[70] Near the end of the second millennium B.C. great cultural changes took place in Iberia, but how and by whom is still an open question. Traces of Central European bronze culture first appeared in the north, and presumably not long after that introduction the first Indo-Europeans arrived. The first Celts may have arrived by 900 B.C., bringing small groups of Germans with them. Such is the belief of Bosch Gimpera. ⁽¹⁾ But his is not the only theory regarding the immigrants. Júlio Martínez Santa-Olalla thinks that the earliest Indo-Europeans were pre-Celtic Bronze Age people who arrived in Iberia about the year 1000 B.C. and were followed by other Bronze Age, pre-Celtic Indo-Europeans, the Urnfields people. ⁽²⁾ Almagro finds it difficult to distinguish between [71] Urnfields, Ligurian, Illyrian, and Celt, and suggests that after 800 B.C. the Indo-European peoples filtered into Iberia throughout a considerable period of time and that they were essentially of the same stock. ⁽³⁾ Pericot cautiously inclines to the belief that there were numerous peoples entering Iberia after 900 B.C., differing considerably from each other but ultimately dominated by Goidelic Celt culture. ⁽⁴⁾ Maluquer suggests greater complexity, the first Celts entering by the eighth century at the latest, but perhaps considerably before that date. ⁽⁵⁾

The above data, seemingly contradictory, are not presented pointlessly. They indicate fairly well the present state of indecision -- or at least lack of firm knowledge -- concerning the migrations of the Indo-Europeans into western Europe. Furthermore, they are not completely at sixes-and-sevens. It is to be noted that all of the authors cited point to the movement of Central European peoples into Iberia during the late Bronze Age. Whether such migrants are to be identified as Celt or pre-Celt may be secondary to the fact of their place of origin. One other fact must be kept in mind, however; these earliest Indo-Europeans, Celt or not, were not acquainted with the use of iron. This metal was no doubt introduced into Iberia by Celts, but so far there is no reason to reject the traditional belief that its introduction is to be credited to the Goidelic Celts of the seventh century. ⁽⁶⁾ By the middle of that century iron was in common use in Catalonia, ⁽⁷⁾ but so far there have been no earlier data established for its use in Iberia.
 
 

But who were the Celts, what kind of culture did they have, and what were the areas of Iberia affected by them? These are [72] questions of fundamental importance in the historical geography of Iberia, which are again, after a period of neglect, being investigated by Iberian scholars. ⁽⁸⁾ That early Celts entered the peninsula through the western passes of the Pyrenees and that they left a strong impress upon the north of Iberia is beyond doubt. However, there are gaps to be explained. For example, in the present Spanish provinces of Vizcaya, Guipúzcoa, and Navarra, there is no record of Celtic dominance. Yet Celts did find their way through this presently largely Basque area. It seems that the local population and culture were sufficiently strong to resist, and finally to absorb and transform them. ⁽⁹⁾ Farther to the west, however, there was a different situation. In many parts of Alava, Santander, León, and Asturias, Celts either displaced or dominated the older stocks of people. ⁽¹⁰⁾ Still farther west, especially in present northwest Portugal and Galicia, they settled in numbers among, and blended with, a firmly rooted farm populationùone made up of earlier farmers from Central Europe ( probably including some of Germanic stock) and primitive, metal-using farmers harking back in their ancestry to the Megalithic Period of the early Bronze Age. ⁽¹¹⁾

The extent of Celtic spread in Iberia is still argued, but as time and linguistic inquiry go on, much is being added to our [73] knowledge of the matter. Probably Celtic tongues spread from southern France throughout most of the north of Iberia and on the west extended southward to include the Lusitanians of central Portugal. ⁽¹²⁾ They probably predominated in the interior of the peninsula prior to the Roman advent. ⁽¹³⁾ In some areas they reached the Mediterranean coasts, ⁽¹⁴⁾ and long before the Roman entry -- probably soon after the arrival of the first iron-using Celts -- connections had been re-established between the peninsula, plus western France, and the British Isles.

The Celts came into Iberia with their families, flocks, and wagons -- and it is not without interest that the type of Central European wagon that they introduced is still used in Galicia and Asturias. ⁽¹⁵⁾ In their economy they represented a continuation of the Bronze Age cultures of western Germany. ⁽¹⁶⁾ They were agriculturists certainly, but also pastoralists. It is difficult to determine which type of economy was dominant. Possibly stock-raising was more important than farming, as in the case [74] of the Neolithic communities of northern Europe. ⁽¹⁷⁾ In the northern forests of Iberia there was an abundance of everything necessary for their animals -- beech mast and acorns for pigs, and food for horses, cattle, sheep, and goats. ⁽¹⁸⁾ Interesting evidence of the importance of herding in northwest Iberia is found in the large number of so-called verracos, testifying to the great importance ascribed to certain animals, especially pigs. ⁽¹⁹⁾ The region of these granite sculptures centers in the Spanish provinces of Avila, Salamanca, and Zamora. From there the sculptures -- crude, if you will, but so then is modern abstract sculpture -- spread into the adjacent areas of North Portugal and to some extent into Galicia. The earliest examples are probably to be credited to sixth-century Celts, ⁽²⁰⁾ but the highest [75] development of the work was accomplished by later Celts, probably between the fourth century B.C. and the first century A.D. ⁽²¹⁾

The veneration of the animal did not preclude the enjoyment of its flesh. At about the beginning of the Christian era, Strabo spoke of Cantabria ( mountainous northern Iberia ) as being an area of fine hams, ⁽²²⁾ and Varro said that "it was asserted that once when a pig had been killed in Lusitania ( present Middle Portugal) there was sent as a present to a senator two ribs with meat attached which weighed twenty-three pounds, and that in the pig the depth of flesh from skin to bone was one and a quarter feet." ⁽²³⁾ That the veneration of animals was not unique to Iberian environment is shown by the fact that Irish Celts kept sacred cattle, and "royal" oxen, swine and sheep. ⁽²⁴⁾
 
 

Northern and northwestern Iberia was wonderfully suited to the tastes of the Celts and to those of their herds of pigs, sheep, cattle, ⁽²⁵⁾ and goats. ⁽²⁶⁾ Men here could pursue the male tasks of herding, fighting, and hunting, and as these are rainy lands of mild weather, women could cultivate wheat for bread, ⁽²⁷⁾ barley for beer, ⁽²⁸⁾ and flax for textiles, ⁽²⁹⁾ with the [76] gathering of nuts and fruits as a supplementary means of providing food. Actually, farming may well have been more important than it would seem from the records. It is possible that the simple activities, especially of women, in this patriarchal society may have received less notice than they deserved. It is of interest to observe that the Irish branch of these peoples convened their assemblies to coincide with the critical days in the agricultural year. ⁽³⁰⁾ Or, indeed, it may be possible that the men were more involved than the record shows. When the Celts came into Iberia they brought with them their plow, although it was not everywhere used. ⁽³¹⁾ There can be little doubt, in view of the universal association of plows and males, that men were to some degree involved in pianting, but the distribution of the use of the plow indicates that the association of males with agriculture was either casual or that they were easily dissuaded from it. For example, there was probably no plow used in North Portugal prior to the advent of the Romans. ⁽³²⁾ This situation can probably be explained by the fact that this northwest area preserved strong matrilineal remnants. ⁽³³⁾ Here, men considered farming unmanly and woman's work. ⁽³⁴⁾ Nor is this difficult to understand (given their background), [77] for it should not be overlooked that in the hilly northwest, where people lived on the uplands, the plow was of little use. Until the Romans put men to work on the valley lands where plows were serviceable, the area, reasonably enough, remained an area of hoe farming. ⁽³⁵⁾

Nevertheless, parts of Iberia were exploited by men with plows. The Vacceos, living along the middle course of the Duero River and also occupying the area to the north around the present cities of Zamora, Valladolid, and Palencia, were skilled grain farmers using plows. ⁽³⁶⁾ Large quantities of wheat were harvested, especially around Palencia, at the time of the Celtiberian war. ⁽³⁷⁾ It is true, however, that the Vacceos were Celtiberians of late entry into the peninsula. They came especially late into the west, where they were in the act of appropriating lands from earlier Celtic settlers at the time of the Roman conquest. ⁽³⁸⁾ It happens that this area can be equated with the zone of "dry and intermediate calcareous soils" shown on the map of Del Villar.⁽³⁹⁾ They are approximately rendzinas and are now considered to be one of the really excellent soils for cereals. ⁽⁴⁰⁾ So the question might well be raised as to whether the Vacceos, admittedly plow-and-grain farmers, would have taken precisely this area, so fitting to their desires, if it had not been previously demonstrated to be desirable for use with their tools.

The Vacceos were an interesting people from another point of view. They were organized into a firmly controlled collectivist society. At the time of the grain harvest, division was made officially -- and equally -- and the death penalty was exacted for holding out any of the grain from the collective pool. ⁽⁴¹⁾ It seems that neither the Romans, nor their successors in authority over this part of Iberia, destroyed the traditions of community [78] effort ( and perhaps the Germanic Swabians strengthened them again ), for there are many parts of remote, mountainous Portugal and northwestern Spain where such practices are continued today -- attenuated, but still fundamental to the economy. ⁽⁴²⁾

In the northern mountains, there may have been a primitive combination of herding, farming, hunting, and gathering, without particular accent upon one or the other. Strabo, a Mediterranean, was struck by the fact that these people lacked olive oil and in place of it used butter -- or at least he is translated to have said this. However, it seems possible that it was not butter, for there is no positive evidence of milch cows in the area, and the grease used may have been that of the pig. ⁽⁴³⁾ In either case there was a dependence upon animal fat.

Gathering seems to have had considerable importance. ⁽⁴⁴⁾ Strabo reported that the northern people depended upon acorns for their food during three quarters of the year; but probably he exaggerated the importance of the acorn and neglected that of chestnuts, for the great forests of edible chestnuts in this area have been eliminated only during the last few generations. In the nineteenth century they still flourished and were an important source of food. ⁽⁴⁵⁾

The difference between Celtic culture, as commonly considered, and that of the earlier settlers is partly of degree and partly of kind. The Celts had a background of culture not dissimilar to that of some of the inhabitants encountered upon their entry into that peninsula. ⁽⁴⁶⁾ Similar background and tastes may have allowed them to settle among the indigenous groups in amity and cooperation, but we do not know this as a fact.

They may have pushed in by force, but in view of the disparity between Celtic tribes it is probable that the situation varied according to time, place, and tribe. The Celts of the seventh century B.C. knew iron and were fighters. Their possession of superior weapons and their propensity for battle may have resulted in the forcible eviction of earlier peoples from parts of Iberia. Some authors maintain that the sword should be considered the badge of these Celts, that aggression was their preference, and that the large number of fortified settlements used by them in strategic locations supports this thesis. ⁽⁴⁷⁾ Such authors are apt to credit to the Celts, both in origin as well as in later development, the predominantly Portuguese hilltop fort settlements known as castros and citânias. ⁽⁴⁸⁾ There can be no doubt at all that castros were greatly elaborated by the Celts in the centuries just before the birth of Christ and that some of them during that time were converted into real fortified cities. ⁽⁴⁹⁾
 
 

However, there is strong evidence adduced to support the belief that the castros were pre-Celtic, for the quality and style of the castro seems to indicate an origin out of the remote past of Portugal itself. In all periods they were rude and showed a continuation of archaic forms. The pottery associated with them was often virtually the same as that of the earliest period of the Bronze Age. ⁽⁵⁰⁾ It may be of importance to observe that the castro area of concentration in Iberia is approximately that of the earlier area of dolmens in the peninsula, ⁽⁵¹⁾ that is, an area with a strong Megalithic tradition, where the knowledge of stone working is age-old, ⁽⁵²⁾ and where the curved structure is of ancient tradition. ⁽⁵³⁾ Although castros were of a variety of [81] shapes -- round, elliptical, and some of no simple form but with broken linesùsharp angles were few and the curve predominated.

In another argument against the Celtic origin of the castro, Maluquer points out that the earliest Celtic houses in Iberia were not circular, but quadrangular, ⁽⁵⁴⁾ and Bosch has shown that Celtic structures south of the Mondego River were quadrangular. ⁽⁵⁵⁾ However, it would seem again (as in the case of relating one type of economy to a Celtic group and assuming that this was the only type of economy to be found among Celts in Iberia ) that it may be a bootless procedure to try to relate one type of house to all Celts. Obviously they used structures of a variety of shapes in the northwest of Iberia. This may indicate, indeed, what has been suggested above, that the Celts, especially the early Celts, were adjustable when they entered Iberia not only in the choice of a means of livelihood, pastoralism or agriculture, but also in the acceptance of the building practices of the local area. The northern Portuguese structures may probably be associated in the origin of their type with the ancient dolmen area, whereas the rectangular structures south of the Mondego River can, perhaps, be associated with a distinct culture area with connections eastward into the interior of the peninsula. ⁽⁵⁶⁾
 
 

The problem of the extent of the spread of Celtic cultures might be largely solved if we could be sure as to which of the tribes of the peninsula first encountered by Greeks and Romans were Celtic, but this is no easy task. It is a matter of confusion and disagreement among scholars, all of whom can quote classical authors to their own satisfaction. For example, one of our best sources of information for early Greek contacts is the Ora Maritima, the work of a geographer of the first century B.C., which was based upon the geography of Eforos, a work composed in the fourth century B.C. Eforos, in turn, had incorporated into his manuscript material from a Massaliote narrative of the sixth century B.C., adding data from the period subsequent to the time at which the Greek author from Massalia had written the document. The origin of the information can be established, however, as being even earlier than the sixth century, for the Greek of Massahia almost surely used information from Punic sources antedating his time. In any event, the early material is not entirely lost by passing through so many hands. ⁽⁵⁷⁾ In this document it is not clear that the tribes of central Portugal and Spain, the Cempses and Sefes, were Celts; ⁽⁵⁸⁾ yet Herodotus said that the Celts lived next to the Cinesios (usually called Cynetes or Cónios) of the Algarve of present South Portugal. Aristotle, on the other hand, said that they were "above Iberia in a very cold region" (which does not suggest Portugal), immediately to the north of the Cinesios. Rather, it suggests the interior of Old Castile. Polybius, Strabo, and Pliny, as well as many other Romans, said that the Celts lived between the Tejo and Guadiana rivers, ⁽⁵⁹⁾ which would bring them more or less in accord with Herodotus.

Modern authorities on the Iberian Peninsula have a tendency to expand Celtic culture beyond the limits acceptable a generation ago. Bosch Gimpera, Schulten, and Dixon defend the idea that the Cempses and Sefes were Celts. ⁽⁶⁰⁾ Maluquer goes even further, stating that not only these peoples, but the Cinesios as well, ⁽⁶¹⁾ were Celts. Dixon would not quibble with the first part of this view, but he believes that the Cynetes ( Cinesios ) were Ligurians.

If the authorities cannot agree, it may be asked how one can use the material in making judgments as to historical geography of the area involved. There must be some attempt at clarification, but if one thinks of Celts as being all essentially the same and responding to differing environmental conditions always in like manner, confusion is hard to dissipate. Understanding may be had, however, with the realization that "Celtic" may mean a variety of things in terms of economics and social structure. It seems probable that classical authorities may have judged native tribes and their ethnic associations in terms of language and economic practices.

Among the several groups of Celts, at least three fundamental subdivisions should be made on the basis of language. The Goidelic Celts, with Hallstatt techniques, must be kept distinct from the Brythonic Celts with their elements of eastern grassland culture and the strong admixture of Mediterranean traits that came to be associated with Celtic La Tène culture. ⁽⁶²⁾ A third group, the Belgas, who may be roughly equated with [84] the Celtiberians, must be recognized as distinct from the other two.⁽⁶³⁾ The Belgas were the last of the major groups of Celts to find their way into Iberia. For recognition of the special qualities of these peoples we are indebted to the work of Maluquer, whose evidence as to their individuality is far more convincing than the thesis of Schulten that makes the Celtiberians merely a mixture of an early Celtic group with Iberians. ⁽⁶⁴⁾
 
 

All of the above facts make it obvious that there were many differences among the Celts. ⁽⁶⁵⁾ They were a mixed group racially, although dominantly Nordic, and they were mixed culturally as well. ⁽⁶⁶⁾ They were both agricultural and pastoral, but the emphasis may have been quite different among the various groups, for when they entered the Iberian peninsula they were still in the formative stage of their culture. Any one of several cultural trends might have been chosen. Some were strongly influenced by native groups that had been firmly rooted in their own areas and had developed well-integrated cultures. ⁽⁶⁷⁾ Obviously, it is equally possible, and perhaps more probable, that migrants who were both agricultural and pastoral would have made their choice in terms of the place in which they elected to settle or which was available to them for settlement. Where farming proved to be more profitable, they would concentrate [85] upon it; and where pastoralism was advantageous, this would be their emphasis. The Celts that went to the Mediterranean region came under Phoenician, Iberian, Greek, and Etruscan influences.⁽⁶⁸⁾ Those that went to the area of the rainy, green, northwestern edge of Iberia, where there were agricultural populations in some cases harking back to the Bronze Age, settled themselves on the land, raising grains, flax, and animals. The meseta, on the other hand, in most parts offered a more promising opportunity for herding, and this occupation was the choice of most Celts who settled there. ⁽⁶⁹⁾

In the third century B.C., the northern mountains of Spain were dominantly agricultural and matrilineal (which was pre-Indo-Germanic ), whereas the meseta was predominantly pastoral ⁽⁷⁰⁾ and, typical of Celts, dominantly patrilineal. It seems that the numerically greatly superior peoples of the northern mountains maintained their fundamental way of life in spite of the Celts who settled among them and asserted control over them. The Celts fitted into the culture pattern of these earlier inhabitants -- one that had had connections with the immemorially old culture area of Central Europe. The peoples of the sparsely settled meseta apparently were more largely changed by Celtic customs. ⁽⁷¹⁾ With their pastoral-agricultural background, adjustment to either one or the other type of economy presented no serious problems to the Celts. ⁽⁷²⁾

1. Pedro Bosch Gimpera, "Two Celtic Waves in Spain" (Sir John Rhs Memorial Lecture of November 8, 1939), Proceedings of the British Academy, XXVI (1940), 29.

2. Júlio Martínez Santa-Olalla, Esquema paletnológico de la Península Hispánica (2nd ed.), pp. 62-68, 78-79.

3. Martín Almagro, "La Invasión Céltica en España," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. II, 262-272.

4. Luis Pericot García, Las Raices de España, pp. 47, 50.

5. Juan Maluquer de Motes, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 135.

6. Júlio Caro Baroja, Los Pueblos de España, p. 94.

7. Martínez Santa-Olalla, Esquema paletnológico, p. 78.

8. The Celtic question in Iberia has had periods of both attention and neglect. Early culture historians focused great attention upon them, but following upon that period of interest there was a period of neglect, when enthusiasm for the culture of the Iberians of the Mediterranean coasts eclipsed everything else. Only in the last quarter century has there been a renewed interest and enthusiasm for Celtic culture and its effect upon the Iberian peninsula. Now, indeed, the problem is considered with an enthusiasm that goes to extremes which may counterbalance earlier neglect but which hardly conduces to balanced judgment. Fortunately the men most greatly concerned, realizing the danger of the situation, are tempering enthusiasm with moderation. See Pericot García, Las Raices de España, pp. 47-48.

9. Bosch Gimpera, "Two Celtic Waves," p. 109.

10. Júlio Caro Baroja, Los Pueblos del Norte de la Península Ibrica, p. 213. Many provinces of present Spain, such as Alava, Santander, and León, bear the name of the most important city of the region. In such cases, to avoid crowding on the place-name map, only the city is identified.

11. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 10, 12, 77-79, 179.

12. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, pp. 82-84; Adolfo Schulten, Historia de Numancia, p. 21.

13. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, pp. 82-85; Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 10.

14. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 9; António García y Bellido, La Península Ibérica en los comienzos de su historia, p. 58.

15. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 171.

The carro chillon (or chirrión), typically with the axle firmly attached to and turning with the wheels, is certainly not Roman. See Fritz Kruger, El Léxico rural del noroeste Ibérico, p. 47. Caro Baroja (Pueblos del Norte, pp. 144-149 and map) says that it is pre-Indo-European. Its historical distribution is that of the northern and western peripheries, the lands of pre-Celtic farmers and herders, with only limited extensions into the edges of the meseta. See Kruger, El Léxico rural del noroeste Ibérico, pp. 46-47. Also see Luis de Hoyos Sáinz and Nieves de Hoyos Sancho, Manual de Folklore, pp. 436-437.

16. Jorge Dias, Os Arados Portugueses e as suas prováveis origens, p. 101; Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 11.

17. Grahame Clarke, "Farmers and Forests in Neolithic Europe," Antiquity, XIX, No. 74 (June, 1945), 67.

18. Ibid., p. 70.

19. Jesus Taboada, "La Cultura de los verracos en el noroeste hispánico," Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, IV, No. 12 (1949), 15; Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 25.

20. Taboada, "La Cultura de los verracos . . . ," Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, IV, No. 12 (1949), 17.

21. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 120, 138.

22. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 26

23. M. T. Varro on Farming, trans. by Lloyd Storr-Best, p. 172.

24. R. A. S. Macalister, Tara, a Pagan Sanctuary of Ancient Ireland, p. 124. See also Christopher and Jacquetta Hawks, Prehistoric Britain, Pelican Books, p. 135.

25. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 176, 183.

26. Strabo reported that in this area goat's meat was eaten by preference. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 46.

27. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 99, 172.

28. Barley and beer were old in the region at the time of Strabo. See Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 44.

29. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 172, 176. In Europe specialized hunting (highly disciplined and in large bands) had passed out of existence prior to the period about which we are writing. However, hunting by individuals and sometimes by small groups was common. In no sense was it the fundamental basis of life but always a supplement to the dietary.

Something the same can be said of gathering. None of the Europeans of that time were fully dependent upon gathering in the sense in which some of our primitive contemporaries depend. However, there is no doubt that the women gathered nuts, fruits, greens, and perhaps many other foods as a standard part of their domestic occupation.

30. Macalister, Tara, p. 155.

31. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 211. See also Júlio Caro Baroja, "Los Arados españoles, sus tipos y repartición," Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones populares, V, No. 1 (1949), 93, 94, and Figures 15 and 17; Júlio Caro Baroja, "La Vida agraria tradicional reflejada en el arte Español," Estudios de Historia Social de España, I (1949), 92-94; and Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 171.

32. Dias, Arados, pp. 103, 107.

33. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 205.

34. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 72.

35. Ibid., p. 170.

36. Jorge Dias, Rio de Onor, p. 60.

37. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 215.

38. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 24.

39. Emilio H. del Villar, Los Suelos de la Península Luso-Ibérica (map).

40. Raymond E. Stone, personal statement.

41. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 45.

42. Dias, Rio de Onor, pp. 20, 28, 63. I have oversimplified the problem in my statement. There are various and greatly differing opinions as to the origins of collectivism in Iberia. Maluquer ("Los Pueblos de la España céltica . . . ," pp. 94, 170) states his belief that such collective economy may be a typical expression of the organization of a migrating group. This contention is hard to accept in view of the persistence of collective practices among the anciently rooted people in the present northwest of Spain and North Portugal. Mendes Corrêa (Raízes de Portugal, pp. 73-74) has called attention to the strong collective organization of the Megalithic culture groups. A further view is that of some Spanish medievalists, who now think that such organization is likely to be of medieval provenience. Orlando Ribeiro in "Villages et communautés rurales au Portugal," Biblos, XVI (1940), Tomo II, 420-421, shows how collective systems in Trás-os-Montes hark back to pre-Roman times and attributes them to necessary arrangements in a grain-pasturage-fallow rotation.

43. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, p. 46.

44. Loc. cit.

45. Alberto Sampaio, "As Vilas do Norte de Portugal," Estudos históricos e económicos, I, Pt. 1, 28.

46. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 11

47. Martínez Santa-Olalla, Esquema paletnológico, p. 79; Dias, Arados, p. 99.

48. Some authors distinguish between a castro and a citânia, saying that the former was merely a fort and the latter both a fort and a place of settlement. This distinction, according to an eminent authority on the matter, has no value, since there is increasing evidence that all such structures were used as settlements. See Mário Cardozo, Citânia e Sabroso, pp. 9-10.

49. Martínez Santa-Olalla, Esquema paletnológico, p. 103; Taboada, "La Cultura de los verracos en el noroeste hispánico," Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, IV, No. 12 (1949) , 26; Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 15.

The development of large fortified cities here, however, did not involve cultural improvements in other respects. The area is known to anthropologists as one in which there was a continuance of early ways, in which there was a prolongation of Hallstatt type culture generally, and in which La Téne items were rare, as the connections with south and east Iberia remained tenuous until the time of the Roman conquest. See A. A. Mendes Corrêa, "A Lusitania pré-romana," História de Portugal, I, 174, 181.

50. Mendes Corréa, "A Lusitania pré-romana . . . ," pp. 181-182.

51. A. de Amorim Girão, Geografia de Portugal, maps, pp. 214-216

52. It is far from lost. In the Minho today props for grape trellises are hewn from granite -- an unlikely material for such a purpose.

53. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 50. This is in keeping with the thought of Richthofen that circular structures were pre-Celtic and non-Indo-European (António Jorge Dias, "Las Construcciones circulares del Noroeste de la Península Ibérica y las citánias," Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, VI (1946), p. 176, and with Dr. Edwin Loeb, who argues that circular structures probably originated with Hamitic peoples (personal statement).

Another point of view is that of Florentino López Cuevillas and Joaquín Lorenzo Fernández ("Las Habitaciones de los Castros," Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, II, Nos. 5-7 [1946-1947], 7-74. See particularly pp. 10, 30, and 62-63), who argue that stone houses in northwest Iberia were late and took their form from an earlier native round house, built by interlacing branches for the walls and by roofing the structure with straw. They point out that, although round houses were known in Gaul, they were so different in other respects that they cannot be compared with the structures of northwestern Iberia. Their argument in support of the belief in the "petrifaction" of the round cabaña of branches is seductive, but it does not dispose of the authors cited above nor of the ancient tradition of masonry in the area

54. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 181. If one wanted to confuse the issue even further he might cite Maluquer again (ibid., p. 97), where he states his belief that the castros, at least of the verraco area, go back to the early Bronze Age and that they were later inhabited by Indo-Europeans. It should be noted that these castros of the verraco area -- at least those that have been excavated -- have rectangular structures quite different in general character from the edifices of the North Portuguese-Galician castro area (ibid., p. 100).

55. Bosch Gimpera, "Two Celtic Waves," p. 80.

56. Ibid., p. 83.

57. Casimiro Torres, "Las Kassitérides," Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, IV (1945), 623. Francisco José Velozo (Oestrymnis, pp. 39-40) expounds the view, and supports it with considerable evidence, that the Ora Maritima was based ultimately upon Punic sources.

58. Almagro, "La Invasión Céltica en España," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. II, 245.

59. Mendes Corréa, "A Lusitania pré-romana," História de Portugal, pp. 164-165.

60. Almagro, "La Invasión Céltica en España," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. II, 245; Pierson Dixon, The Iberians of Spain and Their Relations with the Aegean World, end map.

61. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 9.

62. Carleton S. Coon, The Races of Europe, pp. 186-187; Hugo Obermaier and António García y Bellido, El Hombre prehistórico y los orígenes de la humanidad (2nd ed.), p. 306.

The Iron Age came tardily into Central Europe from the Mediterranean. However, it was taking clear form in the early part of the first millennium B.C. The earliest period is termed "Hallstatt" after the type site in eastern Austria. Its duration was roughly from 800 to 400 B.C.

"La Tène," following the name of a type site in western Switzerland, is the name associated with the later Iron Age in Central Europe, which developed under frequent and intimate contacts with the Greek world, especially through Greek Massalia (Marseilles). It was carried largely by Celts and is usually dated as being from 400 B.C. to about the time of the birth of Christ. It was a far more sophisticated culture than that of Hallstatt.

63. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 12.

64. Schulten, Historia de Numancia, p. 27.

65. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 13-15.

66. Ibid., pp. 8, 10.

67. Pericot García, Las Raices de España, p. 51.

68. There are other possible ones. See "Le Mobilier Funéraire de la Tombe de Vix," La Revue des Arts, No. 4 (1953), 202; Raymond Bloch and René Joffroy, "L'Alphabet du Cratère de Vix," Revue de Philologie, XXVII, No. 11 (1953), 175-191; "Le Grand Cratère de Vix: produit de l'Italie meridionale ou 'vase etrusque'? Quelques thèories a ne pas prendre 'á la lettre,'" Revue Archéologique, Ser. 6, XLIII (Jan.-March, 1954), 71-79.

69. Maluquer, "Los Pueblos de la España céltica," Historia de España, Tomo I, Vol. III, Pt. 1, 184.

70. Caro Baroja, Pueblos del Norte, pp. 29, 205, 226.

71. Bosch Gimpera, "Two Celtic Waves," p. 113.

72. There is another factor also, that of the non-Celtic Central Europeans who accompanied the Celtic invasions. In some cases it may have been these peoples who established the economic pattern. Many small Germanic groups are perhaps involved in the Celtic invasions. See note 1 above, and Maluquer, p. 10.