Spanish and Portuguese Monastic History
Charles Julian Bishko
The Abbey of Dueñas and the Cult of St Isidore of Chios in the County of Castile (10th-11th Centuries)
(Published originally in Homenaje a Fray Justo
Pérez de Urbel, OSB (Abadía de Silos, 1977); reprinted
 Not the least of the obscurities that surround the early history of the Hispano-Benedictine abbey of San Isidoro de Dueñas in the Tierra de Campos, founded by Alfonso in all probability between 900 and 910, (1) is its unusual entitlature and the extent to which this throws light upon the foundational community and the house's place in the complex monastic evolution of 10th-century León and Castile. It has long been known that the Isidore of Dueñas is not the learned metropolitan of Visigothic Seville, but the homonymous soldier-saint of Alexandria who died on the Aegean island of Chios, a victim of the Decian (or more likely the Diocletianic) persecution.(2) But how this eastern martyr's devotion, altogether lacking in the traditional sanctorale of the Hispanic Rite before 711 and only rarely encountered in the hagiotoponymy of the peninsular churches or monasteries of the Alta Rconquista, came to be introduced into the monastic  repoblación of the lands along the river Pisuerga remains a mystery.
The distinguished scholar, the El Silense of our time, to whom this collection of papers pays merited homage, has rightly rejected for Dueñas the Mozarabic origin that can be ascribed to other Alfonsine foundations at Abellar, Escalada and Sahagún; (3) but whether the first monks brought their eastern patron and Benedictine observance from more northern Asturo-Leonese centers, from Galicia, Catalonia, or directly from Carolingian Aquitaine, still requires to be explored. The subject is of distinct interest, not merely because of San Isidro's later destiny -- its cession to Cluny in 1073 by Alfonso VI as the first authentic Burgundian dependency below the Pyrenees, and for long the administrative capital for all the Ibero-Cluniac priories west of Catalonia -- but also because from the very beginning the abbey raises questions of prime historical significance. Outside the Marca Hispánica Dueñas ranks as a notable center of that Franco-Carolingian hagiographic and liturgical infiltration into Spain which was to culminate by the second half of the 11th century in the triumph of the Roman Rite. Because its two oldest diplomas, the reales privilegios of García I (911) and Ordoño II (915) (4) (as surely also the lost proto-pergamino of Alfonso el Magno) allude to observance of the Regula s. Benedicti, the abbey must be given serious consideration, as has not yet been done, in any study of the introduction and lines of diffusion of Carolingian Benedictinism into western Spain, for its possible ties with the pactual and mixed Hispano-Carolingian cenobitism of primitive Castile.Not least there is the presently ignored fact that prior to Fernando I's translation to Léon in 1063 of the remains of St Isidore of Seville, it was not the Baetic bishop but the Chian martyr whose devotion enjoyed liturgical and patronal popularity in Christian Spain, although almost exclusively in the Country of Castile and its monastico-cultural affiliate the Rioja -- a peculiar geographic circumscription which must somehow be realated to an eastward propagation from the cult center at Dueñas.
It is upon this that the present pages will
focus. The conclusions reached cannot claim to rest upon more than a partial
realization of the search of the diplomatic documentation  proposed
by B. de Gaiffier when the Bollandist authority noted the surprising infrequency
of Isidorian patronal and topo-nymic references in the texts.
They should however serve to alert students of the great Sevillano
to the presence of another Isidore, in this age of consecrations to the
Savior, the Virgin or the martyrs, and force them to re-consider, for example,
their automatic ascription -- found even in Díaz y Díaz and
Linage Conde -- to the Andalusian polymath of an 11th-century Castilian
monastery (itself a mistaken conflation by Serrano of two different houses)
whose titulary is almost certainly the martyr.(6)
It should be apparent further that in seeking to reconstruct the
older, distinctively Castilian devotion to the Aegean soldier-saint we may
well be on the track of one unnoticed motive behind the sudden Leonese enthusiasm
in 1063 for the counter-promotion, with strong imperial Hispanic and therefore
anti-Castilian overtones, of the previously little regarded cult of the peninsular
We commence on fairly firm terrain with the certainty that before 711 the commemoration of St Isidore of Chios, although conceivably known in Visigothic Septimania by reason of its spread in southern Gaul, was not among the many eastern martyr cults admitted to the formal liturgical and hagiological tradition of the Visigothic Church, and thus represents an innovation of the Alta Reconquista.(7) Outside the Peninsula, on the other hand, from at least the fifth and sixth centuries, the cult enjoyed wide esteem. In the East, the martyr's burial place and basilica on the Aegean island of his passion was a center of pilgrimage; at Constantinople the synaxaries and typika of the Great Church provide for an acoluthia on 14 May, with mention of the chapel for his relics built adjoining the church of Hagia Eirene by St Marcian in the 5th century;(8) inscriptions have been discovered  in Byzantine North Africa; and at Rome the anniversary came to be included (as it still is) in the Roman martyrology under 15 May, with a church and monastery of Isidorian patronage located near the Porta Tiburtina.(9)
It is however from the Merovingian kingdom that the chief testimony comes, proving that the cult of the stratelate saint of Chios, like those of so many other Greek, Syrian and Egyptian martyrs infiltrating the Gallican Church at the commencement of the Middle Ages, was established at Arles, Clermont, Trier and Cologne, a geography that points to its northern transmission by bishops hailing originally from Aquitaine. (10) From late in this century comes also the literary notice which Gregory of Tours (cap. 101) places in the series of eastern saints that terminates his Liber in gloria martyrum (a work completed ca. 585); this omits the Alexandrine birth, military profession, and circumstances of the passion, but enlarges upon the miraculous curative well in the Chian basilica. (11)
After Gregory there is a gap: to my knowledge, neither the Merovingian vitae sanctorum and passiones, nor the literary and historical texts, mention the Chian devotion, (12) and no inquiry has yet been undertaken to trace its persistance in the Gallican liturgical calendars of the 7th to the 9th centuries. It is therefore upon the major martyrologies of the period that we must depend for the immediate background to the emergence in Spain. Those of Bede (735), the anonymous of Lyon composed before 806 and represented by Paris B. N. Lat. 3879, and of Rabanus Maurus (ca. 850), make no provision whatever for commemoration of our St. Isidore.(13) In contrast, the expanded form of Lat. 3879 known as Recension M, which Quentin proved is the martyrology  compiled by the deacon Florus in the first third of the 9th century, initiates a new stage in the history of the cult. For of the thirteen martyrs whom this learned Lyonese cleric resurrected from the In gloria martyrum of the bishop of Tours and to whom, by including them in his own decisively influential work, he gave renewed popularity in the Carolingian epoch, one is St Isidore of Chios. Florus severely abridges the text of cap. 101, retaining only brief mention of the Chian burial place and the basilica with its medicinal well. In this form the Gregorian notice is reproduced Idibus Maii in the widely used martyrologies of Ado (850-859/860) and Usuard (ca. 875) -- with variants that show independent adoption from their common model -- and eventually finds its way into the modern Roman martyrology. (15)
It is not however to a crossing of the Pyrenees in the late 9th and 10th centuries that the original introduction of the Isidorian cult at Dueñas or elsewhere in Spain can be ascribed, for two unmistakable clues point to an entirely different medium of initial penetration. Florus, Ado and Usuard, like their ultimate source Gregory, have nothing on the Chian martyr's military profession, yet this knowledge was early familiar to the monks at Dueñas, as is proved by the real privilegio which in 924 King Fruela II addressed to their titular: "uobis dominis et sanctis martiribus quorum reliquie sunt condite in aula b. Isidori militis." (16)
Then there is the significant difference in the dating of the obit. Since the In gloria martyrum offers no such calendrical information, it must have been Florus himself who attached his précis of cap. 101 to 15 May, being followed in this by Ado and Usuard. The source from which he extracted this characteristically Roman date is unclear, since no Isidorian commemoration appears under the May Ides in the manuscripts of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum belonging to the major Epternacensis (E; saec. VIII in.) family. (17) Florus either did not know, or more likely deliberately rejected, the observance on 14 May (II Id. Mai) which is not only that of the ancient Byzantine tradition but is found, probably because this date had been kept by the churches of late imperial and Merovingian Gaul, in the other principal Frankish group of Martyrologium Hieronymianum codices headed  by Bernensis 289 (B; saec. VIII ex.). (18) Yet it is this earlier feast by one day that is invariably encountered in the pre-12th-century Hispanic calendars, sacramentaries and passionaries, as well as in certain diplomas of Dueñas, where as late as the 17th century Yepes found the monks still celebrating their patron's anniversary according to the Greek fashion on 14 May.(19)
On these two grounds, the concept of Isidore as martyr et miles and the commemoration on 14 May, we can believe that the Hispanic cult followed originally a quite different line of transmission from that of the Florus-Ado-Usuard martyrologies or calendars based upon these. In view of the consecration of San Isidoro de Dueñas, this means it must have penetrated into western Spain by or before the end of the 9th century.
The next question is whether the Hispanic liturgical sources are in agreement with such a conclusion and whether, if so, they permit any more precise determination of the time, circumstances and area of diffusion. If we turn first to the Hispanic calendars dating after 711 but before the final adoption of the Roman Rite in the last third of the 11th century, most of which were collectively edited in 1949-50 by Vives and Fábrega,(20) we find that there are seven which stipulate a commemoration of the Chian St Isidore on II. Ids. Mai although in widely varying terms. These are the calendars contained in: the Codex Vigilanus or Albeldensis ( E) of 976, and its reproduction in the Codex Aemilianensis (L ) of 1002; the Antiphonarium (or Antiphonale) of León ( L), saec. X, but as interpolated in the first half of the 11th century; (21) the Liber Ordinum (S3) of 1052 from the Albeldan dependency of San Prudencio de Laturce; the two Silos manuscripts of the Liber  commicus of ante 1067 (P1) and 1072 (P2); and the 11th-century fragment now bound as fol. 6-11 of a Roman missal from San Millán de la Cogolla.(22) Three calendars complete for May lack an Isidorian entry: that of the Ripoll codex (B), 10th century; the so-called Primero of Silos (S4), very possibly from late in this same century; and that of the Liber diurnus (C) at Compostela, copied in 1055 for the reyes Fernando I and Sancha. (23)
From this tabulation it would appear that in the 10th century the cult of Isidore the Martyr, if known at all, was far from enjoying general acceptance in Catalonia or León, and in the latter kingdom was still ignored in court circles of the mid-11th century; that outside the Tierra de Campos it was chiefly observed in an area centering about the Castello-Riojan monasteries of Silos, San Millán de la Cogolla and Albelda; and that in this zone the notices come from the second half of the 11th century except for that of 976 (and its facsimile of 1002 at San Millán). The laconic Albeldan entry of 976 is the earliest of calendrical origin but it is to be observed that it follows by almost three-quarters of a century the foundation of Dueñas and displays no awareness of the martyr's insular passion or military status.
From what can be discovered in the sacramentaries and passionaries of the 10th and 11th centuries much the same chronological and geographic picture emerges. The precise terminology of the rubric used in the manuscripts of the Hispanic Liber sacramentorum is not reproduced by Férotin in his synthesized list but the four codices he adduces in this connection can be linked to 11th-century scriptoria in Castile and the Rioja.(24) In all probability the language used is that found in the text of the Missale mixtum as published in 1500 at the instruction of Cisneros by Fray Antonio Ortiz, an edition which despite certain readily distinguishable Romanist interpolations is known to have drawn largely upon trustworthy manuscripts of the 11th century from Silos and San Millán. (25) In this Missale the undated Isidorian  rubric reads: Isidori militis: omnia dicuntur unius martyris. (26) Since the appellative cannot have come from the calendrical tradition, which as evident above does not know it, or from the likewise silent Roman and Carolingian martyrologies, we plainly encounter here once more, as previously with the Dueñas privilegio of 924, the presence of a quite different source which is surely to be identified as the Passio.
Because the Latin version of the Passio s. Isidori has still not been published from the Hispanic Passionarium it remains unknown whether it represents a faithful translation of the Greek original (or the Epitome of this) or, alternatively, draws upon the account incorporated into the Byzantine Vita s. Marciani; but both these works of the 5th century record the martyr's military profession and the place and circumstances of his execution. Siegmund classifies the Latin redaction of the Isidorian Passio among the many such made from the Greek between the 7th and 9th centuries;(27) and we may add that while it was not used by Gregory of Tours or the Carolingian martyrologers, its circulation in Aquitaine by 900 (and perhaps not too long before this date) surely underlies, directly or indirectly, the foundation in Spain at the commencement of the 10th century of San Isidro de Dueñas, with its novel entitlature and its community's awareness of their patron's stratelatic character. Fábrega's valuable but incomplete study of the Hispanic Passionarium,(28) although it offers no help on the background of the new pieces added in the 11th century and does not attempt to correlate its findings with the chronology of monastic and parochial entitlatures, establishes very clearly one thing pertinent to our inquiry. Of the four extant codices, the two dating ca. 950-1000 -- one, Brit. Mus. f Add. 25600, copied at San Pedro de Cardeña ca. 950; the other, a Silos MS, Paris, B. N. nouv. acq. lat. 2180, of the second half of the century, from a Castilian house of San Pelayo 'in Baldem de Abellano' -- make no place for St Isidore of Chios in their highly conservative Old Hispanic martyrology. In contrast the two others, both of the 11th century -- Escorialensis b. I. 4, from Cardeña; Paris, B. N. nouv. acq. lat. 2179, from Silos -- greatly  expand the older peninsular Passionario to take in numerous new pieces, and one of these, assigned in both collections to be read on 14 May, is the Passio Isidori. (29) This conforms with what we already know of the Castilian interest of the mid-11th century, but it does more: it demonstrates that even at such eminent abbeys as Cardeña and Silos it was not until after 1000, and very probably ca. 1050 or later, that St. Isidore of Chios, along with other eastern saints then popular in France, entered the passionary used in the monastic heartland of eastern Castile. And this despite the commemoration found in the Albeldan Calendar of 976, to say nothing of the dedication of Dueñas something like a century and a half before.
What are we to conclude from all this liturgical
testimony? To be sure, the presence or absence of an Isidorian component
in calendars, sacramentaries and passionaries cannot validly be evaluated
without comparative study of its associations with the whole range of Franco-Roman
martyr cults then swelling peninsular sanctoralia, and of their lines
of codicological transmission. Nor can we overlook the fact that it is partly
due to historical accident that so many of our surviving liturgical manuscript
happen to come from Castile and the Rioja. Nevertheless it should be plain
that by ca. 1050 veneration of the Aegean soldier-saint was well established
among the monasteries of eastern Castile and the Rioja, and had probably
by this time been carried also to at least one Leonese house by the interpolator
of the Antiphonale. Nor is there any problem at this late date in
recognizing in the references of S3 to Alexandria and of L
to Chios the influence of the Passio or the Carolingian martyrologies.
Nevertheless, with the exception of the Albeldan Calendar of 976 (and the
dependent Cod. Aemilianensis of 1002), none of the liturgical testimonies
can be considered truly early, and some at least chart later repeated waves
of Gallican and Roman hagiological penetration and need not be descended
from the patently much more ancient first arrival of the Isidorian cult in
Spain. In these terms the key centers for our inquiry become the Rioja (
ante 976) and the Tierra de Campos (Dueñas, ca. 900-910); and
the problem is one of determining the priority, affiliations, and (if any)
inter-dependency of the two borderlands of the old County of Castile. Here
the first need is to bring to bear the limited but valuable testimony provided
by data of another category, the Isidorian entitlatures of Castilian monasteries
 and churches erected prior to the Hispalensian revival of 1063,
and the handful of Isidorian placenames still surviving in landscape of
The list is not a long one but from it we can discern, first of all, the pattern of a spread of Chian patronage in certain districts of Castile between the rivers Arlanzón and Duero that must stem from the cult center at San Isidro de Dueñas. We commence with the more visible ecclesiastical cases:
A. The Monastery of San Isidro de Clunia
. The sole known reference to this house occurs in an undated pergamino
of the first half of the 11th century which was first published in 1912 by
Serrano y Sanz under the rubric "Relación histórica de algunas
divisas de Clunia que fueron de la Condesa Da. Ava y de otras que poseyó
Ruy Gudestioz;" and in 1926 reproduced in a philologically more exact version
by Menéndez Pidal, this time headed "Declaración de los derechos
que los merinos de Coruña del Conde, a nombre del conde de Castilla,
tenían en Espeja y otros pueblos vecinos."(30)
This act, cast in what Serrano y Sanz styles "un latín sumamente
bárbaro," is not always susceptible of ready comprehension, as the
dissimilar rubrics intimate. It reaches back in its historical allusions
to the days of the Castilian counts Fernán González (920-970)
and Garci Fernández (970-995) and the latter's wife Countess Ava, but
it was written at a time when King Sancho el Mayor of Navarre controlled Castile,
i. e., between 1029 and 1035. The text displays two overriding concerns:
(i) to trace the ownership of various land grants around Espeja and their
subordination to the mandación of the Castilian comital merino based
at Clunia; and (ii) to detail in this connection the terms of a partition
affecting these lands, with particular reference to the properties held
at the time of writing by one Rodrigo Godestioz or Gustioz. It is among
the latter that a monastery of San Isidro de Clunia is enumerated:
Illas hereditates de Fonteauria, de domno Seuero, et suas casas fecit eas Ruderico Godestioz palatjos, et tenet sancti Ysidori  monasterio de Clunia cum suas sernas et suas uineas et suo mulino.
This house of San Isidro, with its modest abadengo, must have been located in the alfoz of Clunia (mod. Coruña del Conde, prov. Burgos, part. Aranda de Duero), perhaps close to the town in the direction of the cited Hontoria (i. e., Hontoria de Valdearados, to the southwest). Since Clunia, although first re-peopled by Count Gonzalo Fernández in 912, had to be abandoned after the battle of Valdejunquera (920), remained for decades a frontier outpost of contention, and as late as 1007-1010 shows up among the fortified places surrendered by the Moors, (31) the community of San Isidro is not likely to have anticipated by much the year 1000. While we have no way of telling whether its erection as a familial abbey was the work of Rodrigo Gustioz, his father or some other kinsman, we can therefore tentatively assign its beginnings to the first third of the 11th century, i. e., to the time of Count Sancho García (995-1017).
Rodrigo Gustioz himself, the proprietor of San Isidro de Clunia, is also known as a subscribant to diplomas of Covarrubias (1024) and Cárdena (1032),(32) and from our Clunian pergamino he can be identified as a rico hombre or infanzón of considerable landed wealth. He was undoubtedly a prominent member of one of the most celebrated Castilian noble families of the epoch, that descended from Gonzalo Gustioz and linked to the immortal legend of the Siete Infantes de Lara of the 10th century. This family, closely connected with Lara and Salas de los Infantes to the north of Clunia, has been much studied in its political and literary aspects by Menéndez Pidal, Pérez de Urbel and others,(33) but still awaits study of its prime role in the Castilian repoblación below Burgos of the fertile mesopotamia between the rivers Arlanza and Duero, where its members can be found acquiring numerous aldeas, sernas, casas, molinos and other properties as far west as the Pisuerga and even beyond. D. Rodrigo's own holdings, according to the text of 1030-35, embraced in addition to the numerous pieces near Clunia and Espeja, lands to the  northwest in the area of Lerma and still others scattered to the southwest of Clunia beyond Roa as far as Peñafiel on the south side of the Duero. (34) If, as the reference in our Clunian act to a partition implies, all these estates constitute his share of a señorío which had come to be divided between himself and Da. Tarasia -- perhaps his sister but at any rate a kinswoman, whose own aldeas of Valdezate, Pinillos de Esgueva, Villafruela and others lie in this same country towards the Leonese border -- then we have before us here the outlines of a domain that in the preceding generation reached well beyond Clunia into the valley of the Esgueva and on to Roa and Peñafiel.(35)
Although the pergamino does not distinguish which Isidore was the monastery's titular, everything about the rare dedication points to the martyr as against the metropolitan. Since this branch of the Gustioz linaje has no ties within the Rioja, it is evident that we must look to the west. The far-flung distribution of its holdings would have brought this family at various points close to, and doubtless into, Cerrato and the immediately adjoining portion of the Tierra de Campos on the west or Castilian side of the Pisuerga, i. e., into the comarcas which before the expansionist era of Count Sancho García marked the extension of the County of Castile to the eastern fringes of the Leonese kingdom. This would have brought the Gustioz within easy distance of San Isidro de Dueñas at the confluence of the Pisuerga and the Carrion. Furthermore, we know -- and the proof of this will be given below -- that during the 10th and 11th centuries this abbey was acquiring patrimonies and at least three monasteries across the river in that part of the Campos under Castilian rule. It can safely be assumed that where the monks of Dueñas extended their abadengo they introduced the veneration of their patron, so that the contacts made possible through the possessions of the Gustioz in this same area offer a plausible explanation of how the cult of St Isidore of Chios could have been carried, whether by Rodrigo himself or by one of his family, to their monasterio propio in the alfoz of Clunia.
 B. The Monastery of San Isidro de Hontoria de Riofranco. This second Castilian house of Isidorian entitlature is attested by two brief but trustworthy notices. The real privilegio of 1 July 1043 (not, as invariably now stated, 1048) (36) in which Fernando I and Da. Sancha transferred to San Pedro de Arlanza their abadía propia of Santa María de Retortillo, lists as belonging to this community located near Palenzuela (prov. Palencia, part. Baltanás), a monastery dedicated to St Isidore: "et in Fonte Oria monasterium sancti Ysidori cum suas terras et suas uineas et suos molendinos et suos pratos." Since Serrano identifies this Hontoria, one of several of the name in Castile, as that of Valdearados just west of Clunia, it has been natural to assume that it is the same community as that of Clunia. (37) This conflation is certainly erroneous. We have no basis for assuming that between 1030-35 and 1043 Rodrigo Gustioz lost or transferred his familial monastery to the real abadía of Santa María de Retortillo which the first king of Castile was to turn over to Arlanza. Given the proximity of Retortillo itself to the Rio Franco, an affluent of the Arlanza near its juncture just below Palenzuela with the Arlanzón, it is the nearby Hontoria de Riofranco that is both inherently more likely and indicated by the diploma itself. For the text does not associate Fonte Oria with an earlier mention of Clunia and the church there of San Esteban but places it after Villa Froila, possibly a hamlet on the Rio Arauzo as Serrano conjectures, but more convincingly taken to be the important Villafruela southeast of Palenzuela. Finally, this reasoning finds full corroboration in Alfonso VI's Fuero of 1074 to Palenzuela, which mentions a district of Sanctus Isidorus adjoining the municipal alfoz on its eastern, i. e., Río Franco, side.(38)
San Isidro de Hontoria de Riofranco cannot have been of any great size or importance, to judge by its subordination to Retortillo; but we can at least infer that its foundation preceded the  death of Sancho García, since Alfonso VI's Palenzuelan code presents itself as basically a confirmation of the previous fuero given the town by "el conde de los buenos fueros." This means that the municipal confines shortly before 1017 would have touched, as they did in 1074, the land known as that of San Isidro, and that the house of Hontoria already existed. It might throw some light upon its origins if we could ascertain something of how and when Santa Maria acquired not only San Isidro but seven other monasteries: San Millán and Santa María de Belbimbre (above Palenzuela), Santa Juliana de Burgos, San Fausto de Cerezo del Río Tirón, San Juan Bautista de Huerta del Rey, Santa Eugenia de Tabladillo, and Santos Facundo y Martín de Valdecañas. If we can consider the transfer of Santa María de Retortillo to Arlanza in 1043 to be part of Fernando I's plan to build up the latter house as the major monastic center of the lower Arlanza valley, as indicated by his series of closely spaced donations to San Pedro between 1039 and 1048, then behind this we may discern an earlier similar program initiated by one of his comital predecessors with Retortillo as its keystone. This would explain why Santa Maria -- an abbey of which we never hear before this date and but rarely thereafter (39) -- appears in 1043 with the surprisingly large, meticulously inventoried temporal of subject houses and other patrimonies that stretches over the whole zone of Castilian repoblación from Burgos south to the Ura Valley and thence westward to Antigüedad and Sequilla in Cerrato and on past Palenzuela to the banks of the river Arlanzón. (40) In such case, the author of the anterior scheme can only have been Sancho García, whose strong interest in promoting the rapid settlement of his county's western districts is illustrated in the liberal fuero to Palenzuela; and San Isidro de Hontoria would have been one of the eight smaller monasteries in comital hands Sancho used to promote the rise of Retortillo.
If this hypothesis throws no light upon Hontoria's origins and entitlature, it at least suggests the house was already in existence not only before 1043 but before 1017. What is in any case beyond dispute is that here on the banks of the Rio Franco, and close to the line of the Pisuerga, we stand once again within the shadow of the cult center at Dueñas, only some 40 kms. away. Lastly, we encounter, as with San Isidro de Clunia but in this case quite firmly, a connection with the great count of Castile; and perhaps another with the house of Gustioz, for the visible clustering of many of Retortillo's patrimonies around Espeja, Clunia and Arauzo  de Salce, as disclosed by the Fernandine act of 1043, may well point to the common interest of the count of Castile and his infanzón Rodrigo in the propagation of the Chian devotion.
C. The Parroquia of San Isidro de Muñó . On 14 May 1013, the anniversary of the martyr of Chios as celebrated in Spain, the Condes Sancho García and Urraca of Castile addressed to San Isidro de Dueñas a donation act which bestowed upon the Campestrian abbey their church of San Isidro at Muñó or Castillo de Muñó. The full text no longer survives but we have two short extracts from it, based on the lost Becerro. The first of these, preserved in the Colección Velazquez of the Academia de la Historia (with a copy in B. N. 720) makes hash of the dispositive clause by confusing the church with Dueñas itself: "Nos autem famuli uestri Sancius Dei gratia comes cum coniuge Vrracha comitissa ... hacen donacion y oblacion de la misma yglessia del mon° de Sant Isidro dando sus terminos y limites hasta san Chyriacum y otros mojones."(41) Fortunately, this can be clarified by an entry in the índice de Dueñas which records: "Vna donacion de Sancho, Conde en Castilla, y la Condesa D. Urracha ... dona(n) al Glorioso S. Ysidro y a S. Martin, cuius Basilica Fundata est in suburbio atque Regimine Legionense, y a su abb(ad) la Iglesia de S. Ysidro que esta cerca del Castillo que se llama Munio en loco predicto super Benbibre."(42) Between them these two notices suffice to fix the site of the parroquia bestowed upon Dueñas as near the castle of Muñó (mod. Villavieja de Muñó), i. e., on the south side of the lower Arlanza, just upstream from Belbimbre and midway between Palenzuela and Burgos. A charter of 929 delimiting the bounds of the monastery of San Millán de Belbimbre (which as we have seen had by 1043 become a dependency of Santa María de Retortillo) mentions as adjoining the abadengo on its northern side an Otero de sancti Quirici,(43) which must be the mojón of San Chyriacum preserved in connection with the church of San Isidro by the scribe of Colección Velazquez. But since in this act of 929 there is no reference to the parroquia, it may not yet have been in existence.
The implications of the Sanchan grant of
1013, the only one so far as we know that this great Castilian count conferred
upon the monks of Dueñas, are of considerable interest. Once more we
find ourselves at a site of Isidorian ecclesiastical patronage in close proximity
to the Campos and the valley of the Pisuerga, this time in a context disclosing
Sancho García's personal association  with Dueñas
as benefactor and with an Isidorian iglesia propia as proprietor. That the
parroquia itself existed prior to 1013 is patent, so that we may conjecturally
place its construction between that date and the post quem of 929
suggested above. A second inference is that the comital generosity of 1013
is inseparable from Sancho's recent seizure of the Tierra de Campos from
León and a desire to win the influential adherence of San Isidro de
Dueñas. The rising lords of Castile had long sought to wrest this
fertile comarca from their Leonese rivals, but it was Sancho García
who in 1010 or thereabouts, during the minority of Alfonso V, successfully
overran the Campos and was still holding the area down to his death in 1017,
at which point the Leonese monarch was able to expel the Castilians.
Thus it is in the years between ca. 1010 and 1017 that all three
of the Isidorian foundations we have inspected might naturally fall, the consecration
of the monasteries at Clunia and Hontoria, the cession to Dueñas of
the Muñó parroquia marking a definite attraction at this time
on the part of the ruler of Castile and at least one of his magnates, Rodrigo
Gustioz, to the cult of the Chian saint.
D. The Isidorian placenames in Castile
. In addition to the sites at Clunia, Hontoria and Muñó,
a preliminary search of Castilian toponymy has turned up a small number of
other Isidorian placenames within the bounds of the old County of Castile.
These could assist in charting the cult's lines of diffusion if
only they could be pinned down chronologically so as to avoid the possibility
that they may stem from the Hispalensian, not the Chian, Isidore. The San
Isidro which lies just below Salas de los Infantes, and another south of
Clunia near Rocigas de Perales, are both sufficiently close to Clunia to
be classified, if not as outlying patrimonies of the monastery of San Isidro,
then at least as locales of churches consecrated in the martyr's name. Just
to the north of Aranda de Duero is San Isidro de las Viñas; 
and in the partido of Castrogeriz west of the Arlanzón there is
a Villasidro. These two are slightly less probable; but it is noteworthy
that all four of these sites lie within easy distance of Clunia, Hontoria
or Muñó. Finally, two 13th century pergaminos from San Salvador
de Oña speak of "la esglesia de sant Esedro de Uillasant," which
Alamo identifies as Villasante, some 6 kms. from Espinosa de los Monteros
in the partido of Villarcayo, where there still exists a church of San Isidro;
but this is far enough from our other locations to make the precise
patronage more uncertain.
If we now undertake to relate the foregoing
liturgical, diplomatic and toponymic testimonies to the problems of the Hispanic
propagation of the cult of St Isidore of Chios and the early history of the
abbey of Dueñas, the following conclusions may be formulated:
(i) The extreme rarity of Isidorian data in general, and the strongly marked concentration of those discoverable in the zone Tierra de Campos-Castile-La Rioja, are confirmed by examination of the Asturian charters (to 910) edited by Floriano, Linage Conde's alphabetical "Monasticon Hispanum" (to 1109),(47) the printed cartularies, and my own notes on selected holdings in the Madrid archives. In Asturias there was a church of San Isidro near the venerable monastery of Santo Toribio de Liébana but so far this is untraceable before the 14th century;(48) Yepes ran across an otherwise unknown urban monastery of San Isidro at Astorga, apparently in documentation of the 11th and 12th centuries; (49) there is the already noted 11th-century interpolation of the Antiphonale of León; and in Catalonia the church at Martorell on the Llobregat below Barcelona is said to have possessed (but from what date is unclear) relics of the Chian martyr.(50)  These constitute at present the only other known sites of Chian relevance.
(ii) The calendars, sacramentaries and passionaries from the areas dominated by Cárdena, Silos and Albelda prove regular commemoration of our St Isidore on 14 May but primarily in the second half of the 11th century, presumably due to successive waves of what de Gaiffier aptly calls "cette invasion pacifique d'hagiographie française," (51) not to a simple preservation of the Albeldan Calendar notice of 976. The latter date is sufficiently early to merit attention; but I believe that like the later cases from the Rioja and eastern Castile it represents a direct Franco-Hispanic line of martyrological transmission quite distinct from that found at Dueñas and in western Castile, one indeed -- to judge by the pergaminos of Albelda, San Millán de la Cogolla, Valvanera, Silos and other houses of the region -- which struck no real roots and cannot be found incorporated in a single monastic or parochial entitlature.
(iii) In western Castile, from Clunia to Campos, we encounter an authentic Isidorian cult, finding expression in ecclesiastical patronages and some placenames, that can be associated with San Isidro de Dueñas as its chief center. The entitlatures at Clunia and Hontoria, and the donation of Muñó in 1013, point to an era of intensified Castilian interest under Sancho García which apparently coincided with that count's conquest of the Campos ca. 1010; but the way for this must have been prepared by the much older expansion of the Dueñas abadengo across the Pisuerga into Cerrato and its vicinity. As early as 924 by deliberate purchase San Isidro acquired from King Fruela II the monastery of Santa María de Remolino ultra flumen Pisorice; in 971 by gift of Count Fernán Ansurez of Monzón, then seeking to create a buffer county between León and Castile, it became proprietor of the lands, church and monastery of Santa Coloma at Tariego, just above Dueñas but again on the opposite side of the Pisuerga; in 974 it received near Cevico de la Torre, to the southeast of Tariego, the monastery of Tobilla; (52) and, as we have mentioned (Note 44), Sancho García and Sancho el Mayor bestowed the churches of San Isidro de Muñó, San Pedro de Avellano and San Miguel de Saltanas. These outposts manifestly gave the monks well before Sancho García's time a strong natural interest in cultivating friendly relations with Fernán González and his successors;  it is significant that after 936 no further reales privilegios of Leonese kings appeared in the Becerro. How much the growing Castilian orientation of the abbey, which both Sancho García and Sancho el Mayor patently fostered by their benefactions in this territory which from the second third of the 11th century was to be part of the restored diocese of Palencia,(53) displeased the Leonese we can only surmise; but it is not unreasonable to conjecture that their displeasure found vent in 1063 so that the celebrated translation of St Isidore the Bishop from Abbadid Seville to León may stem from something more than simply a failure to locate the previously requested bones of St Justa. At any event, the vogue henceforth of St Isidore of León, the symbol of the Leonese program of Hispanic imperialism which Fernando I so enthusiastically espoused after the battle of Atapuerca (1054), coincides with the nonappearance of new Chian patronage, although of course in the martyrology of the Castilian Church and above all at Dueñas, even after the house's transfer in 1073 to Cluny, the old Isidorian devotion continued to be honored.
(iv) We return, finally, to the recalcitrant problem that underlies the eventual trans-Pisuergan penetration of Dueñas and the propagation of its non-Hispanic patron's cult in westernmost Castile: the provenance of the foundational community itself, which at the very beginning of the 10th century represents much the oldest proof we have of an introduction of the Chian devotion below the Pyrenees and which ranks also among the early significant instances of Carolingian Benedictine influence in ultra-Catalan Spain. Of the possible hypotheses, we can confidently rule out as contra-indicated by the data reviewed above, Mozarabic, Gallegan, Catalan and Leonese solutions. A Riojan line of transmission, despite possessing some appeal by reason of the commemoration in the Albeldan Calendar of 976, finds no support in face of the lack of visible exchanges between the monasticisms of the Tierra de Campos and the Rioja, or of any intermediate links of Isidorian diffusion between these two widely separated comarcas. The church at Muñó and the scattered Isidorian toponyms of Castile might seem to point to a diagonal passage in the late 9th century across the County from around Valpuesta or Burgos, following the pattern of the repoblación of the lower Arlanzón and Arlanza valleys; but the ignorance of or indifference  to the Chian devotion found in the pre-11th-century charters of Valpuesta and in the Becerro gótico and codices of Burgalese Cárdena, tells heavily against this. There is also the fact, perhaps due only to documentary losses but certainly thought-provoking, that the Dueñas pergaminos disclose no verbal or institutional traces of that pactual cenobitism characteristic in its Gallegan and Burgalese forms of the houses of this part of Castile and of the Rioja, and inseparably connected in the late 9th and 10th centuries with the reception there of the Benedictine Rule.(54)
There remains a line of descent by the founding monks, with their Isidorian relics and patronage, straight down the valley of the Pisuerga from communities in Asturias de Santillana and Liébana which during the 9th century were in contact with the new cenobitic revival affecting Carolingian Gascony and Aquitaine. This hypothesis would imply a center or centers in the eastern zone of his kingdom upon which Alfonso III drew for the establishment of his new abbey in the distant Campos; and in my judgment it has the best claim to at least tentative acceptance. Even so, much is still, and perhaps always will be, uncertain. Meanwhile, what we need is investigation into south French interest in St Isidore of Chios during the 8th and 9th centuries, and into that other equally primordial feature of Dueñas, its Benedictine observance, which requires to be related to the now little known story of Asturian reaction to the advent of the Cassinensian code and its Frankish exegetical counterpiece, the Expositio of Smaragdus. But these are obviously questions beyond the scope of this paper.
Notes for Study Six
1. The oldest extant privilegio is of King Garcia I in 911 but another of Fernando I, probably of 1053 (rather than, as currently, 1043), cites the lost foundation act of Alfonso el Magno; cfr. A. DE YEPES, Corónica general de to Orden de San Benito, IV, Irache, 1613, pp. 198v-199; abridged version, éd. J. PÉREZ DE URBEL, Madrid, 1959-60, II, pp. 146-147; M. D. YÁÑEZ NEIRA, Historia del real monasterio de San Isidro de Dueñas, Palencia, 1969, pp. 37-42.
2. For the life, cult and bibliography: Acta sanctorum, Maii, t. m, Antwerp, 1680, pp. 445-52, and Supplementum , pp. 72-3; A. P. FRUTAZ, "Isidoro di Chio," Enciclopedia cattolica , VII. Vatican City, 1951, cols. 252-3; G. LUCCHESI, "Isidoro di Chio," Bibliotheca sanctorum, VI, Roma, 1966, cols. 960-68.
3. J. PÉREZ DE URBEL. Los monjes españoles en los tres primeros siglos de la Reconquista, BRAH, 101 (1932), pp. 39-40; but the Mozarabic explanation offered by J. E. DIAZ-JIMENEZ, Immigración mozárabe en el reino de León. El monasterio de Abellar o de los santos mártires Cosme y Damián , BRAH, 20 (1892), p. 125. still finds favor in Antonio LINAGE CONDE, Los orígenes del monacato benedictino en la Península ibérica , León, 1973, t. III, p. 164 (no. 502).
4. These texts, although published by YEPES, Corónica, t. IV, pp. 444v-445v (esc. xxiii-xiv), are not discussed by LINAGE CONDE, Orígenes, t. II, chap. V.
5. Le culte de Saint Isidore de Séville. Esquisse d'un travail, in M. DÍAZ Y DÍAZ, ed., Isidoriana , León, 1961, pp. 271-83 (at p. 283); also, B. de GAIFFIER. Études critiques d'hagiographie et d'iconologie, Brussels, 1967, pp. 115-129.
6. M. DÍAZ Y DÍAZ, Isidoro en la Edad Media, Isidoriana, pp. 345-87, at p. 373, n. 117; ID., Aspectos de la tradición de la Regula Isidori: Studia monástica, 5 (1963), pp. 27-57, at pp. 53-4 and n. 90; LINAGE CONDE. Orígenes . t. III, p. 205 (no. 669).
7. P. DAVID, Le sanctoral hispanique at les patrons d'églises entre le Minho et le Mondego du IXe an XIe siécle , in his Études historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal, Lisbon and Paris, 1947, pp. 185-256, especially pp. 197, 211-3.
8. H. DELEHAYE. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae , Acta SS.. Propylaeum Novembris, Brussels, 1902, cols. 683-4; Juan MATEOS, ed., Le Typicon de la.Grande Église, Rome, 1962-3; Orientalia Christiana Analecta, vols. 165-6, I, pp. 292-3; II, 316-7; R. JANIN, La geographie ecclésiastique de I'Empire byzantin, III: les églises et les monastères, Paris, 1953, 2d. ed., 1969, p. 271.
9. H. DELEHAYE, Les origines du culte des martyrs, 2d ed., Brussels, 1933, pp. 226-7, 239, 385-9, 401; Acta SS., Propylaeum Decembris (1940), 189-190; Códice topográfico della cittá di Roma, ed. R. VALENTINI and G. ZUCCHETTI, Roma, 1940-42; Fonti per la storia d'Italia, 81, 88, t. II, p. 187, 301.
10. Eugen EWIG, Die Verehrung orientalischer Heiliger im spätrömischen Gallien und im Merowingerreich, Festschrift P. E. Schramm, Wiesbaden, 1964, t. I. pp. 385-400, at p. 393-4.
11. M. G. H. SS. Rer. Meroving., I, ii, 2d ed. by B. KRUSCH and W. LEVISON, Hanover, 1969, p. 105. For the date of the In glor. mart., Rene AIGRAIN, L'hagiographie, Paris, 1953, pp. 175, 182-3.
12. In the whole of t. VII of M. G. H. SS. Rer. Meroving., Passiones vitaeque sanctorum, ed. B. KRUSCH and W. LEVISON, Hanover, 1920, I have found only two references to St Isidore: p. 458, line 6, p. 462, line 6; both are from Clermont.
13. H. QUENTIN, Les martyrologies historiques du moyen âge, Paris, 1908, pp. 17-221, especially 47, 111-12 (Bede), 138 ff., 220-1 (Lat. 3879); Martyrologium of Rabanus: PL, 110, cols. 1121-87.
14. QUENTIN, pp. 314-18; on the Isidorian notice, p. 317.
15. PL 123, cols. 226-7 (Ado); 124 (Usuard).
16. Madrid, Acad. Hist., Col. Velázquez, t. IV, leg. 4, fol. 669r - 770r (no. 1382).
17. On the redactions of MHE and MHB , and the use of the former by Florus, see QUENTIN, pp. 324 ff.; AIGRAIN, pp. 32-50 (especially, 40-1).
18. QUENTIN, p. 317. The two quite independent short forms of MH known to have circulated in Spain (Escorialensis I. III. 13, saec. X; fragment, fols. 2-3v of Acad. Hist. 18) mingle readings of both E and B redactions; the first omits St Isidore, the second commences only with 26 July. See B. de GAIFFIER, Un abrégé hispaniqiie du martyrologe hiéronymien: Anal. Boll., 82 (1964), pp. 5-36, which corrects at various points the commentary of José JANINI, Dos calendarios emilianenses del siglo xi, Hispania sacra, 15 (1962), pp. 177-95.
19. YEPES, Corónica, IV, p. 198; ed. PÉREZ DE URBEL, II, p. 148.
20. José VIVES and Angel FÁBREGA, Calendarios hispánicos anteriores al siglo xii: Hispania sacra , 2 (1949), pp. 119-46, 339-80; 3 (1950), pp. 145-61. See also B. de GAIFFIER, Un calendrier franco-hispanique de la fin du XIIe siécle: Anal. Boll., 69 (1951), pp. 282-323, and especially p. 299, with important note 4 on Isidore.
21. On the still unresolved problem of dating the many additions in several hands made to the original 10th-century calendar, cfr. Serrano's minuscular sci-sce hypothesis (which would apply to St Isidore of Chios) in his Prólogo to Antiphonarium mozarabicum de la catedral de León, ed. Padres Benedictinos de Silos, Burgos, 1928; VIVES -FÁBRICA, Calendarios, pp. 344-7; J. PÉREZ DE URBEL, Antifonario de León: el escritor y la época: Archivos leoneses, 8 (1954), pp. 115-44, especially pp. 122-4, 143; José VIVES, En torno a la datación del antifonario legionense: Hispania Sacra, 8 (1955), pp. 117-24.
22. The actual entries for 14 May are as follows: E: Sci Ysldori; E': Sci isidori; L: sci isidori cio insula; S3: sci isidori mr in Alexa(n)dria: PI: sci Ysidori mrtyris xpi; P2: sci ysidori mrtyris xpi; Cod. Aemil. 18: Uictoris et chorone mrum. Isidori mr. (JANINI, Dos calendarios, p. 187). The language of L may reflect a Carolingian martyrology, but like S3 may have been influenced by the Passio Isidori.
23. VIVES-FÁBREGA, pp. 127, 352, 364.
24. Le Liber mozarabicus sacramentorum et les manuscrits mozarabes, ed. M. FÉROTIN, Paris, 1912, p. xlviii: Codd. P, R, S, T.
25. PL 135, cols. 655-1036. On the provenence and authenticity of the MSS used. Cfr. L. BROTT, Études sur le Missel et le Brévviaire 'Mozárabe' imprimes: Híspania sacra, 11 (1958), pp. 349-398, especially p. 378; DAVID, Études , p. 195.
26. Col. 745; and cfr. in the synthetic Calendarium (col. 98): Isidori militis IX lect.
27. Albert SIEGMUND, Die Überlieferung der griechischen christlichen Literatur in der lateinischen Kirche bis zum zwolften Jahrhundert , Munich-Pasing, 1949, p. 237; cfr. pp. 201-2, 210-13, 226 ff.
28. Angel FABREGA GRAU, Pasionaria hispánico (siglos vii-xi), t. I, Madrid-Barcelona, 1953; Monumento, Hispaniae sacra , ser. litúrg., VI; to be consulted with B. de GAIFFIER, La lecture des actes des martyres dans la priére liturgique en Occident: à propos du Passionaire hispanique: Anal. Boll., 72 (1954), pp. 134-66.
Addendum to Note 28: Observe that the incipit of the Passio emphasizes militia, militabat , militauit (Cat. cod. hagiog. lat... B. N. Paris., t. III, Brussels, 1893, p. 481).
29. FABREGA, pp. 225 ff., 233, 241, 273. The rubric in the Silos MS reads: "Passio sancti Isidori martyris Christi, qui passus est in Alexandria sub Decio imperatore, die II idus Maias"; de GAUTIER, Calendrier, p. 299, note 4.
30. M. SERRANO Y SANZ, Noticias y documentos históricos del Condado de Ríbagorza hasta la muerte de Sancho Garcés III, Madrid, 1912, pp. 336-343; R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, Orígenes del español, 3d ed., Madrid, 1950, pp. 35-38. Cfr. J. PÉREZ DE URBEL, Historia del Condado de Castilla, Madrid, 1945, t. II, p. 937; A. LINAGE CONDE, Orígenes, t. III, p. 147 (no. 438). SERRANO Y SANZ dates the text ca. 1023-30; MENÉNDEZ PIDAL ca. 1030.
31. PÉREZ DE URBEL, HCC, t. I, pp. 277-82, 301-2; t. II, pp. 593, 811-2; R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, Documentos lingüísticos de España, t. I, Madrid, 1919, pp. 5-6; ID., Orígenes del español, p. 476.
32. Cart, del Infantado de Covarrubias , ed. L. SERRANO, Silos-Valladolid, 1907, nos. 13 (p. 40), 15 (p. 45); Becerro gótico de Cardeña, ed. L. SERRANO, Silos-Valladolid, 1910, n. 71 (p. 85).
33. On the Gustioz linaje and its territorial connections, see R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, La leyenda de los Infantes de Lara, 2d ed., Madrid, 1934, pp. 175-99, 451-9; J. PÉREZ DE URBEL, El Condado de Castilla, Madrid, 1969-70, t. II, p. 425 ff.
34. See the careful geographical exegesis of MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, Orígenes del español, pp. 37-8.
35. Cfr. also, as possibly another component of this partition, the familial porciones bestowed conjointly by Momadona, daughter of Godesteo Díaz and Domna Taresia, and her brother Munnio Gostioz, upon San Pedro de Arlanza in a donation charter of 1054, where holdings are mentioned at Peñaranda de Duero, Paúles del Agua, Terradillos de Esgueva and other points west of Clunia and between Lerma and the Duero, as well as in Cerrato at Antigüedad (prov. Falencia, part. Saltanas) and Sequilla in the vega of Riofranco: Cartulario de San Pedro de Arlama , ed. L. SERRANO, Madrid, 1925, no. 55 (pp. 114-6); cfr. p. 106, n. 12.
36. Cart. Arlanza., n. 51 (pp. 103-7) carries the date 1 July 1048, as found in Alfonso X's confirmation of 1255; but for Serrano's own correction of this, with brief discussion of the abbey of Retortillo, see his El obispado de Burgos y Castilla primitiva , Burgos, 1935-6, t. I, pp. 237-8.
37. Cart. Arlanza, p. 105, n. 10; DÍAZ Y DÍAZ, loc. cit., in note 6 above. YEPES, Corónica (ed. PÉREZ DE URBEL, t. I, p. 127, col. 2) confuses this cenobium with that of Santa Eugenia at Tabladillo, which follows it in the pergamino's tabulation, an error which persists in FLÓREZ, ES XXVII, 110. LINAGE CONDE correctly distinguishes the two San Isidros of Clunia and Hontoria: Orígenes, t. Ill, p. 147 (no. 438); p. 205 (no. 669).
38. "... de campo de Lagunas [Laguna] fasta Autier de Ferro; et deinde usque ad Sanctum Ysidorum circam Villamroderici [Villodrigo on the Arlanzón] comodo semita discurrit en acca": Colección diplomática de San Salvador de El Moral, ed. L. SERRANO, Madrid-Valladolid, 1906, p. 20; also T. MUÑOZ Y ROMERO, Colección de fueros municipales, Madrid, 1847, 275 ff.
39. Cart. Arlanza, p. 258 (no. 143, 1217).
40. Cfr. Cart. Arlanza, nos. 32, 34-6, 41, 46-7, 53.
41. Col. Velázquez, t. IV, leg. 4, no. 1433; Madrid, B. N. MS 720, no. 54.
42. AHN, Códices, Indice de Dueñas , fol. , s. v.
43. Cart. Arlanza, p. 22 (no. 6).
44. Note that when, after Alfonso V's own passing in 1028 and the murder at León the following year of Count Sancho's son the Infante García, Sancho el Mayor occupied Castile and the Tierra de Campos, the Navarrese monarch similarly rewarded San Isidro de Dueñas by the donations in 1030/1 of the church of San Pedro de Avellano, and on 14 May 1033 (the anniversary of the Chian martyr) the church of San Miguel de Saltanas. Both parroquias are in the Campos on the Castilian side of the Pisuerga. Cfr. J. PÉREZ DE URBEL, Sancho el Mayor de Navarra , Madrid, 1950, p. 426; C. J. BISHKO, Fernando I y los orígenes de la alianza castellano-Leonesa con Cluny: Cuadernos de historia de España, 47-48 (1968), pp. 65-6.
45. I have examined the Mapa Militar Itinerario de España, chiefly sheets 24 and 25 but further search needs to be made in the topographical dictionaries of Miñano, Madoz and Bleiberg.
46. Colección diplomática de San Salvador de Oña, ed. Juan del ÁLAMO, Madrid, 1950, t. II, nos. 516-17, both of 1249 (pp. 630-2).
47. Antonio C. FLORIANO, Diplomática española del periodo astur, Oviedo, 1949-51; A. LINAGE CONDE, Orígenes, III.
48. Cartulario de Santo Toribio de Liébana , ed. L. SANCHEZ BELDA, Madrid, 1948, pp. 283-4 (no. 237: 1316); p. 309 (no. 261). In the índice de lugares, San Isidro appears as "iglesia lebaniega que no hemos identificado" (p. 499, col. 2).
49. Corónica, ed. PÉREZ DE URBEL, t. II, p. 209, col. 1; cfr. FLÓREZ, ES, XVI, 68.
50. Acta SS, Maii, III (1680), 448, col. 2, citing Antonio V. DOMÉNECH, Flos sanctorum o historia general de los santos y varones en santidad del Principado de Cataluña , Barcelona, 1602, and Juan TAMAYO DE SALAZAR, Martyrologium Hispanum , Lyon, 1651-9; LUCCHESI, Isidoro di Chio, col. 967, erroneously reads "Martonello."
51. Calendrier franco-hispanique, p. 284.
52. Col. Velázquez, t. IV, nos. 1382, 1414, 1434.
53. See also the section devoted to the Merindad de Cerrato, with references to cis-Pisuergan possessions of San Isidro de Dueñas, in Becerro. Libro famoso de las behetrías de Castilla, ed. P. HERNÁNDEZ, Santander, 1866, pp. 1-15; and cfr. Cl. SÁNCHEZ ALBORNOZ, Estudios sobre las instituciones medievales españolas, México, 1965, pp. 159-62, with map.
54. See the initial essay, "The Pactual Tradition in Hispanic Monasticism," in my forthcoming Estudios de historia monástica hispánica .