is evident throughout the chronicle. The work was obviously written shortly after the successful campaign at Almería in 1147 and certainly before 1157, the year of the death of Alfonso VII.

Judging from the author's panegyrical attitude, one may surmise not only that the work was written during the lifetime of the Emperor, but possibly at his request. There is a detailed portrayal of the wealth and, glory of his court. Throughout the chronicle one perceives a spirit of pretension [25] bordering on arrogance in reference to the reign of Alfonso VII.

The author also reveals that he is a great admirer of the royal family, especially of Empress Berengaria and the King's sister, Princess Sancha. One of the most celebrated passages of acclaim for the Empress appears in Book II when the troops of the Almoravide King, Ali, confront Empress Berengaria. She is depicted dramatically addressing the infidel forces from her throne high above the walls of Toledo. Her regal presence and audacity shame the enemy, and the author is successful in distinguishing her as the noblest of queens. The scene evokes the sentiments of a "romance morisco" in the nobility shown by Moor and Christian alike:

Hoc videns imperatnix, misit nuntios regibus Moabitarum, qui dixerunt eis: 'Hoc dicit vobis imperatrix, uxor imperatoris: nonne videtis quia contra me pugnatis, quae foemina sum, et non est vobis honorem? Sed si vultis pugnare ite in Aureliam et pugnate cum imperatore, qui cum armatis et paratis aciebus vos expectat.'. . .Sed reges et principes et duces et omnis exercitus, postquam eam viderunt, et deinde nullam causam laeserunt et reversi sunt in terram suam, collectis a se suis insidiis, sine honore et victoria. ⁽³⁾

Thalamus vero collocatus est in palatiis regalibus, qui sunt in Sancto Pelabio, ab infantissa domna Sanctia; et in circuitu thalami maxima turba histrionum, mulierum et puellarum canentium in organis et tibiis et citharis et psalteriis et omni genere musicorum. ⁽⁴⁾

Eratque in diebus messis unde et succendit omnia sata, et omnes vineas at oliveta et fioulnea fecit incidi; et cecidit timor illius super omnes habitantes in terra Moabitarum et Agarenorum.... ⁽⁵⁾

. . . in diebus messis, at succendit omnia sata, omnesque arbores et vineas fecit incidi; et cecidit timor illius super omnes inhabitantes terram. ⁽⁶⁾

Another salient characteristic of the narration is the author's firm acceptance of Divine Providence as a potent determinant of destiny. Certainly this attitude was typical of medieval ideology. However, this fact and the precision with which religious ceremonies and customs are depicted lead Sánchez Belda to consider that the author was a member of the clergy. ⁽⁸⁾

The reiteration of scriptural borrowings suggests a Biblical erudition of a cleric of high rank. Moreover, the [28] classical culture necessary to compose the leonine hexameters in the Poem of Almería attests to a scholarly preparation unlikely in a cleric of commonplace status.

The geographical allusions in the text manifest the author's familiarity with the Toledo frontier. However, Sánchez Belda insists on the essentially Leonese spirit of the work. He points out that the author does not once refer to Alfonso VII as "Rex Castellae," but always as "Rex Legionis." He also seems to possess a limited knowledge of Castilian nobility. Rodrigo de Lara is the only Castilian count whose rebellion is narrated in detail. No other Castilian nobles are discussed to the extent that the Leonese and Asturians are. In the Poem of Almería verse 140 appears to reveal an ignorance of Peninsular history, stating that only Alfonso VII achieved dominion over Castile. This lack of familiarity with Castile's past may indicate that the author was a foreigner, perhaps one of the many Cluniac monks from France who came to Spain and attained rank in the court and in the church.

Other critics have brought forth definitive names to whom the authorship of the work has been credited. The first manuscript of the chronicle was discovered in the archives of the Cathedral of Toledo. Because of its location in these archives when initially found, Francisco Sota believed Jiménez de Rada to be the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatonis. ⁽⁹⁾ Sota moreover maintained that since Archbishop Rodrigo was present in the battle of Navas de Tolosa with Alfonso VIII in 1212, [29] he could very well have lived during the reign of the Emperor. Sánchez Belda refutes this premise with conclusive chronological evidence. ⁽¹⁰⁾ Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada could not possibly have known Alfonso VII since he was born thirteen years after this ruler's demise. It has already been demonstrated that the chronicle was coeval with the history narrated.

Juan de Ferreras postulated that some critics - he does not say who - have suspected that Arnaldo, Bishop of Astorga, was the author of the chronicle. ⁽¹¹⁾ There are certain circumstances which generate respect for this conjecture. This prelate was a high-ranking cleric who was contemporary with the reign of Alfonso VII. He was bishop of the diocese of Astorga from 1144 to 1152. It is Arnaldo who performs the role of emissary to Barcelona and Montpellier for the purpose of enlisting the aid of those courts in the campaign to Almería in 1147. This fact is documented in paragraph 203 of the chronicle. At the termination of the poem, Bishop Arnaldo is directly cited urging the Christian troops to victory. Numerous civil and religious documents from the period attest to his proximity to the major events in the court of Alfonso VII. His name is more Gallic than Spanish, and quite possibly he was one of the many Cluniac monks who migrated to Spain.

Sánchez Belda offers a cogent hypothesis relating the incompleteness of the chronicle to the death of Bishop Arnaldo in 1152. The reign of Alfonso VII continued until his death in 1157. The demise of Arnaldo in 1152 would not have [30] permitted him to conclude his historical endeavor.

Two significant studies were undertaken in 1963 by Angel Ferrari directed at the determination of the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. The first is a stylistic evaluation of the chronicle, ⁽¹²⁾ and the second endeavors to reveal how Alfonso VII shared many attitudes advocated by the Benedictine monastery at Cluny. ⁽¹³⁾ Ferrari submits that the chronicle was written by the Cluniac, Peter of Poitiers, who was the secretary and editor of Peter the Venerable. The latter was the renowned Abbot of Cluny who first came to Spain in 1142. ⁽¹⁴⁾

The point of departure for this conclusion is based on an examination of the motives underlying certain political and, social attitudes which prevail in the chronicle. The presence of Cluniac religious in Spain has already been mentioned. This order exercised an energetic influence on the cultural and religious mores of the Peninsula during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

The first circumstance which Ferrari analyzes is the benevolent disposition of Alfonso VII toward his rebelling nobles. He ascertains that this lenience was consistent with the politics of benevolence recommended at that time by the Cluniac community. This attitude advocated reconciliation between ruler and nobles. The chronicle reveals that the Emperor pursued this policy on nearly every occasion when dealing with insurrection among the Christian nobles.

[31] In Book I these rebellions appear somewhat as digressions within the narration of the conflict between Alfonso VII and Alfonso I of Aragón. In agreement with this propitiating view, most of these insurgents are treated favorably by the Emperor. The King of Aragón is presented as the antithesis of this attitude. It is he who is responsible for the neglect of the war against Islam, since the Emperor must be preoccupied with establishing peace within the confines of his Christian kingdom.

Ferrari sees the analogy between Cluniac idealism and Alphonsine politics in that this monarch never condemns any of his rebellious nobles to death after they have been subjugated by force. More often than not he follows a plan of rehabilitation, bestowing upon them positions of honor within his empire. The examples are numerous. Even Count Rodrigo de Lara is treated favorably. He is granted the governorship of Toledo, even though he was allied with the King of Aragón. Furthermore, his high rank among the Castilian nobles made him a natural adversary of the new Leonese ruler. Count Rodrigo was married to Sancha, the eldest legitimate daughter of Alfonso VI, and consequently maintained certain legal claims of territory against Alfonso VII. In the end, he died a tragic death among the Moors and never returned to his domains in Castile. Like Pedro González de Lara and Pedro Díaz, he died under lamentable conditions. All of these deaths are portrayed as providential punishments for prior rebellions. The author [32] holds God responsible for their ends and not the Emperor.

Gonzalo Peláez is the prototype of rebel-noble in the chronicle, and the treatment which he received from the Emperor exemplified the policy favored by the Cluniac monks. He abandoned the reign of Alfonso VII and went to Portugal. Subsequently he was forgiven for this action. However, he rebelled anew and later died in Portugal. The author stipulates that the demise of this noble transpired "Deo disponente," consistent with his providential sentiments. Later, Alfonso VII, exercising his habitual compassion, allowed the body of Gonzalo Peláez to be buried in Oviedo.

In his second treatise Ferrari points to the significance of Peter the Venerable's presence in Spain beginning in 1141. ⁽¹⁵⁾ This Benedictine superior achieved fame not only as a great leader or the Cluniac order, but also because while visiting Spain he ordered a special translation to be made of the Koran from the Arabic to the Latin. ⁽¹⁶⁾ He manifested a special interest in the intellectual environment of the Moslem culture. He did not condemn Mohammedanism too severely because it recognized Christ as a great prophet and because it was monotheistic. The tolerance of this attitude led Peter the Venerable and many Cluniacs to preach for a time a policy of peaceful coexistence with the Moslems. However, when the unmistakably aggressive aims of the Almoravides and Almohades became manifest, the moderate Cluniac approach changed to a more militant stand. Peter the Venerable had recourse to the famed school [33] of translators at Toledo for the task of translating the Koran. The eminent Pedro Alfonso initiated the work. The international scholars, Robert of Ketelen or Retines and Herman of Dalmatia, added both in the translation and in amending the primary efforts of Pedro Alfonso. ⁽¹⁷⁾ Peter of' Poitiers was also involved in these labors.

Peter the Venerable's visits to the Peninsula are well documented in a collection of notes and letters which he wrote while there. These were later edited by his secretary, Peter of Poitiers, and this epistolary work was titled Collectio Toletana. ⁽¹⁸⁾

Ferrari establishes that this collection of correspondence which his secretary gathered and arranged for Peter the Venerable covered the period from 1141 to 1151. Periodically during those years Peter the Venerable visited Spain. His secretary accompanied him on these journeys, and at least on one occasion he remained in Spain while assisting in the translation of the Koran.

Support is contributed to Ferrari's conjectures when we note that this ten-year period was the decade during which much of the history of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris transpired. In this epoch the Emperor undertook his campaigns against the Moors which are detailed so explicitly in Book II. During this time Rodrigo González and Munio Alfonso were the governors of Toledo and the defenders of the Christian frontier. The latter chieftain receives extended mention in the [34] second part of the chronicle.

It is extremely possible that Peter of Poitiers witnessed the events narrated in that part of this history, since he resided in Toledo after 1141. Indeed, he would have judged the actions of the Christians and their king as exemplary. This spirit of adulation of the Emperor and his reign is fundamental to the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris.

Ferrari feels that the author of the work represents the Emperor as a protagonist who overcomes the enemy at all times. However, he is a ruler capable of comprehending Islam as it reveals characteristics which approximate it to Christianity. The symbol of this comprehensive viewpoint in the chronicle is the vassalage of King Zafadola. The establishment of a feudal alliance with a Moorish ruler indicates on the part or the Emperor a desire for political coexistence rather than annihilation. This again was the attitude advocated by the Cluniac monks.

This disposition is significantly disclosed in Peter the Venerable's treatise on the infidels, Tractatus adversus Sectam Saracenorum. The pacifistic abbot conditions his remarks in the following way:

Aggredior, inquam, vos (Saracenos), non, ut nostri saepe faciunt, armis, sed verbis, non vi, sed ratione, non odio, sed amore... ⁽¹⁹⁾

[35] Continuing his analysis, Ferrari submits that the propaganda of this tolerant consideration was basic to the author's motivation in writing the chronicle. His encomiastic work of Alfonso VII was based on a desire to demonstrate that this king and his rule illustrate an exemplary governing process in a Christian country. The author's principal intent was the positive evaluation of the crusade against the infidels and its manner of execution by Alfonso VII. The reconquest and relations with the Moslems are, in effect, the main themes of the history. Tolerance and harmony were preached as desirable principles. However, when the enemy resorted to aggressive and destructive tactics, the Christian response was, of necessity, an energetic reprisal.

In both of his studies Ferrari proceeds to an evincive theory regarding Peter of Poitiers as author of this work. He submits that the chronicle is a detailed, historical narration of facts corroborated through documentation. At the same time he claims that it is an extraordinary symbolic work of a contrived character based on Trinitarian arithmetic and medieval hermeneutics. The mathematical aspect of the chronicle is correlated with the fact that the lexical and syntactic units of the text are all divided according to codified ternary and septenary computations.

The ultimate origin of this mathematical symbolism is to be found in Hebrew ideology and, hence, it profoundly influenced the thinking of early Christianity. Saint John the [36] Evangelist presumably utilized this form in his writings. It has been traditionally held in exegetical schools that in his Gospel he had recourse to the use of number as symbol. In this way, it was felt, the hypostatic complexities of the mystery of' the Trinity might be elucidated.

Regarding the actual hermeneutic analysis of Saint John's Gospel, it was the Alexandrian writer and theologian Origen together with Saint Augustine who first enumerated a series of divine attributes mentioned in that Gospel by Christ. Saint John Damascene incorporated a system of septenary forms in his exegesis of this Gospel and reduced the list of attributes to twenty-one. This number is significant in the context of Trinitarian arithmetic because it is evenly divisible by both three and seven, and these are also the factors of that multiple. In the Trinitarian scheme three and seven are the essential numerical symbols.

Two medieval theologians who were effectual in the transmission of this mathematical disposition within their writings were Gilbert de la Porrée and Peter Abelard. They were contemporaries during the first half of the twelfth century in France. Gilbert was elected Bishop of Poitiers in 1141. Both of these men were scholastic philosophers who wrote treatises on the doctrine of the Trinity. Their heterodox opinions regarding the mystery drew the condemnation of Rome. Peter ths Venerable convinced Pope Innocent II to grant Abelard pardon and absolution after he had been denounced as a heretic and sentenced to death. [37] Gilbert de la Porée submitted to the judgement of the church and withdrew his heterodox opinions.

In their hierological treatises both employed a septenary formula on many occasions as a basis for their respective styles. Seven, because of its enigmatic quality, prevailed in their works as the determining cipher.

Ferrari contends that Peter of Poitiers was singularly influenced by the septenary tendencies of these two authors. He discerningly examines the correspondences of Peter the Venerable and finds that in arranging and editing the collection, Peter of Poitiers allowed the number seven to be a significant criterion. For example, one of the letters to the editor himself treats of those monks who do not bear the name of Jesus Christ in some form in their own religious name. This letter is placed in the first and. in the seventh books into which Peter of Poitiers distributed the epistolary collection. The letter in question is divided into fourteen paragraphs within which a total of seven arguments are presented. Each of these is directed to each of the seven names assigned to Jesus Christ in the Gospel of Saint John. ⁽²⁰⁾ This cryptic recourse of seven is simply a stylized code favored by Trinitarian writers eager to impart the intricacies of the doctrine.

Much of Ferrari's endeavors to prove that Peter of Poitiers was the author of the chronicle of the Emperor is based on a stylistic analysis of known writings of this author and a [38] comparison of these with the chronicle.

The elaborate septenary form was most commonly reserved for theological matters. However, Ferrari asserts that Peter of Poitiers availed himself of the traditionally theological formula as a vehicle for the writing of history. He claims that through an intensive analysis of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris and the Poem of Almería, his findings substantiate the symbolic, Trinitarian nature of these works. ⁽²¹⁾

He then indicates another important manifestation of this formulate mode in the production of Peter of Poitiers. In his collaboration in the Koranic translation, this writer endeavored to approximate the attributive names of the Persons of the Trinity and Allah. Consequently, he interpolated a marginal glossary in the translation annotating twenty-one of the ninety-nine titles ascribed to Allah. This explicative inventory corresponds generally to the twenty-one designations of the Divinity mentioned by Christ in the Gospel of Saint John. Ferrari insists that this cryptic, exegetical style in the Koranic glossary is also present in a more recondite manner in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris and its Latin poem.

It is significant that in the glossary a secondary purpose was to reply to the Islamic indifference toward the doctrine of the Trinity while respecting the monotheistic stance of Mohammedanism.

The medieval Trinitarian scheme is based also on the [39] theological teaching that the doctrine of' the Trinity embodies universal truth. Accordingly, this would have motivated the author of the chronicle to transpose this concept from theology to history. Thus the author appears to believe that the communication of history through a stylized symbolic form traditionally reserved for theological matters would necessarily enhance the truth of that historical reality.

First Ferrari considers the tripartite division of the chronicle to be indicative of the Trinitarian form. ⁽²²⁾ The first two books are in prose, and the third, more limited in length, is written in poetry. Ferrari deems this triadic arrangement sequentially symbolic of the respective essential attributes of the Trinity: power, wisdom and love. According to this critic, the author referred this formula to the milieu of history and conceived these attributes to be characteristic of the personality and deeds of Alfonso VII.

The first part is dedicated to the young king's consolidation of his power. This then is affiliated with the divine attribute of power which corresponds to the Father, the first Person of the Trinity. Book II is the focal part of the chronicle. It narrates the major task of Christianity in twelfth-century Spain: the reconquest of the Moslem domain in the Peninsula. Success in this endeavor would be conceivable only after the sovereignty of Alfonso had been secured. In an attempt to remain in conformity with his Trinitarian hypothesis, Ferrari contends somewhat less convincingly that [40] the creator of the chronicle esteemed the wisdom of Alfonso's approach to the reconquest. He operated in a spirit of' peace toward King Zafadola, for example, and he carried out a fierce campaign against the menacing Almoravides. According to Trinitarian tenets, wisdom is the principal attribute associated with the Son, the second Person of the hypostatic union. The third segment, the Poem of Almería, is designed to exhibit the height to which the empire had risen by presenting the national and international forces which the Emperor could muster for the conquest of Almería. The poem is then a laudatory estimation of his reign. The form of the third part is significant since Christian writers frequently wrote in rhymed prose or in verse when treating of the Holy Spirit, the third Person of the Trinity.

With his exegetical investigation assuming rather esoteric overtones, Ferrari concludes that the twenty-one divine attributes glossed by Peter of Poitiers in the translation of the Koran constitute the twenty-one personal characteristics which Alfonso VII manifested in the administration of his kingdom. It is admitted that of necessity these qualities are not rigorously structured in conformity with their order of appearance in theological inventories. However, it is indicated that the arithmetical distribution is observed faithfully, i.e., seven attributes are assigned to each of the three sections of the work. The internal and external structure of all three books are then said to be conditioned by this series of Trinitarian attributes. Book I is divided into seven septenaries each [41] respectively related to the qualities which specify the Father: eternity, providence, beginning, vocation, predestination, purification and creation. Even though Book II is lacking the final pages, Ferrari maintains that a septenary configuration is discernible. He offers the following seven concepts as the structural elements upon which Book II is based: prefiguration mediation, inspiration, redemption, justification, union and illumination. Because of the lacuna at the end of this book, it is stated that the seventh septenary is absent. The Poem of Almaría is also incomplete with eight pages missing at the end, as one manuscript reveals. Ferrari admits that this hinders his calculations but, nevertheless, he insists on the septenary computation in the third part. The attributes which inspire the Latin verses are the following: future, order, end, sanctification, glorification, perfection, and conservation. ⁽²³⁾

In his study Ferrari has recourse to Luis Sánchez Belda's critical edition of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. When he is unable to arrive at a specific calculation of forms which will constitute a septuple, he contends that the textual representations in the critical edition provide the integrating lexical variations needed to achieve the precise septenary computation.

An isolated example of the septenary distribution as seen by this scholar will perhaps best illustrate what indeed is the purport of this stylistic technique. The first three stanzas of the Poem of Almería have been selected from Ferrari's many [42] examples. ⁽²⁴⁾ This excerpt is preferable because of its brevity. Moreover, in this instance the criteria for septenary enumeration are not as ambiguous as in other calculations. The selection functions as a preface to the entire poetic composition. The sum of all lexical units in the passage is eighty distinct forms. Ferrari numbers the words "Sub urgi" in the third strophe as one form since the prepositional phrase corresponds to the place name of Almería. He also counts the three copulative forms of "et" as one construction. Thus he arrives at the figure seventy-seven, which is the multiple of the number seven. The mathematical nature of this quantity, Ferrari claims, is consistent with Trinitarian style.

The conception of presenting human events -- especially those pertaining to a Christian ruler and his reign -- in analogous proportion to the divine was not uncommon in the Middle Ages. Medieval political theory held that the right to govern which the king possessed proceeded directly from God. In the case of this history, Angel Ferrari conceives an enlargement of this traditional divine-human affiliation. He concludes that a complex mathematical scheme was employed to denote symbolically the correspondence between transcendental truth and historical fact. Accordingly, he contends that ternary and septenary formulae provide the structural criteria upon which this history is devised.

If these conjectures are legitimate, then the Chronica [43]Adefonsi Imperatoris is indeed a prodigious creation within the tradition of medieval symbolic representation. This would signify a notable innovation of Trinitarian techniques directed to the historical rather than to the theological.

If the French cleric, Peter of Poitiers, was in effect, the author of the chronicle, and if the work was indeed structured according to mathematical convention, then this writer has realized the expression of an ingenious artifice of aesthetic versatility.

In his examination of the social and political attitudes in the chronicle, Ferrari has revealed significant aspects of medieval political motivation. His conclusion regarding the benevolent disposition of the Emperor toward his insubordinate nobles as being consistent with Cluniac persuasion is indeed convincing. The force of Cluny was influential upon many patterns of life in Spain during the twelfth century. Ferrari's analysis of reconquest policies documented in the chronicle reveals the consequence of the tolerant measure adopted by Alfonso VII in his alliance with the Saracens.

Nevertheless, certain irrefutable obstacles within the text of the chronicle controvert the certainty of the Trinitarian, enumerative scheme advanced by Ferrari. Principally, the incompleteness of the work along with the presence of textual lacunae seriously hinder the detection of forms and groupings supposedly predetermined by computation.

It has been noted previously that the seven remaining [44] manuscripts offer varied renditions of the form of' the chronicle. This factor and the loss of the prototype manuscript make it difficult to ascertain whether or not the author originally contrived a cryptic numerical arrangement as a basis for his history.

Moreover, Ferrari discloses that there is no evidence of this Trinitarian technique being utilized in historical works prior to the chronicle of this Emperor or after it. This esoteric system was reserved solely for theological questions. If other historical testimony were available bearing the Trinitarian imprint, perhaps Ferrari's conclusions would be more convincing.

Both Luis Sánchez Belda and Angel Ferrari share the opinion that the author was a member of the clergy and quite probably of French nationality. The first of these judgments can hardly be doubted given the erudite Biblical allusions in the text and the manifest Vulgate style of the Latin.

However, there is no note of conclusive testimony in the chronicle which would confirm that the author was Gallic. One may only resort to conjecture regarding his nationality.

In all likelihood the author was not Castilian. One presumes this because of the scant amount of information relevant to the activities of the Castilian aristocracy during Alfonso's reign. The manifest Leonese spirit of the work affords grounds for believing that the chronicler was from that region of the Peninsula. In addition, there is one [45] hypothesis worthy of consideration which scholars have not suggested. Alfonso was initially proclaimed King of Galicia, and he continually enjoyed the vehement endorsement and support of that region's nobility. This allegiance was particularly demonstrative during the first years of his rule there when he was initiated into the turbulent politics of the Peninsula. His tutor and protector was the powerful Galician noble1 the Count of Traba, Pedro Fróilaz. ⁽²⁵⁾ On one occasion the renowned Archbishop of Santiago, Diego Gelmírez, aided the young monarch in his escape from an armed encounter between Galician troops and the Aragonese army which was led by Alfonso's antagonistic stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragón.

Whether from across the Pyrenees or from any of the northern Christian kingdoms, it remains likely that the author lived and probably wrote in the city of Toledo. His moving account of the frontier campaigns around Toledo and the fierce struggle by the Almoravides to reconquer the capital bespeaks a familiarity with the region exploitable only by one who had lived in proximity to the events narrated. Other authors also maintain that the anonymous author of the chronicle was a resident of Toledo at least for a time. In his studies of the disappearance of the Almoravides from the Peninsula, Francisco Codera concludes that like the author of the Anales toledanos, the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris also seems to be Toledan. ⁽²⁶⁾

Until heretofore unseen or undisclosed documentation is [46] discovered, however, the question of authorship of this work will remain within the realm of conjecture.

1. "What I have learned and heard from those who were witnesses." Chron. Ad. Imp., Preface.

2. "If it please the Emperor." Poem of Almería, verse 8 of the Preface.

3. "When she realized what the enemy was doing, she sent messengers to the infidel kings bearing the following communication: 'Do you not realize that you are fighting against a woman, and that this is in no way advantageous to your own honor? If you wish to fight, go to Oreja and fight with the Emperor who is awaiting you there with his forces in battle array'. . .Upon seeing her, the infidels were not only astonished, but also very ashamed. They bowed their heads before the Queen, turned back and did not cause any further destruction in the area. They gathered their forces that had lain in ambush, and they returned to their lands without victory and without honor." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 150.

4. "Princess Sancha had arranged the bed chamber in the royal palace of Saint Pelayo. There was a large group of entertainers around the bed chamber. These were all women and girls singing to the accompaniment of flutes, lutes, psalteries and every kind of musical instrument." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 35.

5. "It was the harvest season, so he set fire to all the fields and cut down all the vineyards, olive groves and fig trees. Consequently, fear of the king weighed heavily on all those who lived in the land of infidels." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 35.

6. Judith 2: 17-18.

7. Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 177.

8. Sánchez Belda, p. xi.

9. Francisco Sota, Chrónica de los Príncipes de Asturias y Cantabria (Madrid, 1681), p. 14.

10. Sánchez Belda, p. xvi.

11. Juan de Ferreras, Sinopsis histórica - chronológica de España (Madrid: Antonio Pérez de Sota, 1775), XVI, appendix, 10.

12. Angel Ferrari, "Artificios septenarios en la Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y Poema de Almería," Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CXXII (1963), 19-67.

13. Angel Ferrari, "El cluniacense Pedro de Poitiers y la Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y Poema de Almería," Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CXXII (1963), 193-204.

14. Carl Bishko, "Peter the Venerable's Journey to Spain," Studia Anselmiana, XL (1956), 163-175.

15. Ferrari, "El culniacense Pedro de Poitiers," pp. 172-173.

16. M. Th. D'Alverny, "Duex traductions latines du Coran au Moyen Age," Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age, XVI (1948), 69-131.

17. Angel J. Martín Duque, "El inglés Roberto, tranductor del Corán," Hispania: Revista Española de Historia, XXII (1962), 483-506.

18. Giles Constable, ed., The Letters of Peter the Venerable (2 vols.; Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard University Press, 1967). Vol. I contains the entire epistolary collection of Peter the Venerable in the original Latin text, and vol. II offers an extensive introductory study letters.

19. "I intend to speak to you, Saracens, not as our men often do, with arms, but rather with words; not with violence, but with reason; not with hatred, but with love." Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Tratactus adversus Sectum Saracenorum, Patrologiae cursus completus (221 vols.; Paris: Garnier, 1890), CLXXXIX, 674.

20. Charles H. Haskins, "An Early Bolognese Formulary," Mélanges offerts à Henri Pirenne (Brussels, 1926), I, 209-221.

21. Ferrari, "El cluniacense Pedro de Poitiers," p. 191.

22. Ibid., p. 194.

23. Ibid., pp. 195-196.

24. Ferrari, "Artificos septenarios," p. 32.

25. A. López Ferreiro, Don Alfonso VII, Rey de Galicia, y su ayo el Conde de Traba (Santiago, 1885), p. 56.

26. Francisco Codera, Colección de estudios árabes, III: Decadencia y desaparición de los almorávides en España (Zaragoza, 1899), p. 304.