The Primera crónica general contains a passage that describes the assembly of Alfonso VIII's expedition for the campaign which climaxed at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212. This account tells of the Castilian municipal contingents collecting their weapons, armor and horses to prepare for their part in the strategic thrust into Andalusia. As the expedition makes ready, the chronicler pauses momentarily to reflect upon the antiquity of the townsmen's battle gear and their willingness to share these items with those in need. Weapons won as booty and long employed by their ancestors have found their way into the hands of these militiamen to be used once more against the Muslim, and the chronicler marvels at this parallel lineage of men and equipment.⁽¹⁾ In so doing, he touched upon one of the most vital processes by which the towns maintained their position in the warfare of the Iberian frontier.

The importance of military ordnance taken as booty was a constantly recurring theme in the annals of the twelfth- and thirteenth-century municipal militias throughout the Peninsula. It was a vital element in the intensified raiding by the towns begun in the reign of Alfonso VII. The documents list with evident relish the taking of captives, military equipment, livestock and assorted items of movable property from the Muslims.⁽²⁾ The chroniclers also note examples of booty lust contributing to the failure of campaigns, as with the militia of Salamanca (c. 1138), the Abulense militia under Sancho the Hunchback in 1173, as well as the futile pursuit of booty by the Muslims in 1177 while their brethren at Cuenca received no relief from Alfonso VIII's siege.⁽³⁾ Indeed, the taking [163] and dividing of booty provided the climax of all successful warfare. Spoils constituted a focal point of municipal military activity and a powerful incentive for going forth to battle. The militiamen's desire to take prizes and their concern for the proper disposition of this material have drawn the interest of historians seeking to assess the economic impact of booty on the towns. Nicolás Tenorio has gone so far as to describe these municipal warriors as mercenaries.⁽⁴⁾ This is a dubious and misleading assertion for it overlooks the need for the military equipment incumbent upon the town in fulfilling its military role as well as the particular nature of its economic needs. Booty was an valuable source of the very military materials which made defense and campaigning possible. On one occasion Ávila received permission to stage a special raid against Guliena to equip its militia for service in Alfonso VIII's hueste.⁽⁵⁾ The municipalities found these procedures useful if their expanding populations were to maintain the capability of arming and arraying themselves both to defend their own territory and to assist the king. These skills were increasingly needed, as well, to balance the economies of the livestock-raising towns of the Meseta and Iberian Cordillera.

During the twelfth century, evidence points clearly to the growing significance of warfare in the life of the towns, especially in Portugal, Leon, Castile and Aragon. Precise indications of this development are demonstrated in the increasing concern demonstrated by the makers of the municipal charters in three areas closely related to booty. The first is the royal demand to collect the one-fifth tax on the spoils of war, a tax the Christian rulers inherited from the Muslim practice of laying aside a portion of the gains of the jihad for Allah. Such demands indicate that booty indeed existed to be taxed, a situation only possible if the towns were successfully engaged in warfare.⁽⁶⁾ The second indication is the emerging concern for the proper exchange of prisoners of war, another by-product of combat.⁽⁷⁾ The third indication is the demand for indemnification for personal, equestrian and equipment losses sustained in war, this to be remunerated from the profits of that war prior to the ruler taking his fifth tax.⁽⁸⁾ Yet despite the indications of these interests throughout Christian Iberia in the twelfth century, our best and most developed institutional law regarding spoils division is concentrated in the charters of Cordilleran Castile and Aragon, secondarily in the fueros of Leonese Extremadura, and finally in the Alfonsine codes of the later thirteenth century. A tentative conclusion drawn from this imbalance of evidence for the whole of Iberia is that the Leonese, Castilian and upper Aragonese towns relied on warfare and its resultant booty to a far greater degree by the later thirteenth century than Portugal and Catalonia did. The best [164] way to test such a hypothesis is to explore the growing institutionalization of spoils collection in Castile and Aragon, and to examine the sources of the drive that produced it.

Two principal sources existed for division as the result of military service: the fines and taxes which the residents paid for exemption from service, and the captives and spoils of combat. Of these two sources, the second classification necessitated by far the more careful attention from the municipal government. This problem required the development of an informal quartermaster's office, which was set up for the purpose of dividing the captured spoils at the end of each campaign. The Cuenca-Teruel group became the first charter family to describe the system which had evolved for the division of booty, to be followed by the Coria Cima-Coa charters from Leonese Extremadura shortly thereafter. While the origins of the booty division system in the municipalities are unclear, these later documents demonstrate that its primary objective sought to assure that the gains of the battlefield were shared equally and that no man profited unfairly by the labors of another. The laws indicate also the centrality of position that booty has come to occupy in these upland livestock towns by the thirteenth century.

The quadrillero emerges most frequently as the official in charge of booty division in these towns.⁽⁹⁾ He kept written accounts of all booty captured and bore responsibility for any lost or unaccountable items. In the advanced Castilian fueros the concejo drew the quadrilleros equally from the various collaciones of the town to insure close local supervision of the partitioning. Any matters that the quadrillero could not handle were appealed to the alcaldes and the higher officials in the municipal government. The quadrilleros also worked in conjunction with the adalides, cavalry unit leaders who commanded many of the separate raids. Being aware of the booty taken in combat while they led their forces, they conveyed this information to the quadrillero and later consulted with him in arranging the final partition. Both the quadrilleros and the commanders risked punishment for any unlawful interference in the proper distribution of spoils.⁽¹⁰⁾ The legists intended penalties as effective curbs against dishonesty, braced by the fact that the positions of alcalde, quadrillero and adalid also carried with them prestige sufficient to make the average officeholder think twice before yielding to the temptation of malfeasance.

In assembling the booty for distribution the municipality relied on those who had participated in the campaign to bring forward all items not yet given up to the officials. On the appointed day everyone [165] who had captured spoils during the recent engagement brought them to the plaza for auctioning and distribution, including all livestock, clothing, gold, silver and arms. The concejo then arranged to have such material guarded until its disposition was complete. The towns saw booty as community property, regardless of who had taken it from the field. townsmen who went to war had everything at risk: their lives, their property, even their honor. This strong community bond required that profits of war remain the common possession of all until they could be auctioned or distributed, and the shares divided. Failing to follow these rules meant punishment to the individual involved.⁽¹¹⁾ The responsible officials also withheld a portion of the booty from distribution in order to reward acts of heroism, to permit those who found material on the battlefield to claim rights upon their discovery, and similar situations; but the bulk of the spoils went into the process of general division.⁽¹²⁾

In Castile the concejo traditionally held an auction or almoneda (at least in the Castilian portion of the Cuenca family) for the disposal of captured articles. In Leon, we lack the evidence that this kind of auction played a part in booty distribution, although there are indirect indications that such was the case. One can only assume that some similar process operated to secure adequate division. In the Coria Cima-Coa charters, the concejo sets the size of the shares based on the number of warriors who departed on the expedition. Otherwise, both kingdoms held to similar principles of sharing the booty and of holding back a sufficient amount for compensations and rewards. The authors of Siete partidas recommend that the authorities make a careful calculation of the men and their equipment (on which individual shares are to be based) by having individuals pass through a gate of the town, or between two men holding lances when in the field, while officials check their equipment. Anyone refusing to pass in review in this fashion lost his share, unless he enjoyed an exceptional reputation sufficient to persuade his comrades to accept his refusal. The towns clearly assumed the principle that only the participants who came properly equipped had a direct right to a share of booty or its revenue value.⁽¹³⁾

The Castilian charters and the Sietepartidas cite a number of regulations concerning auctions. Auctions were to be proclaimed widely throughout the territory of the town, so that all citizens would be aware of the event. Plasencia held such auctions on Fridays, while the other towns listed no particular day. The towns demanded the presence of the juez at all auctions before they could be considered to have any legal basis. Nevertheless, some auctions must have been held illegally, because the sources also required that someone purchasing [166] an item of booty there had to pay four times the amount initially bid to secure it. The auctioneer (corredor) and the clerk (notario or escribano) had to swear an oath of office before undertaking their tasks, and any cheating on their part was severely punished. The auctioneers had to display all items effectively, obtain the highest bid possible, and then have the price recorded by the clerk, along with the name of the bidder. In the ideal circumstances envisioned by the redactors of the charters at least, all of this information, as well as the date and place of purchase, was to be placed in a sealed statement and given to the bidder. The Siete partidas writers viewed the ultimate purpose of the auction as being the appraisal and liquidation of booty and the minimizing of fraud in its distribution. This attitude reflected as well the thinking of the municipalities as revealed in their charters.⁽¹⁴⁾

Prior to the auction, the officials heard claims by persons regarding particular items of booty thought to be theirs and petitions of individuals seeking a share in the upcoming division process, clearing these cases before proceeding with the auction. Should the quadrilleros or adalides mistakenly give away some item in this process, the receiver retained it without cost and the offending official paid the person wrongfully deprived of it a fine worth twice the value of the object lost.⁽¹⁵⁾ Once the auction had begun, individuals offered bids for the various articles which had been gathered in the plaza. To maximize profits and assure that top prices would be paid towns offered the privilege of short term credit to residents during the course of the auction. The clerk kept a record of the sale and the citizen had to produce a bondsman (fiador), who secured the debt and assured the concejo of the bidder's ability to pay. Once accomplished, the person acquired the object. The time limit for payment was usually nine days, and failure to meet such an obligation imposed a double payment or possible imprisonment. The bondsman then paid the debt. Should this occur, the bidder had incurred a quadruple fine: payment of a double penalty to both the bondsman and to the concejo.⁽¹⁶⁾ The adalid or the quadrillero had also to meet a nine-day limit for supplying all of the items in the booty inventory to the buyers without being sanctioned, and the towns deemed this same nine-day period sufficient to conclude all of the remaining unfinished business of the auction. No new claims could be filed after that time, and if an individual had retained a piece of booty beyond that point without others having detected the fact, the nine days also functioned as a statute of limitation for him.⁽¹⁷⁾

Once the spoils were converted to specie through the auction, a well established priority in the claims upon the division of booty was put into effect. The municipal charters applied the following arrangement of [167] priorities almost universally. First in line came those requiring compensation for bodily injury or the death of a relative, followed by those indemnifying the injury or loss of an animal, and finally the loss of possessions in the field. Next, the officials of the concejo received their stipends for their military duties, the amount of which was frequently adjusted to the value of the booty gathered on the expedition. The performers of special acts of heroism and valor then received their rewards. At this point municipal officials apportioned aside the royal or princely share, the quinto, approximately one-fifth of the remaining total booty but subject to some variation. Occasionally a small amount was granted to the Church. At the end, the remaining total was divided by the total number of shares to be distributed, and this percentage constituted the ordinary townsmen's reward for his military contribution.

During the early twelfth century compensations for personal injury and death, loss of one's horse, and the destruction of one's possessions on the battlefield appeared throughout the Peninsula in the municipal law as that aspect of booty division first effectively delineated in the charters.⁽¹⁸⁾ By the end of the twelfth century, the Cuenca-Teruel and Coria Cima-Coa charters present personal medical compensation amends for battle injuries, supplemented in the later thirteenth century by the lists in Espéculo and the Partidas (See Table 7-1).⁽¹⁹⁾ The wounded were supposed to receive an animal from the booty to carry them home. The Partidas further demanded that a mount be hired if none had been captured in this kind of case.⁽²⁰⁾ Moreover, the Espéculo urges the indemnification of wounds as a first priority to encourage those who have fallen victim to injury so that they will still seek combat and derive pleasure from war, itself an interesting insight into the contemporary legal mind. The two Alfonsine codes list a death benefit for caballeros and peones as well, to be bequeathed to their heirs as specified by the dying warrior or by his will. If death overtook the militiaman before he could make such provisions, the Espéculo granted one-half of the death benefit to the Church, while the Partidas altered this ecclesiastical windfall to one-third.⁽²¹⁾

The amends seen in Table 1 suggest a number of attitudes regarding warfare and its inherent risks.

^aCuenca includes all charters in group except Teruel and Albarracín.
^bTeruel includes Teruel and Albarracín.
^cCoria includes all the Leonese Extremaduran charters.
All amounts are in maravedís.

For one, the compensations are notably higher in the royal codes as against the municipal charters, where a basis for comparison exists. This could indicate inflationary trends from the later twelfth century when the foral families first appear to the later thirteenth century when Alfonso X authorized the compilation of the codes. However, the Cuenca group includes charters given initially throughout the thirteenth century to various towns, and there is little variance in the fees over that time. Rather, this may suggest largess at the theoretical level of the codes and a somewhat more parsimonious reality in the tight economies of the municipalities. Second, pride plays an obvious role as seen in the great concern for visible disfigurement. Wounds to the head that hair cannot be grown to cover receive a double fee; front teeth are indemnified at a higher rate than other teeth in the Partidas; noses and eyes receive an understandably high fee, and ears held value for their function and beauty and because mutilated ears could be a sign to some of a dishonoring punishment (see Chapter Eight). The greatest fees went to injuries that caused permanent disability, including the lost opportunity to earn future booty in combat. Possibly to encourage the marginally disabled to return to active participation in the militia, the Coria Cima-Coa charters awarded an extra share of booty to the afflicted residents willing to wear their mail jackets again and doubled that share if they carried arms. The only proviso required that the force that gained their service had to number at least one hundred knights, to assure the ample booty-gathering resources necessary to support this generosity.⁽²²⁾

Since the horse stood as the indispensable symbol of the knight's elevated social and political status in the towns, there was understandable concern over its loss notable in the municipal charters. Among the lost possessions which qualified for compensation, the horse attracted by far the most attention. From the early twelfth century the charters demonstrate a willingness to pay the knight the full value of his horse if lost in the line of duty.⁽²³⁾ By the later twelfth century the charters begin to contain monetary replacement values for the lost horse, and also discuss at greater length the manner in which the horse is to be indemnified by the town. The compensation fee varied considerably among the towns which cite a specific sum in their fueros, setting generally higher levels in Castile than in Leon (see Table 7-2).⁽²⁴⁾ The municipalities customarily graded wounded animals according to the gravity of the wound, although Alcalá offered a flat five-meticales stipend. The Cuenca-Teruel group judged the severity of the injury on the following scale: horses with broken bones unable to walk drew twenty maravedís; horses with fractures but able to walk, ten maravedís; those with other wounds, five maravedís. The Coria Cima-Coa group adjusted their rates on the basis of wounds which penetrated the animal's body or limb and pierced to the other side. These towns gave four maravedís for such a double-surfaced injury and two for a wound with only one lesion, while Cáceres and Usagre gave six maravedís and [170-71] three for the same injuries.⁽²⁵⁾ Towns granted compensation on occasion for other animals lost in connection with warfare, the highest being given by the Cuenca-Teruel family for asses, which received the same awards as horses, while most other animals carried twenty maravedís or less under these conditions.⁽²⁶⁾

For the municipal charters listed below, the first price (when stated) is the minimum value of the horse required to gain a knightly tax exempt status. The second price (when available) is the maximum figure for compensation of a horse lost in combat.
 

Laguardia (1165)	--	100
Antoñana	--
Bernedo	--	100
Inzura	--
Laguardia (1208)	--	100
Burunda	--
Viana	--	100
Aquilar	--
Alfambra	30	60
Cáceres	15
Cuenca	50	60
Castello-Bom	--
Teruel	200	200
Usagre	--
Albarracín	200	--
Palenzuela	--
Plasencia	10	60
Viguera y Val/Funes	--
Alcaraz	50	60
Alcalá de Henares	20
Alarcón	50	60
Uclés	12
Huete	20	--
Molina de Aragón	20
Zorita	20	100
Ávila	20
Baeza	50	60
Cuéllar	30
Iznatoraf	50	40
Atienza	30
Alcázar	50	60
Escalona	30
Úbeda	50	60
Trujillo	30
Ms8331	50	60
Burgos	30
Alfaiates	--	(10)50†
Buitrago	30
Coria	--	30
Peñafiel	30
Castel Rodrigo	--	30
Madrid	30
Castello-Melhor	--	30
Valladolid	30
Villaescusa de Haro	50

 

^†Alfaiates notes the two figures in different parts of the charter.

All values are in the coinage of the realm: Aragonese solidos-sueldos, Castilian aureos-maravedís, Portuguese morabitinos.

The Navarrese charters of Laguardia, Antoñana, Bernado, Inzura, Buranda, Viana and Aguilar gave the above figure for a male horse, half of it for a mare.

Sánchez-Albornoz offers a table of horse values derived from tenth century documents. The value therein varies between forty to sixty sueldos.

The Cortes of Jérez in 1268 set a sale price of 200 maravedís for a good riding horse (caballo) and 100 for a good work horse (rroçin).

Compensation often required the meeting of certain conditions set by the town. The Siete partidas thought it advisable to establish the condition of all animals and equipment before departing for the field to avoid fraudulent claims for compensation at the conclusion of hostilities. The code warned against delaying to accomplish this survey if it took a substantial military risk thereby, and one doubts that the municipal militias often took time to undertake such a procedure.⁽²⁷⁾ When the time for booty division was at hand, the towns doled out their precious resources with some care. Any wounded animal had to be examined by one to four (the figure varies from town to town) residents of the municipality or comrades in a man's military group. These had to swear [172] that the animal had not been harmed by its master deliberately, had not been injured prior to the departure of the militia, and that the injury had been sustained in line of duty and not in unauthorized skirmishing or hunting.⁽²⁸⁾ Various time limits involved in the compensation process had also to be heeded. First, the owner had to present the injured animal to the juez and the alcaldes, in the Cuenca-Teruel charters within a three-day time limit. Moreover, if the demise of the horse were imminent, the town officials took the animal from the owner and placed it under observation in one of the municipal corrals for a period of time. In the Coria Cima-Coa Leonese charters and at Uclés the concejo allotted nine days before making a further judgment, while in the Cuenca-Teruel towns, the Espéculo and the Siete partidas argued for a more cautious thirty days. Should the horse regain its health or its injuries heal properly, the town granted no compensation. Otherwise the owner received the stipulated fee.⁽²⁹⁾ Finally, in deciding the value of the animal the concejo offered the normal stipend for a dead horse only if the owner had purchased it over a year before its death. Within a year of purchase the owner could expect the price he had paid for it instead of the official compensation award.⁽³⁰⁾

Any equipment lost on campaign merited a compensation award or replacement from the spoils, assuming the individual had not lost the item thorough his own fault, but Alfambra alone offered a list of fees indemnifying most of this equipment.⁽³¹⁾ In the other fueros, however, only the lance receives individual attention. In the Cordilleran charters, a lance lost in battle received a two-maravedí indemnity if it had a standard attached and had been lodged in the body of a Muslim, or one maravedí if these conditions did not apply. In the Leonese Extremaduran charters, two maravedís were granted for a more valuable lance, one maravedí for one of lesser value.⁽³²⁾ As in the case of both personal injuries and wounded animals, the towns did not make distinctions between knights and footsoldiers in the compensation of equipment. This egalitarian approach is an interesting indicator, at least in the later twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, that the social divisions had not yet begun to widen. Moreover, it demonstrates a strong sense of community intensified by the combat hardships borne by all vecinos. These communities based their judgments on needs rather than on status.

One of the primary ways by which the king could profit from the bellicosity of his municipalities consisted in calling for a share of their spoils. The Muslims had traditionally collected such a tax in Islamic Spain, and the Christian rulers of the north soon came to draw upon the same principle. The peninsular monarchs began discussing taxation of the booty collected by towns in the later eleventh century, and by the mid-twelfth century a number of [173] towns in Aragon, Castile and Portugal had this obligation placed in their charters. The king customarily requested one-fifth of the spoils (as did the Muslim rulers) accumulated on any given campaign or action. The fueros which discuss the ordering of the awards granted before the division of booty state unanimously that the royal share came after all other indemnities had been paid, but the royal codes argued that the presence of the king at the battle or in the main force from which raiding detachments sallied forth entitled him to receive his part of any resultant booty prior to further distribution.⁽³³⁾ The great charter families of the later twelfth century elaborate the manner of taking the royal quinto and the restrictions on this process. They continue to assert the priority of indemnities over the royal tax in order of assessment. The Coria group owed no payment if their expedition failed to take any Muslim prisoners, and the Santarém forais exempted the unit commanders (adaliles) from the tax. Daroca, Alfambra, Uclés exempted finished garments (as distinct from bolts of cloth) and food from the royal quinto, while the Cuenca-Teruel charters exempted only food. The Siete partidas would ultimately accept the exclusion of finished garments from the fifth, noting that "the king should not obtain clothing meant for another."⁽³⁴⁾ The Siete partidas noted that the king could yield his quinto if he wanted to provide extra incentive for a campaign, that all defensive activity in the case of a full-scale invasion justified exemption, as exemplified by Alfonso X's freeing Lorca from paying the quinto during the Murcian uprising in 1265. All spies, sentinels and scouts enjoyed exemption of the burden. Otherwise, the king anticipated one fifth of all movable goods taken as spoils, whatever the form of action in which it had been taken.⁽³⁵⁾

The towns deviated from the fixed rate of one-fifth for the royal share of booty in special circumstances. Footsoldiers serving on guard duty in Uclés had their tax reduced from a fifth to a seventh. The charter of Marañón established the precedent for the booty tax rate of one-fifth for knights who served alone and one-seventh for infantry alone. To this the Cuenca group of charters added a one-sixth rate for knights and infantry serving together. The tax assessment for the balance of these two elements established its basis from the point at which the troops took their supplies.⁽³⁶⁾ The responsibility for the collection of these taxes in the field fell upon the battlefield commanders, the adalides, and the alcaldes of the municipality, who turned over the collected resources to the juez, who in turn gave the proceeds to the royal representative. The Alfonsine charters stressed that this tax share of booty should be assessed [174] in the field immediately after combat, but accepted the principle that circumstances might require that the revenues be drawn from the proceeds of the auction after the campaign. In turn, Alarcón, Baeza, Iznatoraf, Úbeda and the recipient of the Paris Arsenal manuscript sought to facilitate the collection of the king's quinto by having the alcaldes and the juez encamp close to each other in the field.⁽³⁷⁾

Once the indemnifications and compensations had been paid and the ruler's share set aside, the concejo then moved to those who had made special contributions of equipment, of animals, and of their own skills and deeds, as well. Many of these rewards were based on receiving a share of the booty taken on the campaign. Ordinarily, a resident could receive such shares only by personal attendance in the militia during the action which achieved the spoils. Those ordered to stay behind constituted exceptions to this rule, and on occasion a share of booty was set aside for the Church. Beyond these arrangements, the only variations in dividing the shares were the awards from contributing arms, equipment and animals, and the premiums paid for acts of exceptional valor.⁽³⁸⁾

The Cuenca-Teruel fueros tended to repay the individual for his contribution of equipment by shares of booty as against the Leonese practice of granting exemptions. First, however, the towns set minimum equipment regulations for knights to assure their combat readiness at the outset of the campaign. These Castilian charters demanded that their knights bring a lance, a sword and a shield if they did not want to forfeit one-half of their booty share. The peón had to bring a lance, a throwing spear or a club. The Coria Cima-Coa charters demanded a mail jacket or a helmet from their knights, while infantry weapons received no mention.⁽³⁹⁾ Extra booty shares were apportioned for those residents who gave equipment beyond the required items. A mail jacket drew a half-share in the Cordilleran charters and a full share in the Alfonsine charters; a helmet or mail hood brought its contributor a one-quarter share; shoulder and thigh armor received a quarter share in Leonese Extremadura and a half share in the Castilian Cordilleran charters and in the Alfonsine codes; the combination of an mailed jacket with some type of headgear usually drew an entire share together, but only three-quarters share separately. The Alfonsine codes offered a full share for several combinations of body armor and helmet which did not appear in the municipal charters. Finally, a chain for prisoners gained a resident a full share in the Cuenca-Teruel charters and a fee of one morabetino in Uclés.⁽⁴⁰⁾ Booty division underlined the importance of the provision of equipment: [175] the equipment was indemnified against loss, and its use could profit an individual whether he served or not.

The earliest interest shown in the contribution of animals for fees appears in Aragon, Navarre and Portugal, dealing with horses and asses, and indicating one rate for daytime use and an additional surcharge if the borrower retained the animal overnight. In these instances, it appears that the borrower and not the town may have paid the fee. The basic rate listed in the Navarrese charters from 1165 to 1219 was: a horse, six solidos per day with an overnight surcharge of twelve solidos; an ass, six solidos a day and three additional for overnight. The Portuguese Évora family cited only horse rentals, which cost a ram for the first day, and thereafter six solidos by day and an additional solido for overnight. Aragonese Cetina, Alfambra and Viguera also had rental rates for horses, which were listed at seven solidos a day at Cetina, five solidos at Alfambra and Viguera.⁽⁴¹⁾ In the Cuenca charters, shares as well as user fees receive mention. Giving a horse to a knight to do battle in the cavalgada raid earned a share of booty for the lender. Even if the knight did not participate in the action which won the spoils, the owner of the horse he borrowed received some award as decided by the adalid. Cuenca-Teruel also set a fixed flat rate of two maravedís for a horse given with a saddle, and one for the horse alone. The Siete partidas granted a half-share for the contribution of a horse or other animal, suggesting that the municipal generosity on this matter may have been diluting the value of booty shares excessively in the view of Alfonso X.⁽⁴²⁾

Archers came under a special category of consideration for extra shares of booty, in that they brought not only special equipment to the militia but also a particular talent. The willingness of the urban knightly class to acquire this skill constituted a noteworthy tradition in the Leonese-Castilian lands not common to the knightly class in the rest of Western Europe. Once trained, the knight gained an extra amount of booty while rendering a indispensable service: the contribution of missile projection to a totally mounted raiding party. For bringing his skills in the field with the militia, the knight archer received a full extra booty share in the Cuenca-Teruel charters, one-half share in the Coria Cima-Coa charters, and two shares in the Alfonsine codes. The foot archer gained one half of that which the knight received in each of these documents. The equipment required to qualify for such remuneration varied in these sources. In the Castilian-Aragonese Cordillera the knight had to provide bow, cords and two hundred arrows, while the peón had the same requirements but needed only one hundred [176] arrows. In Leonese Extremadura both classes required the identical bows, cords and sixty arrows. The Espéculo and the Partidas mandated a bow, cords, a belt, a quiver and one hundred to one hundred fifty arrows. These sources always refer to the archer by the Latin sagittarius or the vernacular ballestero or saetero. The knight's weapon is always called arcubalista-ballesta, while in the Cuenca-Teruel charters the foot archer's weapon is referred to both as an arco or ballesta. Knightly archers provided the important element of firepower to the mobile raiding algaras and correduras of the frontier.⁽⁴³⁾

The hope of booty did more than secure men and equipment for the battlefield. It gave them the incentive to excel. The Siete partidas sums up the carrot-and-stick approach succinctly: The extraordinary act merits a reward for the valorous individual, but the brave deed is often a matter of opportunity. This opportunity, if seized, merited a reward but similarly deserved punishment if unjustifiably shunned.⁽⁴⁴⁾ Booty constituted the chief enticement to act positively under such conditions, and the documents reveal a number of laws designed to bring about such an end. From the beginning of a campaign through its conclusion, those who had rendered special service to the militia could expect due repayment from the booty taken on that campaign.

The bearer of intelligence information received a reward if his information proved useful. The interceptor of a Muslim message who brought the content of this communication to the concejo obtained an award of five maravedís if a victorious encounter followed. In the same Cuenca-Teruel family of charters persons sent out by the royal señor and the alcaldes to gather intelligence could secure as much as one-half of the booty captured if their information led to a successful conflict, surely a remarkable example of enrichment through daring.⁽⁴⁵⁾ Crucial acts of heroism similarly merited consideration at the time the spoils were divided. The Leonese Extremaduran charters awarded the knight or peón who first broke through the gateway of a castle or town any booty lying near the place of forced entry. The charters of the Castilian and Aragonese Cordillera gave a Muslim prisoner as a slave to that soldier who performed this same act of valor, the slave to be shared if more than one forced entry at the same time. The Alfonsine codes listed large monetary awards along with property and slaves granted for forcing a gateway, awards more generous than the towns could afford. At the same time the royal codes pointed out that these spectacular deeds proved more valuable when accomplished by courageous boldness than by stealth.⁽⁴⁶⁾

People also secured a reward for bringing a Muslim commander (adalid) to the concejo. The Cuenca-Teruel family paid ten [177] maravedís to those accomplishing such a capture, while offering five maravedís for bringing back the decapitated head of one of these leaders. Coria, Castello-Bom, Cáceres and Usagre, on the other hand, simply paid ten maravedís to anyone who brought back the head of an enemy leader. If these renegades constituted a potential future menace, the Castilian charters allow the town officials to forego any royal fees gained from turning them over to the king by executing such captives while the towns had them in their custody.⁽⁴⁷⁾ Should the Muslim captain survive capture, the king maintained the first option to select any such chieftain, garrison commander or other important officials whom the municipal militias obtained, provided the monarch offered to pay a fee of one hundred maravedís to the town in exchange for the valued captive.⁽⁴⁸⁾ References also appear citing premiums paid to those who unhorsed an enemy cavalryman on the battlefield. The Leonese Extremaduran charters show less generosity, permitting the knight or peón anything in the grounded warrior's possession except the horse. The Castilian Cordilleran charters grant the horse itself to the victor if the enemy knight has been blocking a gateway to a castle or town; otherwise, if the deed had been accomplished outside the primary area of the battle where the victor had pursued his opponent, the winner has the choice of a shield, sword or saddle. In the case of Castile and Aragon, this law offers one of the critical occasions when a peón might change his social status by the acquisition of a horse through combat heroism.⁽⁴⁹⁾

The salary of municipal officials and functionaries who participated in the campaign and who possessed sufficient importance to merit monetary compensation was provided by another allotment drawn from the proceeds of combat. Municipal officials who served with the militia could receive payment both in money and in booty shares, and occasionally both. In the Cuenca-Teruel charter, the juez received two shares of booty in the Castilian fueros and six shares in the Aragonese.⁽⁵⁰⁾ The Cuenca-Teruel charters also gave the juez a monetary fee on top of the shares, graded to the amount of booty taken and the number of shares to be partitioned.⁽⁵¹⁾ The alcaldes received fees, shares or a combination of both, depending on the town and its charter pattern.⁽⁵²⁾Quadrilleros, the parish dividers of booty, obtained a normal share plus an extra share of booty in the Cuenca-Teruel charters.⁽⁵³⁾ Town officials, such as the gatekeeper (portero or janitor), whose duties required that they remain behind when the militia sallied forth into the field received a share for supporting the military effort by the nature of their office.⁽⁵⁴⁾

The combat leaders and other functionaries also received a salary for their efforts in behalf of the militia. The combat commander (adalid) received an extra share in Uclés, the Cuenca-Teruel towns, most of the towns in the Coria Cima-Coa group, and in the Siete partidas. The [178] Cuenca-Teruel family notes that this is to be reduced to one share if more than one person had held command position during the expedition.⁽⁵⁵⁾ In addition, the Castilian fueros maintained a provision for an adalid who led the militia into a town and captured it. The commander was then granted the choice of a house and its attached properties, and if he were a Muslim fighting for the Christians, he received in addition a pledge of safety for all of his kin in that town.⁽⁵⁶⁾ The scouts (atalayeros) received the same pay as the alcaldes in both the Castilian-Aragonese cordillera and in Leonese Extremadura, although they gained an extra fee if their duties carried them beyond a predetermined boundary from the town. The Siete partidas recommends that they also be awarded any booty item that they find as an incentive to compensate for the risky nature of their work.⁽⁵⁷⁾ Guards usually received a sheep for faithful rendering of their militia duties in the Cuenca-Teruel charters. The Alfonsine charters recommend that they, like the scouts, be paid first to assure their trustworthiness.⁽⁵⁸⁾

Administrative, medical and religious officials also gained rewards. The town clerks of the Cuenca-Teruel charters who kept the records of the militia both during the campaign and during the auction that followed received a fee for their services, if the militia had gained any booty, as well as a Muslim prisoner, assuming any had been captured. However, in Teruel, Albarracín, and later in Córdoba, Carmona and Lorca the clerk receives a booty share, as well. Some of the later Cuenca charters (Alarcón, Baeza, Iznatoraf, Alcázar and Úbeda) award the clerk a share when extra shares were given to the town, but normally the clerk did not participate in share division in the Cordilleran charters.⁽⁵⁹⁾ The fueros note fees for medical officers and surgeons (maestros de llagas and ciruganos). At Molina de Aragon one is reminded of the country doctor of an earlier day receiving pay in both money and kind. The doctor garnered twenty sueldos, thirty loaves of bread, five measures of wine and a sheep for tending a wound to the head where bones protruded. If a lance broke two skin surfaces (thus requiring two bandages), he mended it for ten sueldos. All other wounds required a compensation of five sueldos. In the Cuenca-Teruel charters, the set fee was twenty mencales-sueldos for broken bones requiring splints, ten for the wound involving two skin surfaces, five for all others.⁽⁶⁰⁾ The Castilian Cordillera towns granted chaplains a Muslim prisoner when any were captured, although the chaplains had to have served with the militia in the field to receive the award.⁽⁶¹⁾ If by some chance the militia fails to set aside the proper payments prior to the completion of the division, the Siete partidas [179] provided for the creation of a commission to make ad hoc decisions on paying them. The commission was to consist of men with the characteristics of quadrilleros to assure just decisions, and its number is to be uneven to avoid the possibility of tie votes.⁽⁶²⁾

The question of prisoner exchange and the rights of men captured by the enemy also remained as a potentially serious complication which could affect the number of shares and the amount of booty available for division. Prior to the mid-twelfth century, prisoners of war could anticipate extermination or slavery as the routine result of their misfortune in falling into enemy hands. The mid-twelfth begins to signal a change of view in the charters of Aragon and Castile, where a strong trend emerges stressing the obligation to attempt redemption of Christian captives. They achieved this end through maintaining Muslim captives whom they used to trade for their Christian counterparts.⁽⁶³⁾ By the thirteenth century, the Cordilleran charters and those of Leonese Extremadura, among others, reflect the view that captives of the enemy have a right to redemption by their fellow Christian townsmen if it is possible to do so. The Alfonsine codes echo this sentiment and specify in some detail the rights possessed in absencia by such captives. The Siete partidas eloquently distinguishes the prisionero who is merely serving a term in the prison of his co-religionists from the hapless cautivo, who has come into the possession of the Muslim enemy without protections or set length of term. The urgency to free an individual from this "worst of all misfortunes" is clear. It is equally clear that booty plays an important role in meeting that obligation.⁽⁶⁴⁾ The rights of captives included the protection of their property while they remained in prison, continued possession of that property for at least four years after capture, and the right to make a valid will. Not until the captive died in captivity could his relatives take his property to settle his estate. However, captives could forfeit their rights for redemption if they failed to resist capture or did not seize their freedom once ransomed.⁽⁶⁵⁾

The Castilian-Aragonese Cordillera addresses the question of captive rights most directly, indemnifying all equipment and animals that the captive lost as the result of capture. The concejo then selected a Muslim prisoner of similar rank (knight for knight, infantryman for infantryman) from the municipality's enemy captives and traded him for the lost Christian townsman. If division of the Muslim prisoners had already taken place when the town became aware of the imprisoned status of one of its citizens, anyone who sold a Muslim prisoner to another citizen wishing to trade that prisoner for a Christian captive received a bonus of ten maravedís from the booty receipts. In similar circumstances the charter of Viguera obligated the purchaser of a Muslim prisoner [180] to render him up for trading, giving the former owner a set fee of one hundred twenty sueldos. To assist the trading process with fiscal support, the Cuenca-Teruel group deducted the Muslim traded for a Christian from the king's quinto, while Toledo, Córdoba, Carmona, Alicante and Lorca freed the owners of the Muslim from the portago commercial tax when they were traded. If the expedition captured no Muslims to use for trading, the Siete partidas authorized the seizing of booty receipts to acquire the ransom funds.⁽⁶⁶⁾

The Coria Cima-Coa charters offer a far less clear mandate in Extremadura to re-secure a captive from Muslim hands. To be sure, these towns allot one share in every eleven for potential captive redemption, but no directive compels the militia to yield Muslim prisoners for Christian ones; rather, the new owners of these Muslim captives received fiscal incentives from the allotted shares to give their Islamic prisoners over for Christian redemption. The towns authorized the offering of a thirty maravedí fee prior to division to the individual who captured a Muslim (insuring a floor value prior to the competitive risk of auction), and up to one hundred maravedís after division. Once the Muslim had been purchased after the auction, one and one-half times the auction price was allowed to persuade the new owner to release him for trade. Alfaiates evidenced concern that some unscrupulous person might secure the lower pre-division price by pressing a redemption on the relatives of a recent Christian captive while making a windfall profit on the sale of the Muslim prisoners in the bargain. By and large, the writers of the Extremaduran charters preferred to let relatives of the captives take their own initiative, aided by the financial bonuses to free the necessary Muslim negotiating pawns. While these towns made it possible to inflate the set fee with two additional animals from the booty to induce the owner of a Muslim captive to sell, the alcaldes risked voiding the entire arrangement by pressing the owner too hard. Should the relatives or friends of the Christian captive make any money in actualizing the ransom, that profit had to go to the original owner of the Muslim who made the trade possible. If it proved impossible to complete a Muslim-for-Christian trade, the original owner reclaimed his Muslim slave and the family received another Muslim prisoner, or the best animal in the booty herd, as compensation for their human loss.⁽⁶⁷⁾

The commercial and cultural interchange that accompanied military hostilities produced an official able to move in both worlds and equipped to negotiate the ransom and exchange of prisoners. [181] This figure, called either the alfaqueque, axea, exea or requero, appears in the Cuenca-Teruel and Coria Cima-Coa groups of charters as well as in the Siete partidas. The Alfonsine code lays down the important qualifications which such intermediaries ought to possess: stable property owners relatively free from greed (a self-flattery clearly indicating that they had something to do with framing this statute); since they would be functioning in two different worlds, they would need to speak vernacular Spanish and Arabic, familiarity with both cultures, and courage and strong faith. The alfaqueque could be commissioned by the king or an individual town and possessed wide latitude in authority during his mission. The Siete partidas urged that he be well paid, and the municipal fueros appear to have met that standard. The alfaqueque received a commission of one tenth of the ransom money he handled as well as one maravedí for each Christian-Muslim captive exchange he arranged. He was also free to ransom a captive on his own volition for payment from the relatives upon his return. The alfaqueque considered himself free to return this captive if the anticipated funds proved unavailable.⁽⁶⁸⁾

Some disagreement exists concerning alfaqueque procedures between the Cuenca-Teruel charters and the Siete partidas. On one hand, the royal code has him carry a royal pennant, take direct routes to the places of captivity, avoid Christian armies lest he accidentally or deliberately be able to render military information to the enemy, and carry no unnecessary merchandise with him to clutter his mission with mundane business matters. He faced stiff penalties if he lost funds, mistreated captives or delayed unnecessarily in freeing them. It seems clear from the Cordilleran fueros, on the other hand, that the alfaqueque had a complex mission of commerce, mercenary enterprise and mercy. The ransomer led a rather special expedition called a requa, intended to be as peaceful as the fonsado was bellicose. He held total responsibility for any fiscal losses sustained in the journey, had the power of justice over any other individuals accompanying him on the requa, and kept careful records of all transactions. The requa apparently included herds of animals moving across the frontier, for which the alfaqueque received a fee based on the number of animals he had in custody. Once the alfaqueque had secured his captives, he also received a maravedí (solido) per day per captive to feed his human charges if he had to keep them in his own house. Conversely, disloyalty to the concejo that hired him could mean his death.⁽⁶⁹⁾

Some situations which governed the division of spoils required special attention. Among the most frequently cited was the problem that arose when one part of the militia won a victory and claimed sole possession [182] of the booty thereby won. The Chronicle of Ávila offers an early instance of this in Count Raymond of Burgundy's era when the Count ruled in behalf of the early victors, a view that came to represent standard municipal policy. While the Cuenca-Teruel charters bespeak of a need for the more fortunate in battle to share with those less successful, in some instances, especially when the militia mustered for defense, the clear right to the resultant booty went to the direct participants in an action if they constituted a forward element which achieved success before the rear guard reached the battle site to assist the winners.⁽⁷⁰⁾ Skirmishers who won booty in sallies and frays connected with the siege of a town or castle customarily received exclusive claim to the booty they captured on the grounds that they rendered a considerable contribution to the eventual defeat of the enemy. In cases where uncertainty existed concerning the number of participants in an action, the Siete partidas states that anyone within the visual range of those known to have participated in the action ought to receive a portion. In another instance, when a force pursuing an enemy squadron remained in the field overnight, its participants retained such booty as they could gain in these circumstances. One occasion where a victorious party had to share the booty with others who may not have fought is delineated in both the Espéculo and the Siete partidas relating to the case of coordinated ambushes, where one side had agreed in advance to hold back their attack better to effect the achievement of surprise. These scattered exceptions to the normal division of booty appear in the royal codes, but not in the municipal documents. Nonetheless, they are likely to represent standard procedures.⁽⁷¹⁾

Booty questions also arose regarding the continual stealing of cattle between the Christian and Muslim towns of the frontier. These Christian cattle rustlers were usually entitled to an portion of the Moorish livestock they had seized. Leonese Extremadura offered a rather generous fifth of the captured animals to the rustlers while the Castilian-Aragonese Cordillera awarded one thirtieth of the captured sheep and cattle inside the boundaries of the town, and one-tenth beyond the boundaries.⁽⁷²⁾ If the rustlers penetrated an enemy fortress or town to obtain their animals, they could keep all that they gathered.⁽⁷³⁾ The Cordillera towns also awarded fees for Muslim prisoners, horses and mules taken in these circumstances, five maravedís in each case on the Castilian side and one maravedí for men and horses, one-half a maravedí for mules, on the Aragonese side.⁽⁷⁴⁾ Cáceres and Usagre indicated their concern that the theft of animals might lead by accident or design to the theft of the town's own flocks and herds by fining any legitimate militia muster under an [183] adalid one maravedí a head for seizing municipal animals while on defensive patrol.⁽⁷⁵⁾

An even further complication revolved around material which had belonged to the townsmen or their neighbors and had been lost to enemy raiding. If a Muslim foray captured booty, and then in turn they were routed by the militia which recaptured the lost material, the general principle prevailed that these items should be returned to their owners. On occasion this meant a fee to the finder, as when the Espéculo recommends that a horse returned to its owner within a year of its loss should secure a reward of one maravedí. Beyond a year, presumably the finder retained the horse. In the case of human booty recovered, recaptured Christian, Muslim and Jewish prisoners formerly living in Christian Castile were to be restored to their families and goods. Should any of the retaken Muslims not wish to return, their captors dealt with them as though they were Muslim prisoners of war.⁽⁷⁶⁾ In retaking a town, former property owners could enter a claim even after four years. Some of the Castilian charters derived from Cuenca call for restraint in occupying former properties until the army which regained them had returned. In the event of disputes in land ownership under these circumstances, the quadrilleros became the arbitrators and awarded lands to those who first worked them.⁽⁷⁷⁾ As an encouragement to turn booty in when one came upon it in the wake of battle, in Castile the finder was awarded a quarter of its value after it was held for nine days. In León, the finder received one maravedí for anything he found.⁽⁷⁸⁾

The codifiers of the Espéculo and the Siete partidas implicitly assume that the taking of booty had limits in combat. The Alfonsine codes recommend that booty not be collected and divided until at least nine days (in the Espéculo) or later three days (in the Siete partidas) after the battle, so that no one would forget that the primary objective following a victory was the pursuit of the enemy. Pillaging was not to commence while the battle or siege was still in progress. The Espéculo points out that this giving way to greed constituted a kind of robbery, tempted men to hide items from their comrades and from the king, and offered the enemy an opportunity for counterattack which could jeopardize the entire enterprise.⁽⁷⁹⁾ Furthermore, the monarch assumed the right to choose the military objectives and determine the amount of looting permitted in the siege of a town. If residents of a municipality received the protection of their property or permission to leave with their movable goods, the warriors were to honor these terms under threat of punishment from the king. Towns destroyed by a victorious Christian army [184] had to be restored to an approximation of their original state once they were captured. Even the casual plundering of a watering place drew punishment at Viguera.⁽⁸⁰⁾ Unbridled lust for booty which lost sight of community interests and the basic objective of victory went sharply against the grain of municipal and royal tradition, despite the importance of spoils in the municipal economy and the military system of Castile.

The municipal documents of Leon-Castile and Cordilleran Aragon indicate the importance of spoils. For one, the acquisition of booty contributed to the towns' ability to fight. It placed the military ordnance needed to perform active combat in the hands of townsmen. Moreover, spoils division assured the municipal warrior a continuing supply of arms and equipment to replace and upgrade the weaponry of past campaigns. In the municipal willingness to share spoils in order to insure against irreparable losses, we see one of the finest demonstrations of the militia as a community enterprise, binding its citizens together in mutual endeavor and concern. Booty also served as a limited insurance against combat risks, including the loss of life, animals and equipment, which faced the militiaman as he departed through the gates of the town. The loss of his life could leave his family without a breadwinner and possibly a male heir. For a knight, the death of his horse could seriously affect his future social and political status. The destruction of scarce and expensive combat gear could end his future ability to return to the field. No prudent individual would therefore undertake so formidable a risk unless compensation and profit tempered the danger. Compensation for loss, human, animal and material, was assured by the town so that the knight and footsoldier might go forth to battle with confidence.

Secondly, the extent of the law devoted to the question of booty division in the best developed charter families of Upper Aragon, Castile and the Leonese-Portuguese Extremadura suggests that warfare and its resultant booty constituted a regular part of the daily life of the towns. In the light of that realization another follows closely: booty greatly affected the economy of these frontier towns. Ubieto Arteta and Gautier-Dalché have attempted general assessments of the economic impact of this warfare on the frontier towns, but nothing more clearly indicates the critical role played by booty than the extensive and detailed concern for its management shown in these fueros.⁽⁸¹⁾ That such matters occupied the attention of the municipal charters and the Alfonsine codes to the extent that they did strongly underlines a potential dependency on warfare and its profits as a supplement to the narrow livestock economy of many of these Meseta towns. The citizen could return from combat enriched, sometimes substantially enriched, [185] as the result of his battle prowess. Horses and other valuable animals could alter one's social status, while new equipment could enhance one's established position in the town. A Muslim laborer, a well-made shield, a small flock of sheep, all these could affect the position and creature comforts one enjoyed in the municipality. For the participant his share of the auctioned booty proved an assured dividend even if the expedition or patrol had not bestowed a chance for profitable heroism or a lucky find. To the lower economic classes the opportunity for fees gained by performing smaller tasks such as guard duty had their economic value.

One also suspects that the townsmen were not alone in their appreciation of the commercial value of booty, and may not even have been its prime beneficiaries. The history of warfare is replete with camp-followers, sutlers and traders who peddle goods to soldiers and purchase booty from them. Individuals in possession of sufficient liquid wealth could doubtless strike good bargains at the municipal auctions in the paraphernalia of combat, where one militia's glutted booty collection could be marketed in a town with a less successful campaigning season a few kilometers away. Some of this clearly fed an arms trade which did not necessarily respect the Christian and Muslim frontier. The municipal charters begin to legislate against arms trading with the Muslims in the mid-twelfth century, and by the age of the Cuenca-Teruel and Coria Cima-Coa charters, stiff penalties awaited those who defied these restrictions. In the Cordilleran charters the sanctions against trading arms with other Christians, carrying lighter fines, are interestingly located in the section of those codes which deal with the Jews, rather than in the military laws which follow in a few folios. The prohibitions against selling arms to the Muslims bear much higher penalties and are directed at Christian, Muslim and Jewish citizens. These latter laws are located in the earlier, more commercial section of the codes.⁽⁸²⁾ These considerations may also underlie the watchful legislation governing the alfaqueques who had opportunities for such arms operations as they migrated back and forth across the frontiers during the course of their prisoner exchanges.

The mentality behind this foral legislation is that of a society balancing a variety of loyalties, to community, to church, to region and to king. It was a society of individuals who were not necessarily professional soldiers, whose day to day dependence on their skills and intellect was both enriched and threatened by war, and who did not embrace the too often assumed chivalric and crusading ideals that imposed themselves on the writing of medieval military history. The necessity of fighting bred a hard-headedness [186] into these hard working vecinos, who saw a need to legislate war's impact on their lives and to make some effort to share the profits and damages which it arbitrarily imposed upon them.

The charters also point to a more gradual process at work on the frontier, the tendency to reinforce the emerging social divisions. Certainly the equality of damage compensations suggest that hardships should weigh without social considerations, and social mobility continued through entry into lower aristocracy of the urban knightly class by the acquisition of a horse. Nonetheless, the increasing array of knightly equipment made the transition from peón to caballero gradually less likely. Battle situations greatly favored the knight in the acquisition of booty, and the knight's ability to join the fast-moving mounted raiding parties provided opportunities for spoils the unmounted militiaman never encountered. Even more interesting, since the weapons themselves provided tax advantages and the entrée to combat profits, the accumulation of weaponry and equipment over time allowed individuals to gain control over groups of their fellow residents by either providing these valuable items for others at a cost or securing for them an exemption from combat, or taxes, or both. A large arsenal of military gear acquired by a family built up during decades of frontier combat permitted them to exercise influence over others as well as to maintain their ability to secure new supplies as the Reconquest progressed. The unified format of Alfonso X's charters based on the Toledo pattern stress the knight's ability to accumulate and display the military paraphernalia of his rank and the exemptions to be thus acquired by them. This emphasis suggests that the social and economic lines had already begun to harden.

What does this tell us regarding those areas outside of Upper Aragon, Castile and the Leonese-Portuguese Extremadura? To be sure, the townsmen of Portugal, Navarre and Catalonia fought and acquired booty. Certainly this booty underwent some form of division that resulted in profit for municipal residents. One must be cautious in arguing from a lack of informative charters what the role of booty must have been in these territories. Yet it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that booty, whatever amount of it may have been generated by their warfare, simply did not exert the same influence in Portugal and Catalonia that it did in Upper Aragon, Castile and Leon. On occasion the king-count of the Crown of Aragon offered salaries to participants of campaigns, obviating the need of booty.⁽⁸³⁾ The seas on which they bordered provided a lively maritime economy which would have distracted them from any serious dependence on frontier booty. Because they lacked a livestock economy, the extension of grazing areas and the protection of [187] flocks meant little to the coastal economies, and the rustling of animal booty was of marginal interest. No evidence exists to demonstrate that they chose to institutionalize booty acquisition and division in the manner of the towns of the central peninsula. Rather, it was the towns of the Cordillera, the Meseta, Extremadura and Andalusia that this practice typified, glorified and ultimately severely limited.

1. PCG, 2:691.

2. CAI, 32-33, 92-95, 98-99, 126-32. "Anales Toledanos I," 23:397-98. CPA, 23-24. "Carta de Arnaldo Amalarico," 174. IIM, 2:41, where the militias of Santarém and Lisbon are discussed in a Muslim source. Muntaner, "Crònica de Ramon Muntaner," Ch. 13.

3. CAI, 95-97. IIM, 2:4-6, 28-29. AMC, 17:1-3, 14.

4. Dufourcq and Gautier-Dalché, Histoire économique et sociale, 79-82. Grassotti, "Para la historia del botín," 39-40:68-72. Tenorio, "Las milicias de Sevilla," 17:223-24.

5. CPA, 37.

6.  "Fuero de Nájera, 1076," 2:84-85. "Foral concedido aos habitantes de Coimbra, 1111," 1:32. "Foral outorgado aos habitantes de Soure," 1:33. "Fuero de Cáseda," 475. "Fuero de Carcastillo," 470-71. "(Foral de) Numão, 1130," 1:370. "Fuero de Marañon," 2:119-22. "Foral de Seia," 1:177-78. "Fuero de Daroca, 1142," 362-63. "Fuero de Peralta," 549. "Carta de foral concedida aos moradores de Sintra," 1:301. "D. Afonso Henriques faz doação de Barcelos," 1:321. "(Foral de) Thomar," 1:388. "Foral outorgado aos habitantes de Monsanto," 1:421. "(Foral de) Pombal," 1:398. The fifth tax is mentioned throughout the Santarém family in Portugal (see Appendix A). "(Foral de) Germanello," 1:433. "Fuero de Uclés, 1179," 2:518. "Carta de población de Pinell, 1207," 1:307.

7. Fuero de Calatayud, 37. "Fuero de Guadalajara (1137)," 108-11. FDaroca, 366-67. "Fuero de Escalona, 1130," 45:465. García-Gallo dates this part of Escalona's fuero in the later twelfth century.

8. FCarcastillo, 470. FCalatayud 37. FGuadalajara 1137, 108. "Fuero de Yanguas, 1145," 4:84. The entire family of the Ávila-Évora charters contain a horse indemnification law (see Appendix A). Fuero de Alfambra, 21, 33. FUclés 1179, 2:519. "Fuero de Medinaceli," 441, 443.

9. FCfs, 30:16. FCmsp, 30:14. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 487. FCcv, 3:14:10. FTR, 581. FAlbR, 182. FP, 503. FAlz, 10:16. FAln, 606. FH, f. 83v. FZ, 623. FBa, 682. FI, 654. FAlr, f. 97r. FUb, 54N. MS8331, 701. FBe, 910. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:13. FCM, 311. FCA, 177. FCB, 108. FU, 179. Only Cáceres and Usagre cite the quadreleros in this process, as the remainder of the Coria Cima-Coa group leave this task in the hands of the alcaldes assisted by the adalids. Las siete partidas, 2:26:12-13, 32.

10. FCfs, 30:17, 64-65. FCmsp, 30:15, 60-61. FTL, 426, 445. FAlbL, 487, 493. FCcv, 3:14:10, 37. FTR, 581, 609-10. FAlbR, 182-83, 189. FP, 503, 527. FAlz, 10:17, 64-65. FAln, 607-08, 641-42. FH, ff. 83v, 86v-87r. FZ, 624, 668-69. FBa, 683, 723-24. FI, 655, 693-94. FAlr, ff. 97r, 101r. FUb, 54\, 54G"-54H". MS8331, 701, 733. FBe, 911, 961-62. FVH, 510, 541. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:13. FCM, 311. FCA, 177. FCB, 108. FU, 179. In the Coria family, the alcalde had the primary responsibility for booty division, but he could delegate it to the lesser officials.

11. FCfs, 30:36, 43:17. FCmsp, 30:33, 43:12. FTL, 432, 544. FAlbL, 489-90. FCcv, 3:14:23, 4:14:12. FTR, 591, 780. FAlbR, 186, 235. FP, 513. FAlz, 10:36, 12:64. FAln, 623, 815. FH, ff. 84v, 112v. FZ, 642, 840. FBa, 700, 908. FI, 671, 874. FAlr, ff. 99r, 126v. FUb, 54F', 92. MS8331, 714, 747. FBe, 930. FVH, 525. FA, 378. FCO, 112, 357. FCR, 8:13, 22. FCM, 311, 320. FCA, 177, 361. FCB, 108, 370. FU, 179, 370.

12.  In the case of battles fought in the vicinity of the town, the rent collectors and hired workers of a landlord were expected to turn in any booty they found to their landlord, who presumably brought such materials to the proper officials to make his claim. FCfs, 3:29, 38:9. FCmsp, 3:29, 38:9. FTL, 301, 500. FCcv, 1:3:19, 1:7:9. FTR, 414, 709. FAlbR, 139, 213. FP, 409, 413. FAlz, 2:60, 11:106. FAln, 85, 750. FH, ff. 14r, 101v. FZ, 76, 779. FBa, 83, 846. FI, 82, 808. FAlr, ff. 18r, 115v. FUb, 10:8A, 65I. MS8331, 161, 643. FBe, 104. FVH, 81, 625.

13. FCfs, 30:5-6, 61. FCmsp, 30:5-6, 57. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 485. FCcv, 3:14:4-5, 35. FTR, 575. FAlbR, 181. Teruel and Albarracín lack any reference to the auction, although referring to many of the other laws that are covered in the Cuenca group by the auctioning process. FP, 496-97, 526. FAlz, 10:5-6, 61. FAln, 595, 598, 638. FH, ff. 82r-82v, 86v. FZ, 613-14, 665. FBa, 674-75, 720. FI, 643, 646, 690. FAlr, ff. 95v-96r, 101r. FUb, 54E-54F, 54D". MS8331, 695-96, 730. FBe, 897, 899, 957-58. FVH, 539. The indirect Leonese evidence consists in the requirement that those excused from military service obligations in these towns had to pay a double pledge to make a credit bid on an item at auction, suggesting that those who had rendered military service had preferential rights over the items in such auctions, i.e. spoils. FA, 181, 378, 384. FCO, 173, 357, 361. FCR, 8:22-23, 50. FCM, 320-21, 348. FCA, 176, 361, 365. FCB, 178, 370, 374. FU, 178, 370, 374. The process of spoils division in the Leonese towns involved the casting of lots for the right to select items of booty. Fuero de Viguera y Val de Funes, 5. "El espéculo o espejo de todos los derechos," 3:7:14. Siete partidas, 2:26:27-28.

14. FCfs, 16:53, 30:61. FCmsp, 16:54, 30:57. FCcv, 2:6:34, 3:14:35. FP, 186-89, 526. FAlz, 6:55, 10:61. FAln, 409, 638. FH, ff. 55v, 86v. FZ, 371, 665. FBa, 447, 720. FI, 443, 690. FAlr, ff. 67v, 101r. FUb, 38G-38H, 54D". MS8331, 399, 730. FBe, 570, 957-58. FVH, 407, 539. Siete partidas, 2:26:32-34.

15. FCfs, 30:49-50. FCmsp, 30:46-47. FTL, 444. FAlbL, 491-92. FCcv, 3:14:29-30. FTR, 602-03. FAlbR, 188. FP, 521. FAlz, 10:49-50. FAln, 630-31. FH, f. 85v. FZ, 655. FBa, 710-11. FI, 681-82. FAlr, ff. 99v-100r. FUb, 54R'-54S'. MS8331, 722-23. FBe, 943-45. FVH, 532-33. FA, 181. FCO, 173. FCR, 8:51 FCM, 349. FCA, 176. FCB, 178. FU, 178. Disputants acquired the use of an animal or a money fee until the matter was resolved in the Leonese Extremaduran charters. Siete partidas, 2:26:13, 32. The Alfonsine code permitted individuals to choose articles from the collected booty prior to the auction if that item was deducted from their share.

16. FCfs, 30:43-44. FCmsp, 30:40-41. FTL, 439-40. FAlbL, 490-91. FCcv, 3:14:27. FTR, 597-98. FAlbR, 187. FP, 518. FAlz, 10:43-44. FAln, 626-27. FH, f. 85r. FZ, 648-49. FBa, 705-06. FI, 676-77. FAlr, ff. 99r-99v. FUb, 54M'-54N'. MS8331, 718-19. FBe, 937-38. FVH, 529. Espéculo, 3:8:8. Siete partidas, 2:26:32. On occasion, the pledging of objects was allowed, as in the case of a particularly valuable sword at Viguera, FViguera y Val de Funes, 25.

17. FCfs, 30:52-54, 64-65, 31:14. FCmsp, 30:49-51, 60-61, 31:10. FTL, 444-45, 452. FAlbL, 492-93. FCcv, 3:14:32, 37, 3:15:9. FTR, 603-04, 609-10, 621. FAlbR, 188-89, 192. FP, 523, 527, 537. FAlz, 10:52-54, 64-65, 79. FAln, 632-33, 641-42, 654. FH, ff. 86r-87r, 88v. FZ, 657-59, 668-69, 681. FBa, 713-15, 623-24, 738. FI, 684-86, 693-94, 708. FAlr, ff. 100r-101r, 102v. FUb, 54U'-54V', 54G"-54H", 55J. MS8331, 725, 733, 743. FBe, 947-50, 961-62, 981. FVH, 535, 541, 548. The later Cuenca-pattern towns of Plasencia, Alcaraz, Alarcón, Zorita, Baeza, Iznatoraf, Alcázar, Úbeda, the Arsenal manuscript and Béjar extend the period of liability for the hidden item to three nine-day periods.

18.  "Fueros de León y Carrión, 1114," 49. FCarcastillo, 470. FCalatayud, 37. From 1166, the Évora charter family contains such an indemnity law (see Appendix A). FUclés 1179, 2:519. FCfs, 30:20. FCmsp, 30:18. FTL, 487. FAlbL, 426. FCcv, 3:14:12. FTR, 582. FAlbR, 183. FP, 505. FAlz, 10:20. FAln, 610. FH, f. 84r. FZ, 627. FBa, 686. FI, 658. FAlr, f. 97v. FUb, 54Q. MS8331, 703. FBe, 914. FVH, 513. El fuero de Brihuega, 160. Espéculo, 3:7:11. Ramos y Loscertales, El cautiverio en la Corona de Aragón, 117-20.

19. FCfs, 30:24. FCmsp, 30:22. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 488. FCcv, 3:14:15. FTR, 584. FAlbR, 184. FP, 507. Plasencia offered 5 mrs. for broken bones, 4 mrs. for the wound that punctured two surfaces, and 2 mrs. for the one-surface wound. FAlz, 10:24. FAln, 614. FZ, 631. FBa, 690. FI, 661. FAlr, f. 98r. FUb, 54U. MS8331, 706-07, which add 10mrs. for a leg or arm wound which requires a splint. FBe, 919-20. FVH, 516. FA, 181. FCO, 173. FCR, 8:50. FCM, 348. FCA, 176. FCB, 178. FU, 178. Espéculo, 3:7:11. Siete partidas, 2:25:2-3.

20. FCfs, 30:19. FCmsp, 30:17. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 487. FCcv, 3:14:11. FTR, 582. FAlbR, 183. FP, 503. FAlz, 10:19. FAln, 609. FH, f. 84r. FZ, 626. FBa, 685. FI, 657. FAlr, ff. 97r-97v. FUb, 54P. MS8331, 702-03. FBe, 913. FVH, 512. FA, 181. FCO, 173. FCR, 8:50. FCM, 348. FCA, 176. FCB, 178. FU, 178. FViguera y Val de Funes, 5. Siete partidas, 2:25:5.

21. Espéculo, 3:7:11. Siete partidas, 2:25:2-3.

22. FA, 352. FCR, 8:41. FCM, 339. FCA, 336. FCB, 343. FU, 345. It should be noted, nonetheless, that the coin of the realm was devalued seven times between 1268 and 1285. Carlé, "El precio de la vida en Castilla," 15:135-36.

23. FGuadalajara 1137, 108. FYanguas 1145, 4:84. FMedinaceli, 441. FAlfambra, 21. The entire family of the Ávila-Évora charters contain a horse indemnification law (see Appendix A).

24.  "Fuero de Cetina," 24:591. "Fuero de Laguardia, 1164," 1:222. FAlfambra, 21, 36. "Fuero de Bernedo," 1:232. "Fuero de Antoñana," 1:229. FCfs, 1:6, 30:23. FCmsp, 1:7, 30:21. FTL, 9, 10. FCcv, 1:1:6, 3:14:14. FTR, 6, 8. FAlbR, 7. FP, 2, 506. FAlz, 1:7-8, 10:23. FAln, 6, 613. FH, f. 4r. FZ, 7, 630. FBa, 7, 689. FI, 4, 660. FAlr, ff. 6v, 97v-98r. FUb, 2A, 54T. MS8331, 7, 706. FBe, 8-9, 918. FVH, 7, 515. FA, 169, 183. FCO, 163. FCR, 7:8. FCM, 274. "Fuero latino de Cáceres," v. FCA, 165. FCB, 167. FU, 167. "Fuero de Inzura," 56-60. "Fueros de Laguardia, 1208," 81. "Fuero de la Burunda," 85-86. "Fuero de Viana, 1219," 35:417. "Fueros y privilegios de Aguilar, 1219," 159. FViguera y Val de Funes, 5. "Fuero de Alcalá de Henares," Sánchez, ed., 285, 308. "Fuero de la villa de Palenzuela, 1220," 218. "El fuero de Uclés, c. 1227," 14:334. FLedesma, 264. "Fueros que dió a Molina el Infante D. Alfonso," 47. "Fuero de Ávila, 1256," 2:491. "Fuero de los escusados o franquicias de Arévalo, 1256," 1:266. "Alfonso X el Sabio confirma los fueros extensos de Cuéllar," 43. "Privilegio del Rey D. Alfonso X concediendo a la ciudad de Burgos, 1256," 1:97-98. "Privilegio del Rey D. Alfonso X concediendo al concejo de Buitrago," 1:93-94. "Privilegio de Rey D. Alfonso X, concediendo a la villa de Peñafiel, 1256," 1:89-90. Fuero de Trujillo, MSS 430, f. 50r. "El fuero de Atienza," 68:267. "Privilegio del Rey D. Alfonso X de Escalona, 5 marzo 1261," 1:178. "Libro del fuero real y franquezas de Madrid, 1262," 9:53. "Privilegio del Rey D. Alfonso X concediendo a Valladolid," 1:225. "Cortes de Jérez de 1268," 1:72-73. "Llibre dels feits del Rei En Jaume," Ch. 220, where the king call for a new supply of horses, none to be valued over 100 morabetins. Sánchez-Albornoz, "El precio de la vida en el Reino de Asturleonés," 2:845-47.

25. FAlcalá, 310. FCfs, 30:24. FCmsp, 30:22. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 488x. FCcv, 3:14:15. FTR, 584. FAlbR, 184. FP, 507. Plasencia formed an exception, for its rates were five, four and two maravedís, respectively. These awards were far closer to those customary in the Coria Cima-Coa group. FAlz, 10:24. FAln, 614. Alarcón omitted the two surface wound fee. FZ, 631. FBa, 690. FI, 661. FAlr, f. 98r. FUb, 54U. MS8331, 706-07. FBe, 919-20. FVH, 516. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:12. FCM, 310. FCA, 177. FCB, 108. FU, 179. A number of thirteenth-century charters in Leon and Castile continued the earlier tendency of compensating horses without citing a particular figure. FCórdoba Rom, 3:213. "Fuero de Campomayor," 501. "Fuero romanceado de Sepúlveda, 1300," 92.

26.  Alfambra gave twenty morabetinos for a work horse, ten morabetinos for a mule, five morabetinos for an ox, and four morabetinos for an ass. FAlfambra, 21. FCfs, 30:23. FCmsp, 30:21. FTL, 9. FCcv, 3:14:14. FTR, 6. FAlbR, 6-7. Teruel and Albarracín do not state the amount of the awards they give to animals not horses or asses, merely that these animals are to be indemnified. FP, 506. Plasencia placed a fifteen maravedís maximum on awards for asses. FAlz, 10:23. FAln, 613. FZ, 630. FBa, 689. FI, 660. FAlr, ff. 97v-98r. FUb, 54T. MS8331, 706. FBe, 918. FViguera y Val de Funes, 14, giving one sueldo for an ox or an ass. The 1268 Cortes at Jérez established general prices for many animals at that time: mule, 70 maravedís; asses, 30 to 7 maravedís; cattle, between 9 and 5 maravedís; sheep, 5 maravedís; goats, between 18 and 5 maravedís; pigs, between 10 and 1 maravedís. Cortes de Jérez de 1268, 72-73. Espéculo, 3:7:12. It should be taken into account with all of these compensation figures that the maravedí was devalued to three-fifths of its 1187 value by 1223, and that the inflation of Alfonso X's reign caused seven devaluations of the coin of the realm between 1268 and 1285. See: Pastor de Togneri, Conflictos sociales, 239, and Carlé, "El precio de la vida," 15:135-36.

27. Siete partidas, 2:25:4-5.

28. FCfs, 31:5-8. FCmsp, 31:4. FTL, 9, 450. FAlbL, 494. FCcv, 3:15:4. FTR, 6, 615-16. FAlbR, 6-7, 190-91. FP, 532. FAlz, 10:71-73. FAln, 648-50. FH, ff. 87v-88r. FZ, 675. FBa, 729-32. FI, 699-701. FAlr, f. 102r. FUb, 55D. MS8331, 737-38. FBe, 792-93. FVH, 544. FA, 392. FCO, 112, 364. FCR, 7:18, 8:12. FCM, 284, 310. FCA, 177, 372. FCB, 108, 380. FU, 179, 381. FAlcalá, 308. Espéculo, 3:7:12. The Leonese fueros stressed the consultation of alcaldes and adalides in the assessing of wounded animals.

29. FCfs, 31:9-10. FCmsp, 31:5-6. FTL, 9, 450. FAlbL, 494. FCcv, 3:15:5. FTR, 6, 616. FAlbR, 6-7, 191. FP, 532. FAlz, 10:74-75. FAln, 650-51. FH, f. 88r. FZ, 676-77. FBa, 733-34. FI, 702-03. FAlr, f. 102r. FUb, 55E-55F. MS8331, 739. FBe, 974-75. FVH, 545. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:13. FCM, 311. FCA, 177. FCB, 108. FU, 179. FAlcalá, 326. Espéculo, 3:7:12. Siete partidas, 2:25:5.

30. FCfs, 31:7-8. FCmsp, 31:4. FTL, 450. FAlbL, 494. FCcv, 3:15:4. FTR, 616. FAlbR, 191. FP, 532. FAlz, 10:73. FAln, 649-50. FH, ff. 87v-88r. FZ, 675. FBa, 731-32. FI, 700-01. FAlr, f. 102r. FUb, 55D. MS8331, 737-38. FBe, 973. FVH, 544. FA, 169. FCO, 163. FCR, 7:8. FCM, 274. FCA, 165, 484. FCB, 167. FU, 167, 505. FAlcalá, 326. Espéculo, 3:7:12. Siete partidas, 2:25:5. FViguera y Val de Funes, 5. Viguera authorized the substitution of a booty share for its compensation award. On the defensive apellido, Cáceres and Usagre preferred that the compensation be made from the booty of that particular conflict.

31. FAlfambra, 33. FCfs, 30:32-33. FCmsp, 30:29-30. FTL, 428-29. FAlbL, 489. FCcv, 3:14:21. FTR, 589. FAlbR, 185. FP, 510. FAlz, 10:32-33. FAln, 619-20. FH, f. 84r. FZ, 638-39. FBa, 696-97. FI, 667-68. FAlr, f. 98v. FUb, 54B'-54C'. MS8331, 711. FBe, 926-27. FVH, 521-22. Espéculo, 3:7:12. Siete partidas, 2:25:5. The Alfambra list indemnifies a mail jacket with long sleeves (loriga) at fifty solidos, a shorter jacket (lorigon) at twenty-five solidos, a shield at ten solidos, a mail hood at five solidos and a sword at ten solidos. The tenth-century prices for this items ran at approximately ten sueldos for a shield, one hundred sueldos for a highly decorated sword, thirty sueldos for a decorated helmet and sixty sueldos for a mail jacket. Sánchez-Albornoz, "El precio de la vida," 2:845.

32. FAlfambra, 33. Alfambra also compensated the lance at ten solidos with a standard and five solidos without one. FCfs, 30:31. FCmsp, 30:28. FTL, 427. FAlbL, 489. FCcv, 3:14:20. FTR, 588. FAlbR, 185. FP, 509. FAlz, 10:31. FAln, 618. FZ, 637. FBa, 695. FI, 666. FAlr, f. 98v. FUb, 54A'. MS8331, 710. FBe, 925. FVH, 521. FA, 181. FCO, 173. FCR, 8:51. FCM, 349. FCA, 176. FCB, 178. FU, 178. "Fuero de Badajoz," 73-74, grants three maravedís for the more valuable lance.

33.  For an example of a Muslim fifth taken from Christians, see Ibn-Abì-Zarc, Rawd al-qirtâs, 1:110. FNájera, 2:84-85. FCoimbra 1111, 1:32. FSoure 1111, 1:33. FCáseda, 475. FCarcastillo, 470-71. FNumão, 1:370. FMarañon, 2:119-22. FSeia, 1:177-78. "Fuero del Castillo de Oreja, 1139," 45:470. FDaroca, 362-63. FPeralta, 549. FSintra, 1:301. FMolina, 83. FBarcelos, 1:321. "Alfonso VIII concede fuero a los habitantes de Ocaña, 1156," Consuelo Gutiérrez de Arroyo, ed., AHDE (1946), 17:658. FThomar, 1:388. An indemnification law exists throughout the Évora family (see Appendix A). FMonsanto, 1:421. FPombal, 1:398. FAlfambra, 19, 21, 38. FGermanello, 1:433. FUclés 1179, 2:518-20. The fifth tax is mentioned throughout the Santarém family in Portugal (see Appendix A). CpPinell, 1:307. "Carta de fueros otorgada al concejo de Zorita por el rey Don Alfonso VIII, 1180," 420. Espéculo, 3:7:7. Siete partidas, 3:14:12. Ávila received exemption from the quinto tax when the king was not present, "Alfonso VIII concede al concejo de Ávila los términos que indica, 1205," 3:360, and renewed by Enrique I, 1215, "Concede y confirma al concejo de Ávila," 3:693-94.

34. FDaroca 1142, 363. FAlfambra, 19. FUclés 1179, 2:520. FCfs, 30:20, 36. FCmsp, 30:18, 33. FTL, 426, 432. FAlbL, 487, 489-90. FCcv, 3:14:12, 23. FTR, 582, 591. FAlbR, 183, 186. FP, 505, 513. FAlz, 10:20, 36. FAln, 610, 623. FH, ff. 84r-84v. FZ, 627, 642. FBa, 686, 700. FI, 658, 671. FAlr, ff. 97v, 99r. FUb, 54Q, 54F'. MS8331, 703, 714. FBe, 914, 930. FVH, 513, 525. FA, 169, 183. FCO, 163, 175-76, 388. FCR, 7:8, 8:53. FCM, 274, 351. FCA, 165, 178-79, 380. FCB, 167, 180-81, 400. FU, 167, 180-81, 389. This includes a quinto on rustled livestock in the Coria group, although on that class of booty Castel Rodrigo and Castello-Melhor limited their tax to one tenth. FBrihuega, 160. Siete partidas, 2:26:19.

35. Siete partidas, 2:26:5-8, 19. "Privilegio de Alfonso X al concejo de Lorca, eximiéndoles del quinto de las cabalgadas, 1265," 68. The municipal charters seldom reflect these last exemptions for intelligence personnel. The king did raise his percentage of the spoils to fifty percent if he had been the total supplier of resources for a particular campaign.

36.  FMarañon, 2:120. FCfs, 30:20, 30:58. FCmsp, 30:18, 54. FCcv, 3:14:12, 34. FP, 505, 526. FAlz, 10:20, 58. FAln, 610, 636. Alcaraz and Alarcón both list a sixth for all combinations. FH, ff. 84r, 86r-86v. Huete levies a sixth for combined forces and infantry alone, a fifth for knights alone. FZ, 627, 663. FBa, 686, 718. FI, 658, 688. FAlr, ff. 97v, 100v. Alcázar levies a sixth for all combinations. FUb, 54Q, 54A". Úbeda limits the royal tax to Muslim prisoners and captured animals. MS8331, 704, 728. In this manuscript, the infantry alone pays a seventh, knights and infantry together pay a seventh, knights alone a fifth. FBe, 914, 954. FVH, 513, 537-38.

37. FCfs, 30:60. FCmsp, 30:56. FTL, 444. FAlbL, 492. FCcv, 3:14:35. FTR, 608. FAlbR, 189. FP, 526. FAlz, 10:59-60. FAln, 637, 821. FH, f. 86v. FZ, 664. FBa, 719, 916. FI, 689, 885. FAlr, ff. 100v-101r. FUb, 54", 96. MS8331, 729, 766. FBe, 956. FVH, 539. Espéculo, 3:7:1, 7-9. Siete partidas, 2:26:5-7, 19.

38. FCfs, 30:2, 6. FCmsp, 30:2, 6. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 485. FCcv, 3:14:1, 5. FTR, 572. FAlbR, 180. FP, 493, 497. FAlz, 10:2, 6. FAln, 593, 598. FH, ff. 82r-82v. FZ, 610, 614. FBa, 671, 675. FI, 640, 646. FAlr, ff. 95v-96r. FUb, 54B, 54F. MS8331, 693, 696. FBe, 894, 899. FA, 181, 378. FCO, 173, 357. FCR, 8:22, 50. FCM, 320, 348. FCA, 176, 361. FCB, 178, 370. FU, 178, 370.

39. FCfs, 30:5. FCmsp, 30:5. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 485. FCcv, 3:14:4. FTR, 575. FAlbR, 181. FP, 496. FAlz, 10:5. FAln, 595. FH, ff. 82r-82v. FZ, 613. FBa, 674. FI, 643. FAlr, ff. 95v-96r. FUb, 54E. MS8331, 695. FBe, 897. FA, 352. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:13, 41. FCM, 311, 339. FCA, 177, 336. FCB, 108, 343. FU, 179, 345.

40. FCfs, 30:5. FCmsp, 30:5. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 485. FCcv, 3:14:4. FTR, 575. FAlbR, 181. FP, 496. FAlz, 10:5. FAln, 597. FH, f. 82v. FZ, 613. FBa, 674. FI, 645. FAlr, f. 96r. FUb, 54E. MS8331, 695. FBe, 898. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:13. FCM, 311. FCA, 177. FCB, 108. FU, 179. Espéculo, 3:7:14. Siete partidas, 2:26:28. FUclés 13C, 14:329.

41. FCetina, 24:591. FLaguardia, 1164, 1:222. FAlfambra, 21, 36. FBernedo, 1:232. FAntoñana, 1:229. FInzura, 56-60. FLaguardia 1208, 81. FBurunda, 85-86. FViana, 35:417. FAguilar, 159. FViguera y Val de Funes, 5. For the Évora family, see Appendix A. FCampomayor, 500. Cetina levied one solido by day and six for overnight for horses, for asses six per day and three overnight. An ox garnered a solido per day for its owner.

42. FCfs, 30:62, 43:17. FCmsp, 30:58, 43:12. FTL, 544. FCcv, 3:14:36. FTR, 780. FAlbR, 235-36. FP, 527. FAlz, 10:62, 12:64. FAln, 639, 815. FH, ff. 86v, 112v. FZ, 666, 840. FBa, 721, 908. FI, 691, 874. FAlr, ff. 101r, 126v-127r. FUb, 54E", 92. MS8331, 731, 747. FBe, 959. FVH, 539. Siete partidas, 2:26:28.

43. FCfs, 30:5. FCmsp, 30:5. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 485. FCcv, 3:14:4. FTR, 575. FAlbR, 181. FP, 496. FAlz, 10:5. FAln, 595-96. FH, f. 82v. FZ, 613. FBa, 674. FI, 644. FAlr, f. 96r. FUb, 54E. MS8331, 695. FBe, 898. FCO, 112. FCR, 8:13. FCM, 311. FCA, 177. FCB, 108. FU, 179. For a discussion of the mounted archer and his potential battlefield role, see Chapter Five.

44. Siete partidas, 2:27:1-6.

45. FCfs, 30:11, 31:17. FCmsp, 30:10, 31:13. FTL, 426, 452. FAlbL, 486. FCcv, 3:14:7, 3:15:12. FTR, 579, 624. FAlbR, 182, 193. FP, 500, 540. FAlz, 10:11, 82. FAln, 603, 657. FH, ff. 83r, 89r. FZ, 618, 683. FBa, 678, 741. FI, 650, 711. FAlr, ff. 96v, 103r. FUb, 54J, 55M. MS8331, 698, 747. FBe, 905, 987. FVH, 551.

46. FCfs, 30:30. FCmsp, 30:27. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 489. FCcv, 3:14:19. FTR, 588. FAlbR, 185. FP, 508. FAlz, 10:30. FAln, 617. FZ, 636. FBa, 694. FI, 665. FAlr, f. 98v. FUb, 54Z. MS8331, 710. FBe, 924. FVH, 520. FA, 181. FCO, 173. FCR, 8:51. FCM, 349. FCA, 176. FCB, 178. FU, 178. Espéculo, 3:5:7. Siete partidas, 2:27:7-8. The Lorca group of charters makes clear, however, that the castle or town taken belongs to the king. FCórdoba Lat, 3:223. FCórdoba Rom, 3:213. "Fuero de Carmona," 7. "Fuero de Alicante," 46. "Fuero de Lorca, 1271," 82.

47. FCfs, 31:18-19. FCmsp, 31:14-15. FTL, 452. FCcv, 3:15:12. FTR, 625. FAlbR, 193. FP, 541. FAlz, 10:83-84. FAln, 657. At Alarcón twenty mrs. were offered for the head of a renegade, but a battle leader was not mentioned. FH, f. 89r. FZ, 684-85. The five mrs. for the head is omitted at Zorita. FBa, 742-43. FI, 712-13. FAlr, f. 103r. FUb, 54N-54\. MS8331, 747, which offers ten mrs. for the head while omitting reference to a live captive. FBe, 988. FVH, 551. FCO, 181. FCA, 183. FCB, 186. FU, 186.

48. FGuadalajara 1137, 110. FMolina, 83. FUclés 1179, 2:520. FCfs, 30:34. FCmsp, 30:31. FTL, 430. FAlbL, 489x. FCcv, 3:14:22. FTR, 590. FAlbR, 185. FP, 511. FAlz, 10:34. FAln, 621. FH, ff. 84r-84v. FZ, 640. FBa, 698. FI, 669. FAlr, f. 98v. FUb, 54D'. MS8331, 712. FBe, 928. FVH, 523.

49. FCfs, 30:29. FCmsp, 30:26. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 488. FCcv, 3:14:18. FTR, 587. FAlbR, 184-85. FP, 508. FAlz, 10:29. FAln, 617. FZ, 635. FBa, 694. FI, 665. FAlr, ff. 98r-98v. FUb, 54Y. MS8331, 709. FBe, 923. FVH, 519. FA, 182. FCO, 112, 174. FCR, 8:13, 8:52. FCM, 108, 350. FCA, 176-77. FCB, 108, 179. FU, 178-79. The Espéculo awards the same choice of sword, shield or saddle to the knight that the Leonese fueros offer, 3:7:5. Pastor de Togneri, Conflictos sociales, 188-89.

50. FCfs, 30:39. FCmsp, 30:36. FTL, 436. FAlbL, 490. FCcv, 3:14:25. FTR, 594. FAlbR, 186. FP, 515. FAlz, 10:39. FAln, 624, 821d. FH, f. 84v. FZ, 645. FBa, 703, 916d. FI, 674, 885. FAlr, ff. 99r, 129v. FUb, 54I', 96. MS8331, 717, 767. FBe, 933. FVH, 526-27. FCórdoba Lat, 3:220. FCórdoba Rom, 3:212. FCarmona, 3. FLorca, 77. FLedesma, 269. Some of the later Castilian members of the family allowed for occasions when "the standard of the town" could receive as many as twelve shares, and in such instances the juez was to receive an unspecified portion of those shares, while half went to the concejo. Córdoba, Carmona and Lorca also granted the juez a share of booty. Ledesma gave the juez one-quarter of the booty, from which the king's quinto was probably taken.

51. FCfs, 30:57. FCmsp, 30:53. FTL, 444. FAlbL, 492. FCcv, 3:14:33. FTR, 607. FAlbR, 189. FP, 525. FAlz, 10:57. FAln, 635. FH, f. 86r. FZ, 662. FBa, 717. FI, 687. FAlr, f. 100v. FUb, 54Z'. MS8331, 727. FBe, 953. FVH, 537. FSepúlveda 1300, 92-93. The rate on the sliding scale was four maravedís when much booty was seized, two maravedís for light booty, and nothing when the militia came up empty handed. In Teruel and Albarracín the rate was four maravedís if any booty was taken, otherwise none. Sepúlveda granted a large one hundred maravedís to the juez in lieu of a booty share.

52. FCfs, 30:57. FCmsp, 30:53. FTL, 444. FAlbL, 492. FCcv, 3:14:33. FTR, 607. FAlbR, 189. FP, 525. FAlz, 10:57. FAln, 635, 821d. FH, f. 86r. FZ, 662. FBa, 717, 916d. FI, 687, 885. FAlr, ff. 100v, 129v. FUb, 54Z', 96. MS8331, 727, 767. FBe, 953. FVH, 537. FCórdoba Lat, 3:220. FCórdoba Rom, 3:212. FCarmona, 3. FLorca, 77. FA, 181, 381. FCO, 173, 360. FCR, 8:23, 8:50. FCM, 321, 348. FCA, 176, 364. FCB, 178, 373. FU, 178, 373. The alcaldes normally obtained shares at Córdoba, Carmona and Lorca and received them when extra allotments were granted to the municipal standards at Alarcón, Baeza, Iznatoraf, Alcázar and Úbeda. Otherwise, the alcaldes received the same sliding scale of fees granted to the juez in the Cuenca-Teruel group, while in Leonese Extremadura, they were paid based on the number of shares allotted from the booty. These Leonese towns tolerated a maximum of four alcalde fees for any one expedition. In the Coria Cima-Coa family, the rate for alcaldes was four maravedís and an ox for fifty to one hundred shares in an expedition, two maravedís for fifty shares or less. Cáceres listed a maximum of three alcalde fees to an expedition.

53. FCfs, 30:56. FCmsp, 30:52. FTL, 444. FAlbL, 492. FCcv, 3:14:33. FTR, 606. FAlbR, 189. FP, 525. FAlz, 10:56 FAln, 634. FH, f. 86r. FZ, 661. Huete and Zorita award the quadrillero four maravedís in lieu of the extra share. FBa, 717. FI, 687. FAlr, f. 100v. FUb, 54Y'. MS8331, 727. FBe, 952. FVH, 537. The Alfonsine codes recommended that they be paid first before the booty was divided to ease temptations on their honesty. Espéculo, 3:7:13. Siete partidas, 2:26:12.

54. FCfs, 30:2. FCmsp, 30:2. FTL, 132, 426. FAlbL, 433, 485. FCcv, 3:14:1. FTR, 140, 572. FAlbR, 45, 180. FP, 493. FAlz, 10:2. FAln, 593. FH, f. 82r. FZ, 610. FBa, 671. FI, 640. FAlr, f. 95v. FUb, 54B. MS8331, 693. FBe, 894.

55. FUclés 13C, 14:329. FCfs, 30:40, 59. FCmsp, 30:37, 55. FTL, 437, 444. FAlbL, 490, 492. FCcv, 3:14:26, 34. FTR, 595, 608. FAlbR, 186, 189. FP, 526. FAlz, 10:40, 59. FAln, 625, 637. FH, f. 86v. FZ, 646, 664. FBa, 704, 719. FI, 675, 689. FAlr, ff. 99r, 100v. FUb, 54J', 54B". MS8331, 717, 729. FBe, 934, 955. FVH, 528, 539. FA, 181. FCO, 173. FCR, 8:50. FCM, 348. FCB, 178. Cáceres and Usagre lack this law. Siete partidas, 2:26:28, which also awards the standard bearer two shares.

56. FCfs, 31:15. FCmsp, 31:11. FTL, 452. FCcv, 3:15:10. FTR, 622. FAlbR, 192-93. FP, 538. FAlz, 10:80. FAln, 655. FH, f. 88v. FZ, 682. FBa, 739. FI, 709. FAlr, ff. 102v-103r. FUb, 55K. MS8331, 744. FBe, 982-83.

57. FCfs, 30:8-9. FCmsp, 30:7-8. FTL, 426. FAlbL, 486. FCcv, 3:14:6. FTR, 577-78. FAlbR, 181. FP, 498. FAlz, 10:8-9. FAln, 600-01. FH, ff. 82v-83r. FZ, 616-17. FBa, 676-77. FI, 647-48. FAlr, ff. 96r-96v. FUb, 54H. MS8331, 697-98. FBe, 901-02. FA, 181. FCO, 112, 173. FCR, 8:12, 50. FCM, 310, 348. FCA, 176-77. FCB, 108, 178. FU, 178-79. In all of the Leonese towns except Cáceres and Usagre, the boundary was the Tajo-Tejo River, and the fees were two maravedís for knights beyond the river and one maravedí on the near side, and one-half of that for infantry scouts. In Cáceres and Usagre the river cited was the Guadiana and the fee was three maravedí