The aid given by north Europeans to Portugal in the conquest of Moslem cities during the time of the Crusades was clear demonstration to Portugal of the strategic importance of its position. Location on the Atlantic Ocean continued to have strategic importance militarily during the fourteenth century, but, more than this, it became a source of economic advantage. Portuguese commerce grew and its fishing industry expanded. ⁽¹⁾ The first commercial treaty of Portuguese history was made in 1294 with England. A half century later, in 1353, another treaty was signed with England, allowing the Portuguese to fish off British shores. Internally, industry and mining were encouraged and commerce expanded as the government supported the development of commercial fairs throughout the country. ⁽²⁾ Commercial connections [184] with England developed into a military alliance in 1381. ⁽³⁾ It is a much-argued question among Portuguese today whether the commercial connections established during this period, and continued ever since by various treaties and agreements, were beneficial or detrimental to Portugal. The same may be said for the military alliance. At first the latter yielded nothing but trouble, as Portugal was drawn into conflict with Spain over matters in which it had little interest. Involved were the affairs of John of Gaunt, who had married the daughter of Pedro the Cruel of Spain. Later, as Duke of Lancaster, John laid claim to the Spanish throne and tried to take it by force. His invasions of Spain were fiascos, and Portugal as an ally, having been forced to support him, paid the penalty. Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that it was archers from England who swung the balance for a numerically inferior Portuguese army in the defeat of the heavily armored, mounted Spaniards at Aljubarrota in 1385. ⁽⁴⁾ This victory ended the major threat of the period to Portuguese independence, and, incidentally, sounded the knell of the importance of such cavalry.

The commercial agreements of the later fourteenth century had followed upon a period of increasing exchange of goods, the profit from which was available to Portugal during her Age of Discoveries. It was during the fifteenth century that the Portuguese kingdom, through her overseas exploration and expansion, first became consolidated, in spirit as well as in economy. This was the century of the settlement of Maderia ⁽⁵⁾ and the Azores, and of the explorations directed by Prince Henry the Navigator along the African coast, which ultimately skirted the Cape of Good Hope to reach India.
 
 

A stirring period of Portuguese history this was, and it effectively tied the south --particularly the Algarve, which otherwise might have remained apart in spirit -- into the Portuguese nation. Algarvians played an important part in the explorations, and they took an important part in the conquest of Ceuta, and other expeditions to follow. It is perhaps more important to Portuguese consolidation that Algarvians took part in these exploits than the fact that the romantic, inspiring, and profitable fifteenth-century achievements were common also to Trasmontanos, Minhotos, Beiroes and Alentejanos. All of them shared and took pride in the national achievement, and this pride was focused upon the great port of the lower Tejo River.

The importance of Lisbon is no accident. This is one of the great natural harbors of the world. Once the western part of Iberia was established as a national unit, it was mandatory that Lisbon should become the center of control. Not only is it the finest harbor of the country, but behind it lies one of Portugal's most productive areas, one that was prized by both Romans and Moslems. With the Atlantic orientation emphasized by the Age of Discoveries, it goes without saying that Lisbon would inevitably be of supreme importance. It was through Lisbon, and only secondarily through Porto and lesser ports, that contact was maintained with Africa and the Portuguese possessions in Asia, with the Azores, Madeira, the Guiné colonies, and perhaps more importantly, with England.

By the end of the fifteenth century, when Castile had finished her conquest of Moslem territory in the peninsula and might have turned her ideas of conquest westward to "fill out the peninsula," Portugal was firmly glued together with a common pride, common purpose, and common loyalties. In unity the various, disparate parts were prospering commercially, and all was based on a thriving agriculture. By this time it was patently impossible for any part of present Portugal to be dismembered from the whole without deep and pervading resentment. ⁽⁶⁾

In the sixteenth century, Spain, under Philip II, took Portugal, with some political justification, and held it for the period known as the Spanish Captivity, from 1580 to 1640. The Spanish king had a legitimate claim to the throne. Whether or not it was the best claim may still be argued. ⁽⁷⁾ He had strong Portuguese adherents at the time of union among the Portuguese nobles and the higher authorities of the church. The people of lesser political category and the lower clergy, plus the general populace, were said to be in opposition, ⁽⁸⁾ but as their opposition was not politically effective, union became a fact.

Under Philip II, the promises that he originally made were fulfilled. ⁽⁹⁾ Portugal remained effectively autonomous. Portuguese citizens held the important positions, indeed, virtually all positions, within Portugal. The laws of Portugal were essentially unchanged. Taxes were not raised to benefit Spain at the expense of Portugal. Unfortunately, this condition began to change under the administration of Philip III, and under Philip IV the policy was completely altered, greatly contrary to Portuguese interest. ⁽¹⁰⁾

This was a period of inclement political weather for Spain in Europe. Lack of funds led the king to raise revenues where he could. Portugal was obviously an untapped source. His associates swarmed into the places of preferment there. This would have been enough to convert even the formerly Hispanophile Portuguese nobles into enemies. But added to this was the disastrous effect upon Portuguese colonial holdings and Portuguese world trade. The English, the Dutch, and other Western European nations used the Spanish connection as a pretext for stripping Portugal of valuable foreign possessions. Lisbon declined as a commercial center by reason of competition with the harbors of England and Holland and, what was felt to be especially grievous, by the competition of Spanish Cádiz.

Notwithstanding all of this, Portugal, once within the grasp of the Spanish, could not have hoped for independence if Spain had not been in dire straits. Spanish troubles were both external and internal. Externally, her traditional enemies were pressing her. Internally, separatist movements were of serious proportions. The most important of these was that of Catalonia, where the first large-scale revolt broke out. The Duke of Bragança and other Portuguese were ordered to aid in quelling the Catalans. ⁽¹¹⁾ This obviously was a Portuguese opportunity, as Spanish distress has ever been. Now even the higher members of the Portuguese nobility and church rebelled against Spain and succeeded with a minimum effort. The Duke of Bragança, whose forbear had knelt smilingly to kiss the hand of Philip II at the beginning of the "captivity," ⁽¹²⁾ was drafted to become the leader of the revolt. He certainly was not an inspired leader and had to be pressed into taking the position. Notwithstanding this, Portuguese success made him the first of a new dynasty when the decisive victory was won at Vila Viçosa, in 1665, and the final peace treaty was signed in 1668.

Since the period of the "captivity" the changes in the Spanish-Portuguese border have been minor, with the exception of the territory of Olivença. This area, lying to the south of Elvas, was accepted as being Portuguese in the Treaty of Alcañices, made between Dom Diniz of Portugal and Ferdinand IV of Castile, at the end of the fourteenth century. In the war of restoration following the "captivity," it was temporarily held by Spain, but was returned to Portugal in the treaty of 1668. ⁽¹³⁾
 

The question of the Olivença territory is difficult to understand because of the slight value of the area in question by any standards other than sentimental. The matters of international politics which resulted in its being dismembered from Portugal were in no way concerned with such a minor territory, and its international transfer is quite coincidental to them.

Portugal's treaty with England was troublesome to Napoleon. It was a leak in the dike of his European policy. Through the Spanish-French "offensive and defensive alliance" an agreement was struck in 1801 for the invasion of Portugal, to compel her to break her English connections. ⁽¹⁴⁾ As a requisite to peace, Godoy, the close friend of the King of Spain and a closer friend of the Queen, insisted upon the retention of the Olivença territory. It is difficult to understand his determination, as the Spanish king did not insist upon it, ⁽¹⁵⁾ and Godoy earlier had described it contemptuously as a "child of smugglers." Perhaps its propinquity to his birthplace may have induced him to take and cling to the territory, for Godoy was born in Badajoz, just to the northeast of the Olivença area. Or, more likely, its retention gave him the little prestige which otherwise was lacking to him in the whole endeavor.

The treaty of the Congress of Vienna awarded the territory to Portugal. Spain protested this, on no very reasonable grounds, but finally signed the treaty ⁽¹⁶⁾ in 1817. However, this had no effect upon possession, for Spain continued to hold the territory. Such unimportant territory surely would have been restored, had animosities and tension of the time not been involved. In the year 1817 Brazil occupied Montevideo and feeling in Spain was strong against Portugal. Portugal tried to exchange Montevideo for Olivença.⁽¹⁷⁾ Representations about Olivença were continued by Portugal to Spain until 1841. After this, little was done officially, but the feeling within Portugal has not changed. "The Group of the Friends of Olivença" still meets [189] in Lisbon and hopes for the restitution of this "Portuguese territory." On the other hand, the Spanish either have lost interest, or having possession, feel that it is safer not to mention the matter. The name is not even listed in the accumulated index of the Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia. ⁽¹⁸⁾

Aside from the Olivença territory, certain small areas have been amicably passed back and forth between Spain and Portugal as marriage portions: Sabugal, Segura, Alburquerque, etc., up to the eighteenth century. ⁽¹⁹⁾ In the nineteenth century, subsequent to the Olivença imbroglio, an increasing attempt was made by peaceful means to correct the confusion caused by the marriage dots. In 1864-1866 the Spanish and Portuguese governments acted to adjust the matter of the Contenda de Moura, involving territory south-southwest of the Olivença lands. ⁽²⁰⁾ In 1893 this matter was completed amicably and another adjustment made in the same manner in 1926. ⁽²¹⁾

With a growing foreign trade, and in a period of exploration, expansion, and achievement, Portugal developed a new national self-consciousness. An increasing feeling of unity in common purposes, loyalties, and national pride hastened the settling of boundary disputes and gave Portugal definitive borders.

1. Hermann Lautensach, "A Individualidade geográfica de Portugal no conjunto da Península Ibérica," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, XLIX (1931), 390.

2. Mario Gonçalves Viana, Rei D. Deniz, pp. 80-85.

3. P. E. Russell, "João Fernandes Andeiro at the Court of John of Lancaster," Revista da Universidade de Coimbra, XIV (1940), 20.

4. H. V. Livermore, A History of Portugal, p. 175.

5. The islands were known in the fourteenth century hut occupied only after 1425. Orlando Ribeiro, L'Ile de Madére, p. 6. Settlement probably took place five years earlier than stated by Ribeiro, or so one of the earliest documents relating to the fact reports. See Jerónimo Dias Leite, Deseobrimento da Ilha da Madeira, pp. 15-25.

6. A case in point is the still festering sore of Olivença. See further in this chapter.

7. See his letter of 1579. "Carta de S.M. para los estados de Portugal, condoliéndose de la muerte del Rey D. Sebastián y avisando del derecho que tiene a la sucesión de aquel reino, 14 de Marzo de 1579," Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España, XL, 230-232.

8. Rafael Altamira y Crevea, Historia de España, III (3rd ed.), 96-97.

9. Ibid., p. 151.

10. Charles E. Nowell, A History of Portugal, pp. 142-144.

11. Ibid., pp. 144, 148.

12. "Relación de la entrada del duque de Braganza y del de Barcelos su hijo en esta corte á besar las manos á S.M. en 17 de enero 1581," Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España, XL, 383. This document describes their joy and their affection for Philip II.

13. J. M. de Queiroz Velloso, Como perdemos Olivença, p. 8.

14. Ibid, p. 37.

15. Ibid, p. 85.

16. Ibid., pp. 118, 121

17. Ibid, pp. 128, 130-133.

18. 1877-1944. Vicente Castañeda Alcover.

19. Hermann Lautensach, "Geopolitisches von der Spanisch-Portugiesischen Grenze," Zeitrchrift für Geopolitik, V (1928), 371-372.

20. J. Leite de Vasconcellos, 'Delimitação da fronteira Portuguesa," Boletim da Classe de Letras, XIII (1918-1919), 1289.

21. Lautensach,"Geopolitisches von der Spanisch-Portugiesischen Grenze," Zeitschrift für Geopolitik, V (1928), 372.